Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited / Reissued 5 May 2017 to correct misspelled Second Reader’s name on title page. / The number of disconnected youth, those ages 16 to 24 who are not in school and are not employed, has reached significant levels in the United States and Western Europe. This trend is coupled with the fact that more and more foreign fighters are joining Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) in Iraq and Syria. In particular, Western youth have been the target of radicalization by ISIS and other terrorist groups, and the appeal and lure of such groups seem unlikely to subside. A similar trend is also evident among youth in Muslim countries where the number of foreign fighters to terrorist groups seems unlikely to decrease. According to recent estimates, over 28,000 foreign fighters have joined ISIS in Syria and Iraq since 2011. The fact that so many youth have been radicalized to join terrorist groups is a cause for concern that requires closer scrutiny, understanding, and action by Western and other governments. The explanations and motivations as to why youth join terrorist groups abound; these include lack of education, poverty, religion discrimination, family background, and political and economic marginalization, among others. This research seeks to answer the question, are the youth in the United States, who are disconnected, more likely to become radicalized to terrorism? To answer this, various theoretical frameworks were researched and examined, such as relative deprivation, social movement theory, and psychological perspectives, to shed light on understanding this issue. / Director, Personnel Support Services and Benefits, Transportation Security Administration

This thesis deals with the transformation of social and political behavior of Prague students in the 1930's. The work follows the requirements and expectations of students. Their unfulfilled view reveals the dissatisfaction of students, which led to the escalation of student clear-cut political and social views. The thirties brought in a student movement onset of extreme nationalist, but also left-wing tendencies of both the Czech and the German side. The work is based on the documents of student faculty associations, the student journals and memoir texts. The aim is to analyze, against whom was directed the dissatisfaction of students, which ideas had students about the proper organization of the state and society, what were the differences in political and social thought between the faculties and student groups and how were students percieved by society. Work is also interested in what influence on stduents movement had the clash Czech, German and Jewish students in Prague. How was influenced the students thinking of their social status and how identified the individual student associations. The work aims to contribute to the completion of the image of interwar czechoslovak society.

Bibliographic note Author. ISIS: Terrorist state or terrorist organization . 65 p. Master thesis. Charles University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Institute of International Economic and Political Studies. Supervisor. Abstract The thesis deals with the investigation of the terrorist activities run by the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS), an entity in the Middle East which is commonly referred to as a terrorist organization. By evaluating the activities run by ISIS in the seized territories, the organization of civil governance and public administration in them, the investigation of the propaganda model applied by ISIS for attracting new members from around the globe, and the analysis of the main sources of funding used by the Islamic State, the author proves that ISIS significantly differs from classical terrorist organizations, and therefore might be assigned the status of a terrorist state. Abstrakt Diplomová práce se zabývá. Keywords Insurgency, ISIS, Islamic State, propaganda, terrorism. Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)

This three-paper dissertation tests whether General Strain Theory (GST) can be helpful in explaining the relationship between strains experienced by refugee youth and youth’s anti-social behaviors such as delinquency and radicalization to violence and what factors mediate the relationship between strain and crime. Additionally, it uses mixed methods combining community meaning-making with quantitative research methods to provide multiple lenses to the issue of youth and negative outcomes. The first chapter presents the context in which Somali refugee youth experiences should be examined as well as relevant literature. The second chapter examines if GST can help us understand the experiences of Somali youth and delinquencies. It examines if three strains (procedural injustice, teacher punishment, and family conflict) are significantly related to crimes against people among this population and if this relationship is mediated by mental health symptoms and marginalization. The results show that both procedural justice and teacher punishment were able to predict crimes against people but the relationship between procedural injustice and crimes against people was fully mediated by mental health symptoms and by marginalization while the relationship between teacher mistreatment and crime remained significant even when mental health symptoms and marginalization were added to the equation. Surprisingly, while the family conflict was highly correlated with both marginalization and mental health symptoms, it was not significantly related to crimes against people. The third chapter applies GST to radicalization to violence among Somali youth. It examines whether three strains (procedural injustice, teacher punishment, and family conflict) predict youth radicalization to violence and whether this relationship is mediated by individual-level factors such as mental health, marginalization and gang attitudes. The analysis shows that only procedural injustice is significantly related to radicalization to violence and that both marginalization and gang attitudes fully mediated the relationship while mental health partially mediated it. The final chapter uses Interpretive Phenomenological Analysis (IPA) to examine community meaning making around youth radicalization. Qualitative interview results show that community members were able to identify important structural, cultural and individual level factors that led to youth radicalization and that many of the factors that they identified such as police and teacher mistreatment and gang presence where similar to the findings in the quantitative research.

