Reconhecendo que o discurso é um dos meios pelos quais a política se materializa, essa tese tem o objetivo de responder a seguinte questão: há indícios suficientes para afirmar que a comunicação parlamentar no âmbito da Câmara dos Deputados é governada pela relação governo-oposição, assim como constatado em sua atuação no processo decisório? Para respondê-la, foi feito o uso de técnicas computacionais e modelos estatísticos com a aplicação do expressed agenda model para análise do conteúdo de mais de 127 mil pronunciamentos realizados por mais de 2 mil oradores diferentes ao longo de mais de 15 anos de atividade parlamentar na Câmara dos Deputados. Com a apresentação de evidências robustas sobre a frequência dos discursos proferidos no Pequeno Expediente, a estratégia de concentração temática dos Deputados Federais e a ênfase por eles atribuída às agendas econômica e social, a resposta é que não. Há, na atividade parlamentar, muito mais do que a tarefa de produzir e aprovar leis. As conclusões apresentadas aprimoram o conhecimento a respeito do comportamento parlamentar no âmbito da Câmara dos Deputados e indicam a influência de outras variáveis sobre sua atuação como, por exemplo: a ideologia, o gênero, senioridade e a sua popularidade. / Recognizing that parliamentary speeches are one way in which politics is realized, this thesis aims to answer the following question: is there sufficient evidence to say that the parliamentary communication within the Chamber of Deputies is governed by the government-opposition relation, following conclusions about the decision-making process? To answer this question, I apply the expressed agenda model, computational techniques and statistical models over 127,000 speeches made by more than 2,000 different speakers in more than 15 years of parlamentary activity in the Chamber of Deputies. With robust evidence on the frequency of the speeches, thematic concentration and the expressed priorities between the emphasis attributed to economic and social agendas, the answer is no. The findings presented improve the knowledge about Brazilian parliamentary behavior and indicate the influence of other variables on its activities, for example: ideology, gender, seniority and popularity.

Les partenaires sociaux gestionnaires de l’assurance chômage en faisant appel à des opérateurs privés de placement ont une double ambition : accélérer le reclassement des chômeurs et étendre leurs prérogatives en matière d’aide au retour à l’emploi. L’introduction expérimentale de l’externalisation cristallise alors les conflits de régulation du service public de l’emploi entre régime paritaire, opérateur public et services du ministère. Les enjeux du service public de l’emploi se concentrent sur les évaluations dans la mesure où les acteurs ont la conviction que les résultats pourraient influer sur l’avenir de l’externalisation. L’absence de démonstration de l’efficacité supérieure des opérateurs privés n’entrave toutefois pas leur institutionnalisation. La nouvelle configuration institutionnelle issue de la fusion de l’ANPE et des Assédic en 2008 est marquée par une reprise en main par l’Etat. Toutefois, l’externalisation du placement et son institutionnalisation se poursuivent avec de nouveaux objectifs. L’opérateur public se réapproprie l’externalisation pour la mobiliser comme variable d’ajustement, signe de sa position de domination qui confine à un nouveau monopole. Cette recherche se situe au croisement de la sociologie de l’action publique, de la sociologie des relations professionnelles et de la sociologie économique. Elle montre l’introduction de formes de concurrence au cœur du service public de l’emploi. La régulation concurrentielle pour réaliser la mission de placement, loin de constituer un projet politique en soi correspond à un outil pour mettre en œuvre des conceptions différentes du service public de l’emploi. / Social partners in charge of unemployment benefits follow two ambitions when outsourcing to private providers: to shorten the unemployment period for unemployed persons and to expand their prerogatives on return to employment activities. Introducing outsourcing experiments crystallises conflicts of public employment service regulation between the institution jointly managed by employee and employer representatives, the public operator and the State services.The main stakes of public employment service regulations revolve around evaluations as the stakeholders are convinced that evaluation results could have a decisive impact on the future of outsourcing.However, institutionalisation is not hampered despite the fact the claimed greater effectiveness of private providers is not demonstrated.The merge of ANPE and Unédic give birth to a new institution where the State has more power than before. Despite these changes, institutionalisation of outsourcing carries on with new objectives. The public operator reclaims outsourcing to mobilise private providers as an adjustment variable reflecting its dominant position verging on a new monopoly. This research leans on public policy analysis, industrial relations theory and economic sociology. It demonstrates the introduction of competition within public employment service. Far from being a political plan in itself, competitive regulation to achieve placement is a tool to implement different visions of public employment service.

