The main objectives of the study was to determine the exclusivity of the objectives of the regional groupings within the SADC region and to assess the impact that membership overlaps has on the realization of specific regional grouping objectives.A qualitative research approach was adopted. Semi-structured in-depth expert interviews were used to determine the issues arising from regional membership overlaps in the SADC region.Due to limited literature around the subject of regional integration in the SADC region, work done by my supervisor Dr Jannie Rossouw were cited in some instances.Recent developments in the Western economies that have resulted in the refocusing of the SADC region have resulted in polarization amongst the regional groupings in Africa. Furthermore, existing regional groupings within the Southern Africa, have endenvoured on an ambitious regional integration agenda which has resulted in membership overlaps within the existing regional bodies. The study found that these regional overlaps are costing the affected member states in the form of monetary subscription and through the deployment of the rare human skilled resources to regional secretariats. The advent of the European Partnership Agreements has caused polarization within the SADC region through the signing of various bi-lateral and multi-lateral agreements. Most importantly, this study found that structural overlaps exist within SADC itself. A lack of sufficient political will amongst SADC member states was also noted as an impediment to regional integration.However, the study also noted some positive performances of existing regional grouping despite membership overlaps. The Common Monetary Area was highlighted as a grouping that was performing in line with prescribed regional integration convergence indicators. / Dissertation (MBA)--University of Pretoria, 2012. / Gordon Institute of Business Science (GIBS) / Unrestricted

Magister Legum - LLM / The East African Commu1nity (EAC) was re-established on 30 November 1999 by the Republics of Kenya and Uganda and the United Republic of Tanzania1 signing the Treaty for the Establishment of the East African Community (the Treaty). The Treaty came into force on 7 July 2000.2 The Republics of Burundi and Rwanda acceded to the Treaty on 18 June 2007 and became full members of the EAC with effect from 1 July 2007.3 The EAC was formed with the major aim of widening and deepening co-operation among the Partner States in political, economic, social and cultural fields4 that would lead to equitable economic development in the region.

Thesis (MBA (Business Management))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Since independence in the early 1950's, Africa's overall economic performance compared very unfavourably with those of other regions of the developing world mainly because it attained political independence as a fragmented continent. From this time, the vision of African leaders has been that of regional integration and the creation of the African common market. The vision of a common market which unites Africa's mostly small and fragmented economies would lead to economies of scale, thereby making African countries more competitive. That vision however, has been clouded by the devastation of war, both civil and territorial and corruption which drains the state. Therefore, the importance of regional economic integration is pertinent and more so, the role of Regional Economic Communities as integrative institutions. The African Union, the main institution for political, economic and social integration established the African Economic Community whose main role is to facilitate the regional economic integration process in Africa. Africa's RECs have been designated by the Abuja Treaty as the building blocks for integration and the eventual creation of an African Economic Community. The Abuja Treaty and the Constitutive Act of the African Union provides for the coordination and harmonization of the policies of the Regional Economic Communities. One of the main challenges confronting Africa in its quest for full integration is the rationalisation of regional economic communities. The RECs with their treaties, protocols and agendas are logical institutions to jumpstart Africa's integration. The African Union recognises eight Regional Economic Communities, but the African continent has fourteen inter-governmental organizations (IGOs), all of which are working on regional integration issues. The RECs have had some successes but have not met their objectives of greater