Abstract [en] On 27 April 2017 Sweden was struck by an Islamic terrorist attack which with various terrorist attacks in Europe, lead to increased Islamophobia and far-right populism in the country. This has seemingly led to Swedes becoming more prone to believe Islamophobic conspiracy theories. Such as the notion that Muslims are terrorists and Islam a violent religion from which terrorism springs to life. This twisted perception and further Islamophobia can lead to Muslims being perceived as a potential threat, due to being associated with terrorism. Since radicalization has been linked to social alienation and discrimination, the concern regarding increased Islamophobia in Sweden and what consequences it has on radicalization among Muslims in Sweden is warranted. Islamophobia is a form of discrimination against Muslims, but research regarding radicalization has not fully integrated the concept of Islamophobia with Islamic terrorism and its radicalization. This despite the increase of global Islamophobia and the witnessed increase of Islamic terrorism in forms of [Western] foreign terrorist fighters (FTFs), as well as home-grown cells and planned lone wolf attacks in recent years, which all indicate a potential increase in Islamic radicalization. As Islamophobia, far-right populism and extremist sentiments are growing in Sweden, this thesis presents a desk study through a qualitative text analysis, to investigate how the current climate and development affects Muslims in Sweden, and whether they are excluded as a result to presumably enhance national security. This is done through an abductive approach with an analytical framework focused on radicalization processes and the perspectives of inclusion and exclusion. The potential correlation between Islamophobia and radicalization among Muslims, where Sweden is used as an example to exemplify the consequences of Islamophobia regarding Islamic radicalization and security through exclusion contra development through inclusion is presented in this desk study.

The purpose and aim of this research was to analyze if Lewis R. Rambos conversion the- ory can be applied to describe religious radicalization towards violent Islamic terrorism or not. The research has analyzed and investigated if there are any differences or similarities, regarding risk factors and existential dimensions before the attacks of three terrorists; Rakhmat Akilov, Mohamed Bouhlel and Salman Abedi. The report further considers what role Melder ́s eight existential dimensions play in violent Islamic radicalization. The analyzis is based on a deductive method where, as said above, the conversion theory, existential dimensions and risk factors are used to answer the research questions. This study analyses and encodes the material by hand with paper and pen, even though the program “OpenCode” is more commonly used in a thesis of this proportion, due to it provided a more flexibility. The conclusion of this study is that Rambo ́s theory can elucidate violent reli- gious Islamic radicalization but as the theory tends to be too broad and vague it should be used in combination with other theories to be able to fully explain the conversion. Other- wise the theory tends to be too broad and vague. Results of analyzing the risk factors and existential dimensions, shows that there are more similarities between the three terrorists than differences and that the existential dimensions do play an important role in the religious radicalization even though this theo- ry also can be to broad and vague because of a tendency by the dimensions to overlap.

Il s'agit d'une étude transhistorique des phénomènes de fanatisme selon une perspective psychanalytique. A partir de l'étude d'un corpus littéraire, politique, artistique, cinématographique et de faits historiques ou d'actualité, nous montrons comment le fanatisme s'articule à la manière dont le dispositif symbolique et culturel d'une société contrôle l'évacuation de l'abject sous la forme de l'obscène, dont la pornographie est l'avatar moderne. En dernière instance, cette thèse jette une lumière nouvelle sur l'islamisme radical contemporain. / This research addresses the issue of fanaticism throughout history, from a psychoanalytic standpoint which analyses various speech data: litterature, politics, arts, cinema, historical facts and news items. We intend to demonstrate that fanaticism is linked to the containment of obscenity and abjectness by the symbolic and cultural strutures of society, and that pornography reveals the modern crisis of the abjection containment process. Ultimately, the thesis sheds a new light on contemporary radical jihadism.

