Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2017-03-31T11:46:23Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Antonio D'Agostino Filho.pdf: 18228409 bytes, checksum: 01a9ebfea6e06f7bb7af142560576dcf (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-03-31T11:46:23Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Antonio D'Agostino Filho.pdf: 18228409 bytes, checksum: 01a9ebfea6e06f7bb7af142560576dcf (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-03-23 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This dissertation analyzes the humorous cartoons published in several political satire newspapers in order to understand the construction of a discourse about the Vaccine Revolt and the events that surround it. For that, methodologically, were used categories borrowed from the dramaturgy, establishing the figurations as a stage in which the dramas of Rio de Janeiro of the early twentieth century are developed / A presente dissertação analisa as peças de humor gráfico (charges e caricaturas), publicadas nos diversos periódicos de sátira política e jornais com o objetivo de compreender a construção de um discurso acerca da Revolta da Vacina e dos eventos que a circundam. Para tanto, metodologicamente, utilizamos categorias emprestadas da dramaturgia, estabelecendo as figurações como um palco no qual se desenvolvem os dramas do Rio de Janeiro do início do século XX

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:32:42Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Antonio Zilmar da Silva.pdf: 25518487 bytes, checksum: db8e0bfdf3444afcb0d12df65eb52e6e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-11-30 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / This study examines the popular involvement in the First Republic of Ceará, at the time when Brazil underwent the first political reformulation of governors known as the Salvações do Norte, destroying the elite that had enjoyed power since the period of the empire. We have chosen in this study to examine and reflect on the armed movements in Fortaleza and Juazeiro do Norte, in 1912 and 1914, which resulted in the overthrowing of the government of Nogueira Acioli, after 16 years in power, and the reorganization of the forces of the Conservative Republican Party (Partido Republicano Conservador, or PRC). In Fortaleza in 1912, the popular movements that supported the candidate Franco Rabelo took to the streets in a display of support and homage in the form of marches and rallies organized by different professional organizations. Clashes with Acioli s police were inevitable, culminating in the death of some children during a children s march. This unfortunate incident led to Acioli s fall and the election of Rabelo in a great show of popular support. In Juazeiro do Norte, politicians linked to the deposed president and in conjunction with Pinheiro Machado organized an armed movement to return to power, alleging illegalities in the election of Franco Rabelo. In this process, Padre Cicero and his followers were integral to the success of this undertaking. We can see tacit and subtle alliances between intellectuals and learned politicians and between them and the masses, and in their political mobilization where the use of words, voices, images and performances emerge. In this study we look at their production of written and oral texts in poetry, chronicles, memoirs and caricatures as vehicles of circulation to express their humors and disputes in books, newspapers, pamphlets, flyers, discourses, songs and parodies, looking for possible intersections and mediations between these cultural practices and their forms of reading. In this process we discover things remembered and things forgotten in different narrative sources, as they were told to the people of Ceará and the rest of the country / Nossa pesquisa perscrutou a participação popular no período da Primeira República no Ceará, quando o Brasil passou pela reformulação da política dos governadores: as chamadas Salvações do Norte, que destituíram elites viciadas no poder desde o tempo do Império. Como pontos de reflexão escolhemos os movimentos armados em Fortaleza e Juazeiro do Norte, em 1912 e 1914, que resultaram na deposição do governo Nogueira Acioli, há 16 anos no poder, e na reorganização das forças do Partido Republicano Conservador (PRC). Em Fortaleza de 1912, as movimentações populares em apoio ao candidato Franco Rabelo ganharam as ruas através de passeatas, palestras, homenagens promovidas por ligas de diversas categorias profissionais. Os enfrentamentos com a polícia aciolina foram inevitáveis, culminando com a morte de crianças numa passeata infantil. Essa ação gerou a deposição de Acioli e a eleição de Rabelo, em meio à grande participação popular. Em Juazeiro do Norte, políticos ligados ao presidente deposto se articularam com Pinheiro Machado e programaram movimento armado para tomada do poder, alegando ilegalidades na eleição de Franco Rabelo. Nesse processo, Padre Cícero e seus fiéis foram integrantes preponderantes, levando ao êxito aquela empreitada. Percebemos as alianças tácitas e sutis entre intelectuais e políticos letrados, entre estes e populares, como suas mobilizações políticas onde emergiram usos de letras, vozes, imagens e desdobramentos de performances. Analisamos suas produções textuais e orais em poesias, crônicas, memórias, caricaturas, como suportes de circulação de seus humores e disputas em livros, jornais, panfletos, folhetos, discursos, canções e paródias, procurando intersecções e mediações possíveis dessas práticas culturais e de suas formas de leitura. Neste processo, encontramos lembranças e esquecimentos em diferentes matrizes narrativas, configurando modos como àqueles episódios foram narrados para a população cearense e o restante do país