production. The RECs need to be revived and the first thing would be to rationalise their structure and their interactions with national governments. Rationalisation has benefits and costs and rationalisation efforts should focus on efficiency and effectiveness. Ultimately, rationalisation would allow Africa to attain the full benefits of integration, particularly growth for trade within and outside Africa. Regional Economic Communities are viewed as pillars of continental integration by the African Union. The strategy of economic emancipation must denote economic development for all African people including grass roots level and there is no doubt that significant challenges exist and must be addressed. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Sedert die onafhanlikheid in die vroeë 1950's het die oorgrote ekonomiese groei van Afrika goed vergelyk met die ander onwikkelende streke in die wêreld grotendeels as gevolg van die gefragmenteerde onafhanklikheidswording in Afika as geheel. Vir die eerste keer was die visie van Afrika leiers dit eens dat Afrika streke as een moet integreer asook die daarstelling van een gemeenskaplike mark. Hierdie visie is egter vertroebel deur die verwoesting van oorloë, beide siviel en territoriaal, asook korrupsie, wat 'n staat dreineer. Daarom is die belangrikheid van streeks ekonomiese integrasie steeds belangrik, en nog meer so, die rol van Streeks Ekonomiese Gemeenskappe (REC's) as integrerende instelling. Die Afrika Unie, die hoof instelling vir politieke, ekonomiese en sosiale integrasie het die Afrika Ekonomiese Gemeenskap, wie se hoof taak dit is om die streeks ekonomiese integrasie te fasiliteer, gestig. Afrika se Streeks Ekonomiese Gemeenskappe is aangewys deur die Abuja Verdrag, om as die bouers van integrasie op te tree, met die uiteindelike daarstelling van 'n Afrika Ekonomiese Gemeenskap. Die Abuja Verdrag en die Konstutiewe Wet van die Afrika Unie maak voorsiening vir die koordinasie in ooreenstemming met die beleidsrigting van die Streeks Ekonomiese Gemeenskappe. Een van die hoof uitdagings wat Afrika in die gesig staar, met die soektog na volle integrasie, is die rasionalisasie van streeks ekonomiese gemeenskappe. Die Streeks Ekonomiese Gemeenskappe met hulle verdrae, protokol en agendas is die logiese instelling om die integrasie van Afrika 'n hupstoot te gee. Die Afrika Unie erken agt Streeks Ekonomiese Gemeenskappe maar die Afrika kontinent het veertien inter-regerings organisasies (IGO's) wat almal werk aan streeks integrasie kwessies. Die Streeks Ekonomiese Gemeenskappe het 'n sekere mate van sukses behaal, maar het nog nie hulle geteikende groter produksie bereik nie. Die Streeks Ekonomiese Gemeenskappe moet opnuut herleef word en die eerste stap sou wees om te rasionaliseer oor hulle struktuur en die interaksie met nasionale regerings. Rasionalisering het voordele en kostes en pogings behoort te fokus op doeltreffendheid en effektiwiteit. Die uiteinde van rasionalisering sal Afrika die volle voordele van integrasie, veral t.o.v handelsgroei binne en buite Afrika, ervaar. Streeks Ekonomiese Gemeenskappe word beskou, deur die Afrika Unie, as die pilare van kontinentale intergrasie. Die strategie van ekonomiese emansipasie moet 'n aanduiding wees vir ekonomiese ontwikkeling vir al die mense van Afrika, ook op grondvlak, en daar is geen twyfel dat beduidende uitdagings bestaan en dat dit moet aangespreek word.

Através de dois artigos -- um de revisão bibliográfica e um empírico --, este trabalho analisa a opinião pública mexicana sobre os efeitos do NAFTA -- Tratado Norte-Americano de Livre Comércio -- em 2010, após 16 anos de sua entrada em vigor. Explora-se o caso mexicano com o objetivo de se alcançar uma compreensão mais atualizada sobre como as populações latino-americanas respondem aos efeitos de uma das facetas da reestruturação neoliberal -- os acordos regionais de comércio --, superado o traumático impacto inicial sobre a estrutura de produção e de consumo dos países. Tendo em vista que o tema da opinião pública ainda é alvo de críticas e centro de um caloroso debate dentro das comunidades acadêmicas e das esferas de poder político, e que sua utilização, tanto para fins de pesquisa acadêmica quanto para justificação de políticas públicas, ainda é questionada, o primeiro artigo se apoia em prática e evidências científicas para demonstrar que a opinião pública é um fenômeno estável, mensurável e, em última instância, previsível. Estabelece-se neste primeiro artigo uma revisão bibliográfica e uma agenda para a análise da