Orientador: Jose Luiz dos Santos / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-05T18:27:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Silva_CarlosAlbertoBorgesda_D.pdf: 4248231 bytes, checksum: c7257d0d5f589cc01341ecffa9328332 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005 / Resumo: A Revolta do Rupununi, acontecida em 1969, no sul da Guiana, foi um movimento armado preparado por fazendeiros com objetivo de criar um novo país na região. Apoiada pela Venezuela, que através do auxilio militar dado aos fazendeiros, anteviu a possibilidade de recuperar a Zona en Reclamación, a Revolta contou com a participação de alguns índios, principalmente aqueles tidos como parentes de H. P. C. Melville, o primeiro estrangeiro a criar gado no Rupununi. Depois de dois dias de iniciado o movimento, alguns fazendeiros, acompanhados por um grupo de índios, retiraram-se para a Venezuela na condição de exilados, outros fugiram para o Brasil ou foram capturados pela Guyana Defense Force, chamada por Forbes Burnhan, presidente da Guiana, para sufocar o movimento armado. A preparação, a organização, o desfecho e o fracasso do movimento explicam relações políticas e sociais densas entre a Venezuela e a Guiana, fazendeiros e índios, bem como revelam disputas étnicas conseqüentes da colonização britânica no país / Abstract: The Revolt of Rupununi, happened in 1969, in the south of Guyana, it was an armed movement prepared by farmers with the objective of creating a new country in the area. Leaning to Venezuela, the military help the farmers that saw the opportunity to recover the zona en reclamación, the Revolt counted with the participation of some Indians, mainly those had as relatives of H. P. C. Melville, the first stranger to grow up cattle in Rupununi. Two days after the movement, some farmers, accompanied by a group of Indians, left for Venezuela as political exiles', others fled to Brazil or were captured by the Guyana Defense Forces, which were ordered by Forbes Burnhan, president of Guyana, to quell the armed movement. The preparation, the organization, the ending and the failure of the movement revealed the profound relationship regarding the political and social sphere between Venezuela and Guyana, also between the farmers and the Indians, as well reveals the consequent ethnic disputes to the British colonization period / Doutorado / Doutor em Ciências Sociais

CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeiÃoamento de Pessoal de NÃvel Superior / A presente pesquisa busca analisar como se deu, no CearÃ, o processo de IndependÃncia e a formaÃÃo do Estado Nacional. Para tanto, nos propusemos, primeiramente, a investigar como se deu a desvinculaÃÃo polÃtica da capitania do Siarà grande da capitania geral de Pernambuco no ano de 1799 e a importÃncia desse fato tanto para uma maior autonomia local como para o desenvolvimento dessa capitania. AlÃm desse aspecto, analisamos como os grupos locais se colocaram diante da presenÃa da famÃlia real na colÃnia, Reino Unido a partir de 1815, destacando o movimento de 1817 como um primeiro momento de descontentamento com as ordens e medidas tomadas pela Corte Imperial que estavam indo de encontro aos interesses locais, sobretudo das capitanias do Norte. Discutimos tambÃm a participaÃÃo do Cearà no processo de IndependÃncia e na ConfederaÃÃo do Equador, destacando que a adesÃo a esse movimento refletia as divergÃncias existentes tanto nessa provÃncia como no recente paÃs a respeito de como ele deveria ser conduzido. E ainda debatemos sobre o movimento conhecido na historiografia como Revolta de Pinto Madeira, movimento de cunho restauracionista, que tinha, entre outros motivos, restabelecer D. Pedro I no trono brasileiro depois de sua abdicaÃÃo em sete de abril de 1831. / The present research seeks to analyze how did happen, in CearÃ, the independence process and the formation of the National State. Therefore, we proposed first to investigate how did occur the political disentail of the captainship of Siarà grande from the general captainship of Pernambuco in the year of 1799, and the importance of such fact both for a local bigger autonomy and for that captainship development. Beside this aspect, we analyze how did the local groups place before the Royal Familyâs presence in the colony, United Kingdom from 1815, putting in relief the 1817âs movement like a first moment of displeasure with the orders and measures taken by Imperial Court which were going opposed to the local interests, mainly the Northâs captainships. We discussed too the participation of Cearà in the process of independence, and in the Equator Confederation, detaching that the adherence to that movement reflected the existing divergences both in that province and in the recent country respecting to how it should ought be conducted. And l we still discuss on the movement known in historiography as Pinto Madeiraâs Revolt, a movement of restoring character that has, among other motifs, the re-establishment of D. Pedro I in Brazilianâs throne after his abdication in April seven 1831.