En 1246, Charles d'Anjou, frère du roi de France Louis IX, par son mariage avec l'héritière de Provence, arrive à la tête du comté de Provence, encore terre d'empire. Il est mal accueilli par les Provençaux qui craignent de perdre leur relative indépendance au profit du royaume de France. Charles d'Anjou doit vaincre l'opposition armée des grandes cités de Provence et d'une partie de la noblesse. Après son succès, la paix s'instaure dans le comté. Les Angevins développent pour cela une idéologie reposant sur leur sentiment d'appartenance à une race sacrée remontant aux Carolingiens : ils sont à la tête d'un pays sacré. Ils s'appuient sur l’Église dont ils démontrent être de bon fils. Finalement, la paix s'établit de façon durable dans le comté. / By his marriage withe the heress of Provence, Charles d'Anjou, brother of Louis IX, arrives at the head of the County of Provence.It is unpopular withs his subjects. He must defeat an army revolt of the mains cities and part of the nobility. After his success, the Agevins use an ideological weapon: ths bealong to a sacred race and they govern a sacred land. They base this of the Church. They are good sons of Church. In the end, peace is esthablished permanently in the County of Provence.

The German Coast Project explores the early nineteenth century history of the Louisiana’s German Coast, spanning its formative years, the 1811 Slave Revolt, and the aftermath of the revolt, through the perspective of the Andry family. The website is powered through Omeka software, which creates a historical exhibition of compiled research. In addition, ArcGIS contributed to the website’s construction, as it allowed for the inclusion of interactive programs and maps within the website. Designed for high school students and genealogists, The German Coast Project creates new scholarship pertaining to the German Coast and the 1811 Slave Revolt, through the often-overlooked perspective of the Andry family. The primary theme of the project is to portray how Manuel Andry and his family were able to prosper financially after the 1811 Slave Revolt, even though they suffered a heavy emotional loss.

Pour Albert Camus, la littérature était à la fois une activité essentielle à son bonheur et un objet de réflexion. Afin de saisir quelle conception de la littérature et quelle vision du rôle de l’écrivain se dégagent de son oeuvre, ce mémoire aborde dans un même mouvement ses deux principaux essais, Le Mythe de Sisyphe et L’Homme révolté, et une pièce de théâtre, Caligula. Notre premier chapitre consiste dans la recherche de ce qui, pour Camus, fait de la création artistique une activité privilégiée dans l’horizon de la pensée de l’absurde et de la révolte. Dans le deuxième chapitre, les différents commentaires émis par la critique à propos de Caligula seront examinés. La pièce, malgré l’opinion dominante, ne raconte pas l’histoire d’un empereur absurde qui se révolte contre son destin. L’importance du thème de la création littéraire dans cette pièce a également été grandement sous-estimée. Enfin, le troisième chapitre de ce mémoire présente notre propre analyse de la pièce. La confrontation de la fiction avec la théorie révèle une grande concordance entre les deux aspects de l’oeuvre de Camus. L’accord n’est cependant pas parfait, et l’étude des points de friction découverts permet d’apporter des éclaircissements sur un des points les plus obscurs des essais de Camus : l’éthique du créateur placé dans une situation où il doit choisir entre tuer et mourir. / For Albert Camus, literature was both an activity crucial to his happiness and a study object. In order to understand what conception of literature can be found in Camus’ writings and the responsibilities of the writer that this definition implies, this memoir studies his two main essays, The Myth of Sisyphus and The Rebel, and one play, Caligula. Our first chapter consist in a research of what makes artistic creation an exceptional activity in the light of Camus’ thoughts on absurd on revolt. In our second chapter, the critics’ various commentaries about Caligula are examined. In spite of what is still the opinion of a majority of critics, the play is not the tale of an absurd emperor who would revolt against his destiny. Also, the theme of literary creation has not been sufficiently studied in that play, in which it plays a determinant role. Finally, the third chapter of this memoir presents our own analysis of the play. The confrontation of fiction and theory reveals a great similarity between the two aspects of Camus’ writings. However, the match is never perfect, and the study of the friction points allows us to shed light on one of the most obscure part of Camus’ essays: the ethic of the creator placed in a situation where he must kill or be killed.