Submitted by Daniele Santos (danielesantos.htl@gmail.com) on 2015-12-22T14:11:03Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Ashley.pdf: 3717036 bytes, checksum: fc187a3c5d98cd64509bdbad08f8362e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Janete de Oliveira Feitosa (janete.feitosa@fgv.br) on 2015-12-28T19:03:08Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Ashley.pdf: 3717036 bytes, checksum: fc187a3c5d98cd64509bdbad08f8362e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marcia Bacha (marcia.bacha@fgv.br) on 2016-01-06T17:42:30Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Ashley.pdf: 3717036 bytes, checksum: fc187a3c5d98cd64509bdbad08f8362e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-01-06T17:43:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ashley.pdf: 3717036 bytes, checksum: fc187a3c5d98cd64509bdbad08f8362e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-10-26 / Even though the term corporate inversion has been heard globally for decades, it has only become more prevalent in the United States during the past two years. This case study examines two United States companies that recently had very high profile and public corporate inversion experiences. Complicated tax laws and high tax rales have long eroded the ability of United States companies to remain competitive on a global scale. During the past two years, tax reform has been elevated to the Presidential and Congressional levei. Because these reform efforts have stalled, however, and in the constant search for ways to become more competitive and profitable, United States dorniciled companies have begun to more aggressively explore corporate inversion. This case study of Walgreens Alliance Boots and Mylan N.V., is undertaken because while the reasons to pursue a corporate inversion for both companies were very similar and done during the same time period, the internai process and final outcome were dramatically different. The other dynamic studied is the role both internai and externai politics had on these two cornpanies and how they influenced the decisions made by the executives. Lastly, the Obama Administration continues to threaten so called 'corporate America' to remain in the country through regulatory pressure, but this has not stopped companies frorn pursing corporate inversions. Legislatively, attempts at corporate tax reform, another way to encourage Untied States companies to remain, have also failed. I will not try to determine i f a corporate inversion is the right path for a company to take. I am examining how the rise o f the practice o f corporate inversions has been elevated in boardroorns, on Wall Street, in Congress and at the White House during the past two years.