Radicalization and recruitment of young Kenyan males into homegrown terrorism has persisted since November 2011 following the decision by the government to send Kenya Defense Forces to fight al Shabaab terrorist groups in Somalia. Using Schneider and Ingram's conceptualization of social construction of target populations as a guide, the purpose of this multicase study was to explore the motivation of young Kenyan males in accepting radicalization and recruitment into homegrown terrorism and their interpretations, feelings, and perceptions of the policies and strategies in place to empower them. Using a purposeful sampling with a maximum variation strategy, data were collected through interviews with 34 young Kenyan males, 4 of whom were connected to 4 terrorism incidents in Kenya since 2011. Additional data were collected through publicly available data and policy statements. All data were inductively coded and subjected to a thematic analysis procedure and cross-case analysis. Findings indicated that young Kenyan males are enticed with financial offers by al Shabaab, and faced social problems that needed solutions, and participants believe the government of Kenya should better protect them from al Shabaab maneuvers. Implications for social change include recommendations for reform of youth policies and programs by the Ministry of Youth Affairs, and implementation of the recommendations of this study so that youth can be properly engaged in nation-building activities.

No início da década de 1960, um dos mais emblemáticos políticos do cenário brasileiro mudava seu local de atuação: Leonel de Moura Brizola partia do seu estado natal, o Rio Grande do Sul, rumo à Guanabara para disputar o cargo de deputado federal pelo novo estado. Embora Brizola tenha obtido a maior votação da época, este período ainda é pouco estudado. Assim, esta pesquisa pretende analisar o papel político de Leonel Brizola nesta fase em que exerceu o cargo de deputado federal pela Guanabara. Nessa perspectiva, a pesquisa recairá sobre sua campanha eleitoral (1962) e sua atuação enquanto membro do parlamento (1963 até abril de 1964). Os anos 1960 foram marcantes para a história brasileira, porque foi deflagrado o golpe civil-militar de 1964. Brizola tinha uma atuação importante no cenário político nacional deste período, pois, embora fosse deputado federal, gozava de um prestígio nacional conquistado a partir da Campanha da Legalidade, em 1961, e da sua atuação frente ao governo do Rio Grande do Sul (1959-1963). O deputado era visto pelas forças golpistas como uma ameaça. A história do golpe e a história de Leonel Brizola dentro desse contexto se interligam; portanto, a presente dissertação aborda a trajetória política do petebista sul-riograndense sob a perspectiva de atuação num cenário de intensa mobilização social e política interrompida pela tomada do Estado pelas forças golpistas de 1964. Buscando resolver a problemática levantada utilizamos como fontes os Diários do Congresso Nacional, bem como, jornais de circulação na Guanabara e em Porto Alegre, quais sejam: Jornal do Brasil, Correio da Manhã, Última Hora (versões do Rio de Janeiro e de Porto Alegre) e ainda o Correio do Povo. Analisou-se também o semanário Panfleto, publicação da Frente de Mobilização Popular. / In the begining of the 1960's, one of the most emblematic politicians of the brazilian scene was changing his place of action: Leonel de Moura Brizola was leaving his birth state, the Rio Grande do Sul, to the Guanabara intending dispute the cargo of congressman by the new state. Even though Brizola had obtained the largest vote at the time, this period has still just a few studies. This dissertation intends to analise the political paper of Brizola at that fase of his trajectory. In this perspective, the research will focus on his election campaing (1962) and his performance as congressman (1963 till April, 1964). The 1960's are a huge mark in the brazilian history due to the civil-military coup d'etat of 1964. Brizola had an important action in the national political scene of this period, thus, although he were a congressman, he enjoyed the nacional acknowledge of his main role in the Legality Campaing (Campanha da Legalidade) in 1961 and his actions as the governor of Rio Grande do Sul (1959-1963). The congressman was seen by the pro-coup forces as a threat. The history of the coup and the history of Leonel Brizola within this context connect one to the other, therefore, the present dissertation will explore the trajectory of this member of the Brazilian Laborite Party (Partido Trabalhista Brasileiro - PTB) under the perspective of his performance in a scene of intense social and political mobilizations interrupted by the taken of the State by the pro-coup forces in 1964. Intending to solve the questions raised, we had used the National Congress Reports (Diários do Congresso Nacional) as well as newspapers that circulated in the Guanabara and in Porto Alegre, such as: Jornal do Brasil, Correio da Manhã, Última Hora (versions of Rio de Janeiro and Porto Alegre) and also Correio do Povo. We also analised the weekly Panfleto, publication of the Front of Popular Mobilization (Frente de Mobilização Popular).