Orientador: Jefferson Cano / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-21T02:40:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Negrao_AlessandraPellegrino_M.pdf: 2267972 bytes, checksum: 53953daa29a40415058ddf4207b07283 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012 / Resumo: Este trabalho tem como objetivo analisar de que forma o jornal baiano Correio Mercantil, entre os anos de 1836 e 1849, veiculou artigos acerca das revoltas livres e escravas, do tráfico de africanos para o Brasil e da própria escravidão, buscando compreender os interesses políticos que determinaram estas publicações. Para tanto, interessa compreender a influência das rebeliões no período, e de quais maneiras elas foram veiculadas, assim como a relação que foi estabelecida entre as revoltas livres e escravas e a instrumentalização do medo das elites políticas da província em relação à grande quantidade de africanos e da população de cor na Bahia. Importa, também, entender como o Correio compreendia a formação da nação brasileira no contexto pós-independência, especialmente no que tange aos indivíduos que deveriam construir e fazer parte da identidade do Brasil, à condição de cidadania e à instituição escravista. Por fim, é imprescindível analisar de que forma o periódico abordou os debates e os processos decorrentes da lei de 1831, que proibiu o tráfico de africanos para o Brasil, e quais interesses os seus redatores tinham em veicular certos debates e notícias, silenciando outros. Estes eixos de análise foram desenvolvidos no sentido de buscar descortinar as estratégias, tanto de argumentação, quanto de produção, utilizadas pelo Correio Mercantil com a finalidade de defender a manutenção da ordem, da lei, da propriedade e das relações de poder escravistas / Abstract: This work aims to analyze how the Bahia's newspaper Correio Mercantil, between the years of 1836 and 1849, ran articles about the free and slave revolts, the slave trade of Africans to Brazil and of slavery itself, trying to understand the political interests that determined these publications. To this end, we are interested to understand the influence of the rebellions in the period, and the ways in which they were conveyed, as well as the relationship that was established between free and slave revolts and the use of the fear of political elites of the province in relation to the large number of Africans and the colored population in Bahia. It is also important to understand how Correio understood the formation of Brazil in the post-independence, especially in regard to individuals who should build and be part of the identity of Brazil, the condition of citizenship and the institution of slavery. Finally, it is essential to examine how the newspaper approached the debates and proceedings arising from the 1831 law, which prohibited the slave trade to Brazil, and which interests their writers had in certain debates and vehicle news, silencing others. These lines of analysis have been developed in order to unveil the strategies of both arguments and production, used by Correio Mercantil in order to defend the maintenance of order, law, property and power relations of slavery / Mestrado / Historia Social / Mestre em História