The aim of this study is to make a comparative study between the grievances during the Dacke Warand the German Peasant´s War. These two conflicts may have occurred separately, regarding bothgeographical and chronological distances but also share common issues for this comparative study.Less than two decades separates these two conflicts and they were all by their own serious insurrectionsduring their time. While the German Peasant´s War was the greatest uprising in Europe up tothe French Revolution, the Dacke War was the biggest Peasant Rebellion in Scandinavian history.While the German Peasant War has been studied and researched by historians for a relative longtime, the Dacke War has been neglected in research history. If it were not for the Swedish professorLars-Olof Larsson’s studies during foremost in the 1960s, the Dacke War would have been a historicallyuncharted territory of research indeed. This study aims to foremost supplement the unsatisfiedresearch on the Dacke War, but also supplement the research of The German Peasant war, with thiscomparative study. Although is exists a somewhat considerable amount of studies and theories regardinggeneral peasant uprisings and revolts from this period, researchers are still debating themain causes for these violent conflicts. The combination of different geographical and social differencesand insufficient sources makes studies about theses conflicts both problematic and complex.The result of this comparative study, show that both uprisings shared both common and differentkinds of grievances where generally the rebels of the German Peasant´s War had a larger propotionof demands than the rebels of the Dacke War. In Sweden the grievances was largely made up bycomplaints. While the German Peasant´s War was generally more radical and religious motivatedthan the Dacke War, it shared many similarities to each other, especially when it came to economicand economical complaints. While the German Peasants (although not all rebel-groups) made radicaldemands, such as the abolishment of serfdom, the rebels during the Dacke War were more intenton restoring their former rights and customs. Therefore the Swedish peasantry motivated theircomplaints by claiming they had juridical rights and legal claims to motivate rebellion. The Germanpeasants on the other hand, although also sharing the same motives but in somewhat lesser degree,had less legal rights and therefore motivated their demands in religious terms. The reason why thegrievances during the Dacke War mostly can be categorized as complaints instead of demands, maybe explained how influential and political equal the Swedish peasants were as a social group and estatein Swedish society compared to the many peasants living in serfdom in the Holy Roman Empire.This is also why German rebels more often legitimized their demands with religious motive,because they lacked the political power as social group and estate.

The First World War's 1916 Arab Revolt has become, in the West, a renowned episode in part because of the presence of one dominating character: T.E. Lawrence. However, "Lawrence of Arabia" is only the most prominent of the many Western agents sent to advise the Revolt. The narratives of these advisers have come to dominate the most Westerners popular conception of the Arab uprising. Most scholars have portrayed the British advisers to the Arab Revolt as "pro-Arab." The aim of this thesis is to challenge that portrayal through a careful analysis of the writings (published and unpublished) and actions of the four advisers: T.E. Lawrence, Sir Ronald Storrs, Major Sir Hubert Young, Lt Col. Sir Percy Joyce. / I argue for a more subtle, complex, heterogeneous version of the advisers Pro-Arab approach. By examining the advisers' published accounts and the available archival resources the contrast between the rhetoric surrounding their legends and the actual practice of their war experiences will be laid bare. The goal of the thesis is to use primary sources to demonstrate, in various areas of their relationships with Arabs, a discourse of superiority versus inferiority. This work has consequently attempted to present a less altruistic agenda emerging from the advisers' wartime conduct. In its place I have demonstrated numerous instances where they coerced and enforced their own interpretation of Arab desires and even an "Arab" identity onto the Revolt itself and furthermore, cemented these interpretations into Western popular culture.