relação entre opinião pública e política externa. Justificada a utilização da opinião pública como evidência científica concreta e confiável, parte-se no segundo artigo, através de uma sondagem de opinião pública realizada em 2010, à análise dos níveis de avaliação dos efeitos do NAFTA e as diferenças nestes níveis entre os distintos estratos sociais mexicanos em um estudo transversal. Busca-se através desta abordagem uma maior elucidação e esclarecimento sobre os efeitos econômicos e, principalmente, sociais do NAFTA na população mexicana, visto que desde sua entrada em vigor há bastante divergência sobre os mesmos. Primeiramente, abordam-se os pressupostos teóricos para a compreensão do significado histórico, econômico e social do NAFTA, para então se analisar os dados e se realizar o estudo transversal de associação entre a avaliação do público dos efeitos do acordo e algumas variáveis demográficas -- sexo, idade, escolaridade e região -- e partidárias -- lealdade partidária. Com base nesta análise, concluir-se-á que o trauma econômico inicial com a aceleração de tendências provocada pelo NAFTA foi, em grande parte, superado: 62,8% dos mexicanos acreditam que o acordo regional de comércio foi muito ou algo benéfico ao país; entretanto, a partir da realização do estudo transversal, depreende-se que essa aprovação não é compartilhada -- pelo menos não em tamanha intensidade -- por todos os estratos da sociedade mexicana: a associação mais forte encontrada é com a região geográfica do país. As percepções sobre os efeitos do acordo foram bastante diferenciadas entre a região norte industrializada, onde ele promoveu desenvolvimento e distribuição de renda, e a região sul agrária, onde ele intensificou a pobreza e a desigualdade social. / Through two papers -- a literature review and an empirical analysis -- this research examines the Mexican public opinion on the effects of the NAFTA -- North American Free Trade Agreement -- in 2010, 16 years after its entry into force. The Mexican case is explored in order to achieve a more updated understanding on how the Latin American populations respond to one of the neoliberal restructuring facets -- the regional trade agreements --, overcomed the initial traumatic impact on the production and consume structure of these countries. Bearing in mind that the theme of public opinion is still target of criticism and center of a heated debate within the academic communities and spheres of political power, and that its use, both for academic research purposes and for reasons of public policy, is still questioned, the first paper is based on experience and scientific evidence to demonstrate that public opinion is a stable, measurable and ultimately predictable phenomenon. It is established in this first paper a literature review and an agenda for the analysis of the relationship between public opinion and foreign policy. Justified the use of public opinion as a concrete and reliable scientific evidence, the second paper analyzes, using a public opinion survey held in 2010, the levels of assessment on the effects of the NAFTA and the differences in these levels among the different strata in Mexican society through a cross-sectional study. The aim of this approach is to achieve a further elucidation and clarification on the economic and, especially, social effects of the NAFTA on the Mexican population, since there is much disagreement about such effects. At first, the theoretical assumptions are addressed in order to explain the historical, economical and social significance of the NAFTA, then the data is analyzed and it is carried out the cross-sectional study of association between the public\'s assessment of the effects of the agreement and some demographic variables -- sex, age, education and region -- and partisan variables -- party loyalty. Based on this analysis, it will be concluded that the initial economic trauma due to the acceleration of trends caused by the NAFTA was largely surpassed: 62.8% of Mexicans believe that the regional trade agreement was somewhat or very beneficial to their country; however, through the cross-sectional study, it emerges that such approval is not shared -- at least not so intensively -- by all strata of the Mexican society: the strongest association is found within the geographic region variable. Perceptions on the effects of the agreement were quite different between the industrialized north, where it promoted development and income distribution, and the agrarian south, where it intensified poverty and social inequality.