No início da década de 1960, um dos mais emblemáticos políticos do cenário brasileiro mudava seu local de atuação: Leonel de Moura Brizola partia do seu estado natal, o Rio Grande do Sul, rumo à Guanabara para disputar o cargo de deputado federal pelo novo estado. Embora Brizola tenha obtido a maior votação da época, este período ainda é pouco estudado. Assim, esta pesquisa pretende analisar o papel político de Leonel Brizola nesta fase em que exerceu o cargo de deputado federal pela Guanabara. Nessa perspectiva, a pesquisa recairá sobre sua campanha eleitoral (1962) e sua atuação enquanto membro do parlamento (1963 até abril de 1964). Os anos 1960 foram marcantes para a história brasileira, porque foi deflagrado o golpe civil-militar de 1964. Brizola tinha uma atuação importante no cenário político nacional deste período, pois, embora fosse deputado federal, gozava de um prestígio nacional conquistado a partir da Campanha da Legalidade, em 1961, e da sua atuação frente ao governo do Rio Grande do Sul (1959-1963). O deputado era visto pelas forças golpistas como uma ameaça. A história do golpe e a história de Leonel Brizola dentro desse contexto se interligam; portanto, a presente dissertação aborda a trajetória política do petebista sul-riograndense sob a perspectiva de atuação num cenário de intensa mobilização social e política interrompida pela tomada do Estado pelas forças golpistas de 1964. Buscando resolver a problemática levantada utilizamos como fontes os Diários do Congresso Nacional, bem como, jornais de circulação na Guanabara e em Porto Alegre, quais sejam: Jornal do Brasil, Correio da Manhã, Última Hora (versões do Rio de Janeiro e de Porto Alegre) e ainda o Correio do Povo. Analisou-se também o semanário Panfleto, publicação da Frente de Mobilização Popular. / In the begining of the 1960's, one of the most emblematic politicians of the brazilian scene was changing his place of action: Leonel de Moura Brizola was leaving his birth state, the Rio Grande do Sul, to the Guanabara intending dispute the cargo of congressman by the new state. Even though Brizola had obtained the largest vote at the time, this period has still just a few studies. This dissertation intends to analise the political paper of Brizola at that fase of his trajectory. In this perspective, the research will focus on his election campaing (1962) and his performance as congressman (1963 till April, 1964). The 1960's are a huge mark in the brazilian history due to the civil-military coup d'etat of 1964. Brizola had an important action in the national political scene of this period, thus, although he were a congressman, he enjoyed the nacional acknowledge of his main role in the Legality Campaing (Campanha da Legalidade) in 1961 and his actions as the governor of Rio Grande do Sul (1959-1963). The congressman was seen by the pro-coup forces as a threat. The history of the coup and the history of Leonel Brizola within this context connect one to the other, therefore, the present dissertation will explore the trajectory of this member of the Brazilian Laborite Party (Partido Trabalhista Brasileiro - PTB) under the perspective of his performance in a scene of intense social and political mobilizations interrupted by the taken of the State by the pro-coup forces in 1964. Intending to solve the questions raised, we had used the National Congress Reports (Diários do Congresso Nacional) as well as newspapers that circulated in the Guanabara and in Porto Alegre, such as: Jornal do Brasil, Correio da Manhã, Última Hora (versions of Rio de Janeiro and Porto Alegre) and also Correio do Povo. We also analised the weekly Panfleto, publication of the Front of Popular Mobilization (Frente de Mobilização Popular).