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The scope of this thesis is to contribute to the theoretical discussion about the emergence and the modes of operation of discourses overlapped by dominant or antagonist ideologies in Latin America. From the perspective of Discourse Analysis, initiated by the circle of intellectuals around Michel Pecheux in France in the decades of 1960-1970, a punctual analysis of the discourse of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) was undertaken. The EZLN is an armed movement which started in southern Mexico in 1994. However, it has been their announcements, letters, statements, the images of rebels wearing masks disseminated by the media which made it possible a national and international civil support and prevented the defeat of the Zapatistas by the counterinsurgency forces. The process of resistance-rebellion in the past sixteen years in the state of Chiapas allows the study of the modes of operation of antagonist discourses, dissymmetric in relation to the dominant ideology, in this early twenty-first century. The description and interpretation are focused on four issues that characterize the heterodoxy of the EZLN facing other counterhegemonic discourse in the last century: the Zapatista subject position in open rejection of individualization by the state; the images of the Zapatista in the media while anonymous celebrities; the laugher of the Zapatista as their eruption of humor in politics; the silence of the Zapatista as an act of refusing to have to say, with the effect of meanings and political effects that they cause. Based on these analyses, it was possible to reassess the concept of spectrum of the articulate unrealized to the process of historical reproduction/ transformation. / A presente tese tem como escopo contribuir para a discussão teórica acerca da emergência e dos modos de funcionamento de discursividades imbricadas a ideologias dominadas ou antagônicas no continente latino americano. Da perspectiva da Análise de Discurso, iniciada pelo círculo de intelectuais em torno de Michel Pêcheux na França entre as décadas de 1960-1970, empreendeu-se uma análise pontual do discurso do Exército Zapatista de Libertação Nacional (EZLN), movimento que se alçou em armas em janeiro de 1994 no sudeste mexicano. Entretanto, são os comunicados, as cartas, as declarações, as imagens de rebeldes mascarados, divulgadas pela mídia, que possibilitaram um amplo apoio civil nacional e internacional e evitaram a derrocada da luta zapatista pelas forças de contrainsurgência. O processo de resistência-revolta em curso nos últimos dezesseis anos no estado de Chiapas permite o estudo dos modos de funcionamento de discursividades antagônicas, dissimétricas em relação à ideologia dominante, neste início de século XXI. A descrição e a interpretação se focaram em quatro tópicos que caracterizam a heterodoxia do EZLN frente a outras discursividades da esquerda hegemônica do século passado: a posição-sujeito zapatista em franca recusa da individualização pelo Estado; a imagem midiatizada dos zapatistas enquanto celebridades anônimas; o riso zapatista enquanto irrupção de humor no político; o silenciar zapatista, enquanto prática de recusa em ter de dizer, com os efeitos de sentidos e os efeitos políticos que acarretam. Com base nesta análise foi possível retomar o conceito de espectro do irrealizado articulado ao processo de reprodução/transformação histórico.

Submitted by PROVIDENCE BAMPOKY null (providence.bampoky@gmail.com) on 2017-05-12T17:19:21Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DISSERTAÇÃO DE MESTRADO- PROVIDENCE COM FICHA.pdf: 1750146 bytes, checksum: 271b4794733d4f2c6d6f05305f5fffdc (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luiz Galeffi (luizgaleffi@gmail.com) on 2017-05-12T17:44:00Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 bampoky_p_me_sjrp.pdf: 1750146 bytes, checksum: 271b4794733d4f2c6d6f05305f5fffdc (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-05-12T17:44:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 bampoky_p_me_sjrp.pdf: 1750146 bytes, checksum: 271b4794733d4f2c6d6f05305f5fffdc (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-03-29 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq) / Ce travail de recherche a pour objectif l´étude du roman Les bouts de bois de dieu (1960) de Ousmane Sembène, afin d'analyser la représentation de la résistance, en mettant l'accent sur le mouvement révolutionnaire des cheminots noirs du Dakar-Niger (1947-1948). Pour mieux comprendre ce scénario de résistance, nous partons, en premier lieu, d’une rétrospective de l´occupation coloniale française en Afrique Occidentale (plus précisément au Sénégal et au Soudan français) qui a débuté la procédure vers la dernière décennie du XIX siècle dans cette région et dont le processus a occasionné la naissance d´une littérature négro-africaine d´expression française. Cette perspective s´avère pertinente en ce sens qu'elle permet, en second lieu, d´ouvrir une discussion sur l'émergence d´une nouvelle conscience du colonisé qui décide de se battre contre l'hégémonie du colonisateur dans le but de récupérer sa dignité. Ce refus de soumission et d´exploitation génère tout au long de ce récit, une série d'affrontements entre noirs et blancs; ces derniers étant les seuls détenteurs du pouvoir économique et politique. Dans le traitement de cette thématique, nous nous proposons d'analyser et de