Em face do aumento significativo dos fluxos de investimento estrangeiro direto e da proliferação dos acordos de integração econômica a partir dos anos 90, este trabalho tem por objetivo analisar se a formação do MERCOSUL contribuiu para atrair investimento estrangeiro direto para o Brasil e a Argentina. Para essa discussão, o trabalho está composto de quatro partes, além da introdução e da conclusão. A primeira parte traz uma abordagem teórica, que discute os fatores determinantes do investimento estrangeiro direto e as principais motivações do investidor e do país receptor. Na segunda parte apresentamos uma discussão teórica dos possíveis impactos dos acordos de integração econômica sobre os fluxos de investimento estrangeiro direto; além disso, apresentamos alguns trabalhos empíricos que discutem essa relação. Na terceira parte desenvolvemos uma análise descritiva dos fluxos de investimentos diretos estrangeiros recebidos por Brasil e Argentina no período de 1990-2009, a qual teve por objetivo identificar se o aumento nos fluxos desses investimentos esteve correlacionado a ampliação do intercâmbio comercial desses países com o MERCOSUL. Os resultados dessa análise descritiva sugerem que fatores internos a cada um dos países analisados foram os grandes responsáveis pela atração do investimento estrangeiro direto no período analisado, e que o MERCOSUL talvez tenha sido um fator determinante secundário. Na quarta parte apresentamos uma análise econométrica e estimamos uma regressão linear utilizando a técnica de Mínimos Quadrados Ordinários, com o objetivo de estimar os parâmetros dos principais fatores apontados na literatura como determinantes dos fluxos de investimento estrangeiro direto, dentre os quais o acordo de integração econômica. Os resultados dessa análise também sugerem que os fatores internos foram predominantes na atração do investimento estrangeiro direto para os dois países e que a integração talvez tenha sido um fator determinante apenas no caso brasileiro. / Given the significant increase in flows of foreign direct investment and the proliferation of economic integration agreements from 90 years, this paper aims to analyze the formation of MERCOSUR has helped attract foreign direct investment to Brazil and Argentina. For this discussion, the work is composed of four parts, besides the introduction and conclusion. The first part presents a theoretical approach, which discusses the determinants of foreign direct investment and the motivations of the investor and the host country. The second part presents a theoretical discussion of possible impacts of economic integration agreements on flows of foreign direct investment, in addition, we present some empirical studies that discuss this relationship. In the third part we develop a descriptive analysis of the flows of foreign direct investment received by Brazil and Argentina in the period 1990-2009, which aimed to identify whether the increase in flows of these investments was correlated to the expansion of trade with MERCOSUR countries. The results of this descriptive analysis suggest that factors internal to each of the countries surveyed were responsible for the attraction of direct foreign investment over this period, and that MERCOSUR may have been a secondary factor. The fourth section presents an econometric analysis and estimate a linear regression technique using OLS, in order to estimate the parameters of the main factors in the literature as determinants of foreign direct investment flows, among which the economic integration agreement . The results of this analysis also suggests that internal factors were predominant in the attraction of FDI for both countries and that integration may have been a determining factor only in the Brazilian case.

Em face do aumento significativo dos fluxos de investimento estrangeiro direto e da proliferação dos acordos de integração econômica a partir dos anos 90, este trabalho tem por objetivo analisar se a formação do MERCOSUL contribuiu para atrair investimento estrangeiro direto para o Brasil e a Argentina. Para essa discussão, o trabalho está composto de quatro partes, além da introdução e da conclusão. A primeira parte traz uma abordagem teórica, que discute os fatores determinantes do investimento estrangeiro direto e as principais motivações do investidor e do país receptor. Na segunda parte apresentamos uma discussão teórica dos possíveis impactos dos acordos de integração econômica sobre os fluxos de investimento estrangeiro direto; além disso, apresentamos alguns trabalhos empíricos que discutem essa relação. Na terceira parte desenvolvemos uma análise descritiva dos fluxos de investimentos diretos estrangeiros recebidos por Brasil e Argentina no período de 1990-2009, a qual teve por objetivo identificar se o aumento nos fluxos desses investimentos esteve correlacionado a ampliação do intercâmbio comercial desses países com o MERCOSUL. Os resultados dessa análise descritiva sugerem que fatores internos a cada um dos países analisados foram os grandes responsáveis pela atração do investimento estrangeiro direto no período analisado, e que o MERCOSUL talvez tenha sido um fator determinante secundário. Na quarta parte apresentamos uma análise econométrica e estimamos uma regressão linear utilizando a técnica de Mínimos Quadrados Ordinários, com o objetivo de estimar os parâmetros