Submitted by Josiane schunck (josianegschunck@gmail.com) on 2017-01-13T10:11:04Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Mercadologia - Schunck -Dissertação.pdf: 1017067 bytes, checksum: 12fbc30e8ddb1a94080b4b7fe084f228 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Fabiana da Silva Segura (fabiana.segura@fgv.br) on 2017-01-13T14:06:39Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Mercadologia - Schunck -Dissertação.pdf: 1017067 bytes, checksum: 12fbc30e8ddb1a94080b4b7fe084f228 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-01-13T14:12:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Mercadologia - Schunck -Dissertação.pdf: 1017067 bytes, checksum: 12fbc30e8ddb1a94080b4b7fe084f228 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-12-20 / The concept of direct selling is defined as a way of marketing products through personal contact without fixed business location (Peterson & Wotruba, 1996). In the industry of personal care, perfumery and cosmetics direct sales channel represents 25% of total revenue in Brazil, but there are companies that operate with several of them and coexisting distribution models that can go from department stores, drugstore and e-commerce. The representativeness of some of these sales channels begins to grow and, considering the direct selling model, the role of the independent sales representative is fundamental so that Direct Sales companies can access the consumer and remain competitive. DS companies depend on the representative actions, being the reason they have developed initiatives that aim to improve their performance. In this way, studying the role of the sales representative can bring contributions to the literature once in previous studies, although they were done with representatives, it could not observed this new context of the industry. The subject of study of this work was the direct sales representatives who commercialize several brands of cosmetics produced by different direct sales companies. The objective of this research was to understand if there is a causal relationship between the representative satisfaction, the activities she or he does during the sales process such as sales management, channel management and the effort she or he has to. It also aimed, once this effort is identified, to understand the relationship of it with the sales performance and outcome representative. A survey was sent to a group of representatives in Brazil and 1,243 responses were obtained. Based on these responses, Exploratory (AFE) and Confirmatory (AFC) Factorial Analysis and a Structural Equations Model (MEE) was developed to illustrate this relationship among variables. The Expectancy Theory was used to understand the relationship between Effort, Performance and Rewards from the perspective of the representative. The results showed that channel management is the factor that most influences the representative effort, it has a strong relationship with its performance, and outcome, confirming the Expectancy Theory applies for the direct sales business model. The analysis also allowed us to conclude that channel management and sales management are important points, since the representative, who acts as a channel him or herself, is not yet prepared or considered. Direct selling companies need to develop their independent sales representatives as marketing channel, to generate competitiveness in a multichannel environment direct sale is inserted. / O conceito de venda direta é descrito como um meio de comercialização de produtos através de contato pessoal sem um ponto fixo (Peterson & Wotruba, 1996). Na categoria de higiene pessoal, perfumaria e cosméticos (HPPC) a venda direta representa 25% das vendas, porém, existem empresas que operam com diversos modelos de distribuição que variam desde lojas especializadas, venda em farmácias, drogarias e supermercados até o e-commerce. A representatividade de alguns desses canais começa a crescer, e no modelo de venda direta, o papel do revendedor é fundamental para que as indústrias possam acessar o mercado consumidor e continuar competitivas. As empresas dependem da atuação do revendedor, e por isso têm proposto iniciativas que objetivam a melhoria do desempenho deste agente independente de vendas. Portanto, estudar o papel do revendedor pode trazer contribuições para a literatura, uma vez que estudos anteriores, apesar de estudarem o revendedor, não puderam observar este novo momento para o setor. O objeto de estudo desse trabalho foi revendedores de venda direta que comercializam marcas de cosméticos fabricadas por diferentes empresas de vendas diretas. O objetivo desta pesquisa foi entender se existe relação de causalidade entre satisfação do revendedor, e as atividades que ele desempenha no processo de vendas e como intermediário, como por exemplo, gestão de vendas, canal e o esforço, e identificado o esforço, qual a relação desta variável com o desempenho e o resultado do revendedor. A pesquisa foi enviada para todo o país e foram obtidas 1.243 respostas. Com base nessas respostas foram realizadas Análise Fatorial Exploratória (AFE) e Confirmatória (AFC) e gerado um Modelo de Equações Estruturais (MEE) desta relação. A Teoria da Expectância foi utilizada para entender a relação entre Esforço, Desempenho e Recompensa na visão do revendedor. Os resultados mostraram que a gestão de canal é o fator que mais influencia o esforço do revendedor, que tem forte relação com seu desempenho, confirmando a teoria da Expectância também na venda direta. As análises permitiram concluir também que a gestão de canal e a gestão de vendas, são pontos importantes, pois este revendedor que desempenha o papel de canal, ainda não está preparado e nem sendo tratado como um canal. As empresas de venda direta precisam se desenvolver na gestão deste agente como um canal, para gerar competitividade em um ambiente multicanal ao qual a venda direta está inserida.

Bioethics, medicines, interests conflict and quality controlThe article analyzes the problems of pharmaceutical advertising that distorts, exaggerates or hides certain information (side effects of drugs), as well as the work of pharmaceutical sales  representatives, the problem of drugs’ risk, marketing authorization, access to drugs, therapeutic practice, conflicts of interest, and quality control in medicine. These issues have a greater importance in public health; since the lack of respect for the fundamental principles of bioethics (benefit, not harm, autonomy and consent) has a direct impact on the health of the population. / El artículo analiza la problemática de la publicidad farmacéutica que deforma, exagera o esconde ciertas informaciones (efectos secundarios de los medicamentos), así como la labor de los visitadores médicos, el problema del riesgo medicamentoso, la autorización de comercialización, el acceso a los medicamentos, la practica terapéutica, los conflictos de intereses y el control de calidad en medicina. Estos temas tienen una importancia mayor en salud pública, ya que el no respetar los principios fundamentales de bioética (beneficencia, no maleficencia, autonomía y consentimiento) incide directamente sobre el estado de salud de la población