La Révolte des Catalans (1640-1652) est un événement majeur de l’histoire du XVIIe siècle espagnol qui trouve ses origines dans le déclin politique et économique de la monarchie catholique. Longtemps considérée comme une rébellion populaire similaire aux soulèvements qui secouent toute l’Europe à la même époque, elle a fait l’objet, depuis une vingtaine d’années, de nombreuses études qui ont permis de mettre en lumière sa complexité et sa forte dimension politique grâce, notamment, à l’étude de l’engagement de la Generalitat et du Consell de Cent de Barcelone dans une guerre contre Philippe IV (1621-1665) et son valido, le Comte-Duc d’Olivares. Cette thèse entend participer à ce renouveau historiographique en proposant une étude des principales polémiques survenues entre le gouvernement royal et les institutions catalanes dans le but de pouvoir dresser un panorama du contexte politique de la genèse, de l’éclatement et de la résolution d’un conflit qui, douze ans durant, oppose Philippe IV à ses sujets catalans. / The Revolt of the Catalans (1640-1652) is a major landmark of Spanish XVIIth century, rooted into the political and economical decline of the catholic monarchy. Long deemed to be a popular rebellion similar to the uprisings bursting all over Europe at the same time, several studies lead over the past twenty years revealed its complexity and strong political dimension, in particular through the study of how Generalitat and Consell de Cent started war against Philip IV (1621-1665) and his valido, Count-Duke of Olivares. This thesis aims at participating to such historiographical renewal by offering a study of the main controversies involving the royal government and Catalan institutions, in order to draw an overview of the political context during the genesis, the breaking and the solving of a conflict which opposed Philip IV to his Catalan subjects for twelve years.

Susan Glaspell : théâtre de la révolte / Susan Glaspell's drama of revolt

(in English): The political and social circumstances of the Koryŏ period gave rise to the phenomenon of the so called rebels. The official chronicle Koryŏsa recorded their cases in thirty-eight biographies that were supposed to serve as a warning for the posterity. What models of rebels and sorts of revolts did exist according to the chronicle and what conditions did enable their occurrence?

Ce travail porte sur les six premiers récits de Gioconda Belli, romancière, poète et ex-révolutionnaire nicaraguayenne. Il interroge trois motifs récurrents dans son œuvre – la Révolte, la Révolution et l’Utopie –, et cherche à en expliquer la présence obsessionnelle. En tant qu’intermédiaires entre les sphères individuelle et collective, ces objets d’étude nécessitent un éclairage à la fois psychanalytique et sociologique ; ces deux disciplines sont donc les outils privilégiés dans l’analyse, de même que la psychologie sociale, qui s’intéresse précisément aux processus psychiques régissant les interactions interpersonnelles. L’hypothèse de départ est que l’engagement dérive de la situation identitaire instable des personnages au début du récit, et que le choix entre Révolte, Révolution et Utopie dépend des conditions identitaires dans lesquelles ils se trouvent. Pour vérifier ce postulat, notre étude s’attache à dessiner les contours de la carence affective de chaque protagoniste, et analyse les processus identitaires susceptibles d’influencer la décision de s’engager, ainsi que les mécanismes psychiques que cette décision déclenche. Le fait que la quête d’identité ne soit pas assouvie par l’engagement mène alors à s’interroger sur la fonction idéologique de la Révolte, de la Révolution et de l’Utopie dans ces romans. Il s’agit donc aussi de déterminer le rôle de ces trois objets dans les récits, par l’étude de leur dimension temporelle, qui remplit une fonction à la fois diégétique et idéologique, ainsi que par l’analyse du dispositif argumentatif qui leur est associé, et qui révèle, de la part de l’auteur, une instrumentalisation de la littérature à des fins politiques. / This work deals with the first six novels of the novelist, poet and ex-revolutionary from Nicaragua, Gioconda Belli. It explores three recurrent themes – Revolt, Revolution and Utopia – and endeavours to explain the reason for their obsessional presence. As intermediaries between the individual and the collective, these concepts require both a psychoanalytical and sociological perspective. These two academic disciplines thus constitute the main tools of the research, as well as social psychology, which deals indeed with the psychological processes at play in interpersonal relations. The underlying assumption is that commitment stems from the characters’ unstable identity at the beginning of each novel, and that the choice between Revolt, Revolution and Utopia depends upon the circumstances of the creation of these identities. To put this assumption to the test, our study tries to locate the marks of emotional deprivation in each protagonist, and analyses the identity processes which are likely to influence the determination to commit and the psychological mechanisms resulting from such decision. Yet, the quest for identity is not quenched by commitment and this puts into question the ideological function of Revolt, Revolution and Utopia in these novels. Hence, this study equally tries to determine the role of these three objects in Belli’s work. It considers their temporal dimension, which has both a diegetic and an ideological function, and studies the argumentative devices attached to them, revealing thus the author’s political instrumentalisation of literature.