dos principais fatores apontados na literatura como determinantes dos fluxos de investimento estrangeiro direto, dentre os quais o acordo de integração econômica. Os resultados dessa análise também sugerem que os fatores internos foram predominantes na atração do investimento estrangeiro direto para os dois países e que a integração talvez tenha sido um fator determinante apenas no caso brasileiro. / Given the significant increase in flows of foreign direct investment and the proliferation of economic integration agreements from 90 years, this paper aims to analyze the formation of MERCOSUR has helped attract foreign direct investment to Brazil and Argentina. For this discussion, the work is composed of four parts, besides the introduction and conclusion. The first part presents a theoretical approach, which discusses the determinants of foreign direct investment and the motivations of the investor and the host country. The second part presents a theoretical discussion of possible impacts of economic integration agreements on flows of foreign direct investment, in addition, we present some empirical studies that discuss this relationship. In the third part we develop a descriptive analysis of the flows of foreign direct investment received by Brazil and Argentina in the period 1990-2009, which aimed to identify whether the increase in flows of these investments was correlated to the expansion of trade with MERCOSUR countries. The results of this descriptive analysis suggest that factors internal to each of the countries surveyed were responsible for the attraction of direct foreign investment over this period, and that MERCOSUR may have been a secondary factor. The fourth section presents an econometric analysis and estimate a linear regression technique using OLS, in order to estimate the parameters of the main factors in the literature as determinants of foreign direct investment flows, among which the economic integration agreement . The results of this analysis also suggests that internal factors were predominant in the attraction of FDI for both countries and that integration may have been a determining factor only in the Brazilian case.

Através de dois artigos -- um de revisão bibliográfica e um empírico --, este trabalho analisa a opinião pública mexicana sobre os efeitos do NAFTA -- Tratado Norte-Americano de Livre Comércio -- em 2010, após 16 anos de sua entrada em vigor. Explora-se o caso mexicano com o objetivo de se alcançar uma compreensão mais atualizada sobre como as populações latino-americanas respondem aos efeitos de uma das facetas da reestruturação neoliberal -- os acordos regionais de comércio --, superado o traumático impacto inicial sobre a estrutura de produção e de consumo dos países. Tendo em vista que o tema da opinião pública ainda é alvo de críticas e centro de um caloroso debate dentro das comunidades acadêmicas e das esferas de poder político, e que sua utilização, tanto para fins de pesquisa acadêmica quanto para justificação de políticas públicas, ainda é questionada, o primeiro artigo se apoia em prática e evidências científicas para demonstrar que a opinião pública é um fenômeno estável, mensurável e, em última instância, previsível. Estabelece-se neste primeiro artigo uma revisão bibliográfica e uma agenda para a análise da relação entre opinião pública e política externa. Justificada a utilização da opinião pública como evidência científica concreta e confiável, parte-se no segundo artigo, através de uma sondagem de opinião pública realizada em 2010, à análise dos níveis de avaliação dos efeitos do NAFTA e as diferenças nestes níveis entre os distintos estratos sociais mexicanos em um estudo transversal. Busca-se através desta abordagem uma maior elucidação e esclarecimento sobre os efeitos econômicos e, principalmente, sociais do NAFTA na população mexicana, visto que desde sua entrada em vigor há bastante divergência sobre os mesmos. Primeiramente, abordam-se os pressupostos teóricos para a compreensão do significado histórico, econômico e social do NAFTA, para então se analisar os dados e se realizar o estudo transversal de associação entre a avaliação do público dos efeitos do acordo e algumas variáveis demográficas -- sexo, idade, escolaridade e região -- e partidárias -- lealdade partidária. Com base nesta análise, concluir-se-á que o trauma econômico inicial com a aceleração de tendências provocada pelo NAFTA foi, em grande parte, superado: 62,8% dos mexicanos acreditam que o acordo regional de comércio foi muito ou algo benéfico ao país; entretanto, a partir da realização do estudo transversal, depreende-se que essa aprovação não é compartilhada -- pelo menos não em tamanha intensidade -- por todos os estratos da sociedade mexicana: a associação mais forte encontrada é com a região geográfica do país. As percepções sobre os efeitos do acordo foram bastante diferenciadas entre a região norte industrializada, onde ele promoveu desenvolvimento e distribuição de renda, e a região sul agrária, onde ele intensificou a pobreza e a desigualdade social. / Through two papers -- a literature review and an empirical analysis -- this research examines the Mexican public opinion on the effects of the NAFTA -- North American Free Trade Agreement -- in 2010, 16 years after its entry into force. The Mexican case is explored in order to achieve a more updated