discuter, en dernier lieu, les prises de position et les actions de résistance menées par les femmes, lors de la grève des cheminot, comment elles se sont donné des coups de pouce pendant les manifestations et en même temps comment elles ont contribué à l'acceptation des revendications des grévistes (ajustement salarial, allocations familiales, retraite, congés rémunérés, entre autres). Elles ont réellement lutté, et, in fines contribué à la décolonisation du pouvoir administratif et au changement de la mentalité sociale. / Esta dissertação tem como objetivo o estudo do romance Les bouts de bois de dieu (1960) de Ousmane Sembène, com o intuito de analisar a representação da resistência, dando ênfase ao movimento revolucionário dos operários negros da ferrovia Dakar-Níger (1947-1948). Para compreender um pouco mais esse cenário de resistência, partimos, em primeiro lugar, de uma retrospectiva da ocupação colonial francesa na África ocidental (especificamente, no Senegal e no Sudão francês) que se iniciou processualmente a partir da última década do século XIX nessa região e cujo processo propiciou o surgimento de uma literatura negro-africana de expressão francesa. Essa perspectiva torna-se relevante na medida em que possibilita levantar, em segundo lugar, uma discussão sobre o surgimento de uma nova consciência do colonizado que decide lutar contra a hegemonia do colonizador no que tange à recuperação da sua dignidade. Esta postura de recusa à subserviência e à exploração desperta no decorrer desta narrativa uma série de confrontos entre negros e brancos, sendo esses últimos os únicos detentores do poder econômico e político. No tratamento desta temática, propomo-nos analisar e discutir, por fim, o modo como a tomada de posição e as ações de resistência protagonizadas pelas mulheres durante a greve dos operários deram um impulso nas manifestações e contribuíram para a aceitação das reivindicações dos grevistas (ajuste salarial, aposentadoria, férias renumeradas, abonos de família, entre outros). Fatos marcantes na descolonização do poder administrativo e da mudança da mentalidade social. / The purpose of this research on the novel by Ousmane Sembène Les bouts de bois de dieu (God’s Bits of Wood, 1960) is to try to analyze the resistance representation, focusing on the revolutionary movement of the first we will talk about a retrospective of the french colonial occupation in West Africa, mainly in Senegal and in French Soudan where the process started to the last decade of the XIX century in the region, which gave birth to a french negro-african literature. This pespective seems to us relevant since it will allow us to open a discussion on the emergence of a new consciousness of the people under colonial domination who have decided to fight against the egemony of the colonizer in order to recover their dignity. This will to refuse submission and exploitation generates all this narrative a succession of confrontation between black and white people, the latter being the only holder of the economic and political power. When dealing with this theme, we want to analyze and discuss eventually the position and resistance fights waged by women during the strike of railway workers : how they helped one another along during the demonstrations and at the same time how they contributed to the acceptance of labour demands (wage adjustment, child benefits, retirement pension, paid holidays, among others). They really fought to finally contribute to decolonize administrative power and to change social mentality. / CNPq: 190590/2014-9

Cette étude tente d’apporter une analyse comparée et détaillée des réflexions d’Albert Camus et d’Arthur Koestler ayant un rapport avec cette volonté de défendre l’homme oppressé. Notre apport littéraire à travers cette analyse est de travailler en profondeur sur les textes de Koestler, d’en dégager les particularités lexiques et stylistiques, de les rapprocher de celles de Camus, d’en tirer une analyse subtile et minutieuse de la pensée de l’auteur hongrois, déplorablement méconnu, et de montrer comment deux intellectuels d’origines différentes et de langues d’expression différentes peuvent mener un même combat, avoir les mêmes influences littéraires, les mêmes « ennemis », les mêmes doutes et la même passion. / This study tries to bring a comparative and detailed analysis of the reflections of Albert Camus and Arthur Koestler having a relation with this will to defend the oppressed man. Our literary contribution through this analysis is to work in depth on Koestler 's texts, to identify its lexical and stylistic peculiarities, to bring them closer to those of Camus, to draw from them a subtle and minute analysis of the thought of the " A Hungarian author, deplorably misunderstood, and to show how two intellectuals of different origins and different languages of expression can lead the same struggle, have the same literary influences, the same "enemies", the same doubts and the same passion.