Albert Camus a lui-même distingué trois phases dans son Œuvre : celle de l’absurde : (la prise de conscience du non-sens de la vie conduit Camus à l’idée que l’homme est « libre de vivre sans appel », « quitte à payer les consciences de ses erreurs » et doit épuiser les joies de cette terre. La vie accepte le non-sens du monde et trouve le bonheur au sein même de l’absurde. Camus affirme que l’absurde n’est ni dans l’homme ni dans le monde, mais dans leurs présences communes, dans leur « confrontations » et le définit comme « l’indifférence à l’avenir et la passion d’épuiser tout ce qui est donné »), celle de la révolte : (la révolte est considérée par lui comme la seule position tenable face à l’absurde. Elle figure avec la liberté et la passion, comme une solution valable et capable d’assurer la justice. Elle seule peut assurer une action affective capable de dépasser la stérilité et l’angoisse créées par l’absurde), celle de l’amour : (Camus entend par là, l’amour de l’homme, tel qu’il est, avec ses forces et son intelligence et aussi avec ses limites et ses faiblesses. Camus exprime son affection et sa solidarité envers l’homme. Ce n’est plus seulement un humanisme classique qui s’affirme, plus seulement une position morale, mais une position d’homme sensible. Camus recherche encore à s’approcher de ces « quelques choses », de cette « part obscure » qui est en tout homme, et en lui-même en particulier). Cette étude interroge sur la remarquable prose camusienne qui touche au premier plan la question de l’Homme qui progresse et modifie au fil des années ; l’attachement au service d’une justice relative aux hommes dont l’idée n’est pas séparable de celle du bonheur ; l’adhésion à une éthique humaine et humaniste qui n’est que pour pousser l’esprit humaine à la perfection. Son art n’est pas « une réjouissance solitaire ». Camus formule son exigence envers l’Homme car l’art est le moyen de l’expression d’une communion entre les hommes. / Albert Camus himself distinguished three phases in his work: that of the absurd (awareness of non-meaning of life led Camus to the idea that man is ‘’ free to live without appeal’’, take a risk to pay the consciences of his errors and must exhaust the joys of this earth. Life accepts the non-sense of the world and finds happiness in even the absurd. Camus says that the absurd is not in man nor in the world, but in their common presences, in their ‘’ confrontation’’ and defines it as ‘’ indifference to the future and the passion to exhaust all that is given’’), that of the revolt: (revolt is considered by him as the only tenable position to face the absurd. It appears with the freedom and passion, as a valid solution and capable of ensuring justice. It alone can assure emotional action capable of overcoming unproductiveness and anxiety created by the absurd), that of the love (Camus meant here the love of man as he is, with its forces and intelligence as well as its limitations and weaknesses. Camus expresses his affection and solidarity towards man. This is not only a classical humanism which expresses itself, not just a moral position, but the position of a sensitive man. Camus still tries to approach these ‘’ few things’’ this ‘’obscure part’’ which is in every man, and himself in particular. This study examines the remarkable prose of Camus that concerns the issue of man, who progresses and changes over the years; attachment to the service of justice, relating to man whose idea is not separable from that of happiness; adherence to human and humanist ethics which are pushing the human mind to perfection. His art is not ‘’ a solitary joy’’. Camus formulates his expectation from man because art is the way of expression of communion between people.