understanding on how the Latin American populations respond to one of the neoliberal restructuring facets -- the regional trade agreements --, overcomed the initial traumatic impact on the production and consume structure of these countries. Bearing in mind that the theme of public opinion is still target of criticism and center of a heated debate within the academic communities and spheres of political power, and that its use, both for academic research purposes and for reasons of public policy, is still questioned, the first paper is based on experience and scientific evidence to demonstrate that public opinion is a stable, measurable and ultimately predictable phenomenon. It is established in this first paper a literature review and an agenda for the analysis of the relationship between public opinion and foreign policy. Justified the use of public opinion as a concrete and reliable scientific evidence, the second paper analyzes, using a public opinion survey held in 2010, the levels of assessment on the effects of the NAFTA and the differences in these levels among the different strata in Mexican society through a cross-sectional study. The aim of this approach is to achieve a further elucidation and clarification on the economic and, especially, social effects of the NAFTA on the Mexican population, since there is much disagreement about such effects. At first, the theoretical assumptions are addressed in order to explain the historical, economical and social significance of the NAFTA, then the data is analyzed and it is carried out the cross-sectional study of association between the public\'s assessment of the effects of the agreement and some demographic variables -- sex, age, education and region -- and partisan variables -- party loyalty. Based on this analysis, it will be concluded that the initial economic trauma due to the acceleration of trends caused by the NAFTA was largely surpassed: 62.8% of Mexicans believe that the regional trade agreement was somewhat or very beneficial to their country; however, through the cross-sectional study, it emerges that such approval is not shared -- at least not so intensively -- by all strata of the Mexican society: the strongest association is found within the geographic region variable. Perceptions on the effects of the agreement were quite different between the industrialized north, where it promoted development and income distribution, and the agrarian south, where it intensified poverty and social inequality.

This paper aims at contributing to the debate about Japan’s leadership capabilities. Lately, scholars from all around the world have referred to Japan as the “new leader of free trade”. This comes as a surprise, as the country has always been the archetype of a passive and mercantilist state. Therefore, what role is Japan playing in contemporary free trade agreements? What leadership style, if any, is the country exercising? What changes has Japanese leadership experienced in the last decades? Testing theories of this kind is challenging because there is limited information on the topic and most of it is only available in the language of the country in matter. Drawing on a case study based on the role of Japan in the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership and analyzing it from Young’s framework on political leadership, this article concludes that Japan is exercising a leadership role in contemporary FTAs.

For the most part, formal economic integration between African states can be characterised as ‘theatre regionalism’: governments sign regional economic agreements with no intention to implement them. Yet amidst widespread theatre there have been a few instances of actual integration. This thesis sets out to explain this variance: under what conditions do African governments implement – and not just sign – formal agreements on regional economic integration? To answer this question the dominant Eurocentric literature on comparative regionalism is amended with insights from the third worldist literature on African states to develop a new approach for comparative analysis, the ‘Regionalism as Policy Space’ (RPS) framework. This framework models African regionalism as a two-stage game. At the first stage, governments’ interests in regionalism are determined by perceptions of the existence of structural cross-issue linkages connecting implementation of regional agreements with the widening of government policy space. Given such linkages, at the second stage, governments of a region engage in a coordination game to establish the distribution of benefits from integration. Variance in the implementation of regional agreements, then, is explained by variance in the existence of perceived cross-issue linkages (the Benefits Existence Condition) and the ability of participating governments to ease distributional tensions (the Benefits Distribution Condition). Four African customs union case studies - the East African customs union of the 1960s and 70s, the customs union of the East African Community in the 2000s, the customs union of the Economic Community of West African States and the Southern African Customs Union – lend strong empirical support to the RPS framework. The thesis ends with a discussion of the role of hegemons and proposes a series of policy measures aiming to reduce the likelihood of theatre regionalism in Africa.