La tesi muove dall’analisi del contenuto degli accordi interconfederali in materia di misurazione della rappresentatività sindacale, mettendo in luce le potenzialità e le criticità dell’attuale assetto, ed interrogandosi sulla necessità di una regolamentazione legislativa della materia. Si dimostra che l’intervento normativo, escluso per quanto riguarda la contrattazione collettiva nazionale, si rivelerebbe, invece, indispensabile a livello aziendale. Descritte alcune delle proposte legislative avanzate dalla dottrina, la tesi indica le linee di un possibile intervento legislativo concentrandosi sulle strutture di rappresentanza dei lavoratori in azienda e sull’esercizio dei diritti sindacali, sull’ambito di efficacia soggettiva e sulla titolarità della contrattazione collettiva a livello aziendale, nonché sui rapporti tra questa ed il contratto collettivo nazionale di lavoro. In tale prospettiva, si analizza anche il regime delle clausole di tregua sindacale in relazione alla contrattazione collettiva aziendale e all’esercizio del diritto di sciopero. / The thesis, starting from the analysis of the contents of inter-sectoral agreements regarding the measurement of unions’ representativeness, focuses on the potentialities and criticalities of the current Italian industrial relations system. The thesis stresses that a statutory regulation in this field is not needed with reference to sectoral collective bargaining, but it could be necessary as regard to collective bargaining and workplace representatives at firm level. The thesis outlines the guidelines for a possible regulatory intervention, focusing on the functions of workplace representatives, trade union rights, collective bargaining coverage, no-strike clauses and the relationship between decentralised and sectoral collective bargaining agreements.

Cette thèse a pour objet l'étude des immunités des diplomates et des représentants des puissances étrangères en droit pénal. La thèse se divise en deux parties:La première partie est consacrée à l'environnement juridique des immunités. Sont exposés successivement: les fondements, la nature juridique, les sources et les attributs des immunités.La seconde partie traite du régime juridique des immunités. Sont abordés: le régime substantiel et le régime procédural.Ce travail montre la diversité des analyses autour de la notion d'immunité diplomatique qui couvre à la fois les immunités des diplomates, consulaires et représentants des États étrangers et démontre la nécessité de concilier, d'une part, la protection conférée par ces immunités et, d'autre part, les droits fondamentaux de la victime d'un acte couvert par une immunité. / This dissertation studies the immunities of diplomats and representatives of foreign authorities in criminal law . The dissertation is divided in to tow parts :The first part is devoted to legal environment of immunity .That was exposed in succession :the foundations ,the legal nature ,sources and attributes of immunities .The second part discusses the legal system of immunity .Are discussed :the substantial and procedural regime of immunity .This work shows the diversity of analysis around the concept of diplomats ,consular, and representatives of foreign states and demonstrates the need to reconcile ,on the one hand ,the protection afforded by theses immunities and on the other hand ,the fundamental rights of the victim of an act covered by immunity.

Men are despite the ongoing progress of gender equality surprisingly absent as actors for gender-equality. Previous research has stated that men, although they support gender equality as a value, promote gender-equality reforms less than their female counterparts. This has led to a theory explaining that men have a gendered leeway, arguing that men have the freedom to support gender equality or not - a freedom women lack. Men are perceived as secondary actors compared to women, actors that lack an interest in gender equality. However, there are men that promote gender equality. Therefore, this paper aims to answer why, how, and what possible obstacles and possibilities men have when promoting gender equality. By interviewing male critical actors, this study answers the questions posed. In short, men promote gender equality when the possibility is available to them. Furthermore, this paper proposes counterarguments against previous research by arguing that men can be critical actors with attached interests.

No description available.

Over the course of the last few years, a new movement has taken the American political system by storm, the Tea Party. The movement has not only captivated our media but also the minds of ordinary Americans and political elites. According to popular consensus and academic opinion, the Tea Party is comprised of a group of conservative-leaning Republicans who want a smaller government and a lesser tax burden. This is what we think of the Tea Party, but is it true? It is perceived that Tea Party members differ significantly from their Republican colleagues in the House of Representatives, but do they? Do they truly represent the Tea Party philosophy and agenda? By creating an original data set on the Republican members of the United States House of Representatives, and examining variables such as the political lean, economic and employment make-up of a member's district, their endorsements and incumbency, as well as high priority legislative votes from the 112th Congress, I will be able to investigate the characteristics and tendencies of Tea Party Caucus members. Once one looks at the 242 member House Republican Caucus and further examines the sixty members of the Tea Party Caucus, the data shows that Tea Party Caucus members largely originate from safe Republican districts and have served in previous congressional terms. Analysis shows that Tea Party Caucus members do vary significantly from their House Republican colleagues when examining their districts, but do not vary as considerably when examining their voting patterns.