Die vorliegende Arbeit widmet sich der Analyse der Danielrezeption im Markusevangelium. Dabei werden die Text-Text-Bezüge nicht nur punktuell, sondern konzeptionell untersucht und ein Gesamtüberblick über ihre Bedeutung für das gesamte Markusevangelium gegeben. Als methodischer Ansatz kommen dabei die Erkenntnisse aus der Intertextualitätsforschung, besonders des textorientierten Modells, zum Tragen. Die Untersuchung zeigt, dass der Autor des Markusevangeliums die Rezipienten seines Werkes überdeutlich und sehr bewusst auf das Danielbuch verweist. Dies wird besonders an der Endzeitrede in Mk 13 sichtbar. Weil zudem über das gesamte Evangelium hinweg immer wieder mit unterschiedlicher Deutlichkeit auf das Danielbuch angespielt wird, legt sich der Schluss nahe, dass der Autor des Markusevangeliums das Danielbuch prinzipiell als Subtext seinen Hörern bzw. Lesern präsentiert. Die intertextuellen Bezüge zwischen dem Markusevangelium und dem Danielbuch erweisen sich damit als eine wesentliche Perspektive für ein angemessenes Verständnis des Markusevangeliums. Dabei wird das Danielbuch vom Markus aber nicht nur aufgenommen, vielmehr findet eine kritische und korrigierende Auseinandersetzung mit wesentlichen Inhalten statt: Dies betrifft vor allem die im Danielbuch vorhergesagten Zeiten und Zeichen, den endzeitlichen Krieg und die Rolle des Tempels. Das herausgearbeitete Profil, welches in Bezug auf die Danielrezeption als ambivalent beschrieben werden muss, lässt sich dabei am besten in die Zeit nach der Tempelzerstörung durch die Römer im Jahr 70 n.Chr. einordnen. Die vorliegende Arbeit liefert damit nicht nur Erkenntnisse in Bezug auf die inhaltliche Ausrichtung des Markusevangeliums, sondern auch wichtige Impulse für die Frage nach der historischen Einordnung des Markusevangeliums.

Die vorliegende Arbeit widmet sich der Analyse der Danielrezeption im Markusevangelium. Dabei werden die Text-Text-Bezüge nicht nur punktuell, sondern konzeptionell untersucht und ein Gesamtüberblick über ihre Bedeutung für das gesamte Markusevangelium gegeben. Als methodischer Ansatz kommen dabei die Erkenntnisse aus der Intertextualitätsforschung, besonders des textorientierten Modells, zum Tragen. Die Untersuchung zeigt, dass der Autor des Markusevangeliums die Rezipienten seines Werkes überdeutlich und sehr bewusst auf das Danielbuch verweist. Dies wird besonders an der Endzeitrede in Mk 13 sichtbar. Weil zudem über das gesamte Evangelium hinweg immer wieder mit unterschiedlicher Deutlichkeit auf das Danielbuch angespielt wird, legt sich der Schluss nahe, dass der Autor des Markusevangeliums das Danielbuch prinzipiell als Subtext seinen Hörern bzw. Lesern präsentiert. Die intertextuellen Bezüge zwischen dem Markusevangelium und dem Danielbuch erweisen sich damit als eine wesentliche Perspektive für ein angemessenes Verständnis des Markusevangeliums. Dabei wird das Danielbuch vom Markus aber nicht nur aufgenommen, vielmehr findet eine kritische und korrigierende Auseinandersetzung mit wesentlichen Inhalten statt: Dies betrifft vor allem die im Danielbuch vorhergesagten Zeiten und Zeichen, den endzeitlichen Krieg und die Rolle des Tempels. Das herausgearbeitete Profil, welches in Bezug auf die Danielrezeption als ambivalent beschrieben werden muss, lässt sich dabei am besten in die Zeit nach der Tempelzerstörung durch die Römer im Jahr 70 n.Chr. einordnen. Die vorliegende Arbeit liefert damit nicht nur Erkenntnisse in Bezug auf die inhaltliche Ausrichtung des Markusevangeliums, sondern auch wichtige Impulse für die Frage nach der historischen Einordnung des Markusevangeliums.