Os países da América Latina experimentaram, na década de 1950, um forte estímulo para o regionalismo econômico. O avanço dos processos de industrialização nas principais economias da região, por um lado, e as restrições políticas e econômicas presentes no novo ordenamento internacional do pós-guerra, por outro, tornaram aquela conjuntura histórica receptiva às propostas genuinamente elaboradas no seio da Comissão Econômica para América Latina e Caribe (CEPAL) de uma maior colaboração, cooperação e integração entre os países da região. O Brasil, nesse contexto, se deparou com duas diferentes iniciativas de integração regional que tiveram desfechos contrários. A primeira, assumida como uma tentativa frustrada de reedição do Pacto ABC de 1915, buscava entrelaçar as economias de Argentina, Brasil e Chile sob a rubrica de uma união aduaneira. A assinatura da Ata de Santiago entre Juan D. Perón e Carlos Ibañez Del Campo em fevereiro de 1953 não amainou o cenário para a adesão do Brasil; ao contrário, inflamou a oposição interna ao governo brasileiro, tornando a proposta objeto de denúncia contra Getúlio Vargas. A falta de apoio político interno levaria o governo Vargas a adotar uma atitude realista e instrumental frente à proposta abecista. Já a segunda ocasião referiu-se ao bem-sucedido processo de formação da Associação Latino-Americana de Livre Comércio (ALALC), concretizado após subscrição do Tratado de Montevidéu em fevereiro de 1960. A elaboração do projeto alalquiano por comissões técnicas interestatais contando com amplo e decisivo suporte cepalino contribuiu para despolitizar internamente o tema da integração econômica regional e garantir sua efetivação com o total apoio do governo de Juscelino Kubitschek. Trata-se aqui de analisar a recepção e repercussão no Brasil de tais propostas integracionistas e buscar compreender as motivações e interesses que conduziram o processo de definição da participação brasileira a resultados contrários, em uma conjuntura política e econômica relativamente semelhante. A hipótese que orienta as análises específicas é que a correlação interna de forças políticas, e os interesses econômicos e influências sociais nela implicados, fora determinante para definir a oportunidade e/ou as expectativas de concretização dos blocos econômicos regionais. / The countries of Latin America received, in the 1950s, a strong stimulus for economic regionalism. The advance of industrialization processes in the major economies of the region, on the one hand, and the political and economic constraints present in the new international order of the post-war, on the other, become this historical juncture receptive to proposals genuinely prepared within the Economic Commission Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC) for greater collaboration, cooperation and integration among the region countries. The Brazil, in this context, was faced with two different regional integration initiatives that had opposing outcomes. The first, taken as a failed attempt to reissue the ABC Pact of 1915, sought to intertwine the economies of Argentina, Brazil and Chile under the rubric of a customs union. The signing of the Minutes of Santiago between Juan D. Perón and Carlos Ibañez Del Campo in February 1953 not abated the controversies for Brazil\'s adherence; instead inflamed the internal opposition to the Brazilian government, making the proposal a subject of complain against Vargas. The lack of domestic political support would take the Vargas government to adopt a realistic and instrumental attitude towards abecista proposal. The second occasion referred to the successful process of formation of the Latin American Free Trade Association (LAFTA), achieved after signing of the Treaty of Montevideo in February 1960. The preparation of the project alalquiano by intergovernmental commissions techniques relying on broad and decisive support ECLAC contributed to internally depoliticize the issue of regional economic integration and ensure its implementation with the full support of the government of Juscelino Kubitschek. Seeks to analyze the reception and influence in Brazil of such integrationist proposals and understand the motivations and interests that led the process of defining Brazilian participation to contrary results in political and economic conditions relatively similar. The hypothesis that guides specific analyzes is that the internal correlation of political forces, and the economic interests and social influences involved in it, was determining for defining opportunities and / or expectations of achievement of regional economic blocs.