Comparison liability of statutory representatives for company's debts in case of breach of the duty to strive to avoid insolvency and wrongful trading The aim of thesis is to compare liability of statutory representatives for company's debts in case of breach of the duty to strive to avoid insolvency and wrongful trading. The reason for choosing this topic was discussion which was last two years about extent of liability of statutory representatives for company's debts in case of breach of the duty to strive to avoid insolvency in Czech Republic. The work is divided into three chapters. Chapter one provides a general overview of the liability of statutory representatives for company's debts in case of breach of the duty to strive to avoid insolvency. It explains very wide extent of personal liability which the legislature provided not only to members of the boards of directions, but also the influential and controlling person Business Corporation. Furthermore, I analyze the enactment of the new duty to strive to avert bankruptcy and its impact on the members of the board of directors, as well as the newly enacted type of liability, based on a judicial decision. This part deals with questions such as, what extent can be expected in this type of liability, how will accessorial guarantor relationship or what...

Le Congrès des Etats-Unis est une institution méconnue, mal comprise et souvent dénigrée, y compris par ses propres membres. On le dit en crise, inadapté aux exigences du monde moderne. L’objectif est donc d’évaluer les forces et les faiblesses objectives du Congrès contemporain pour le réinsérer dans la dynamique des freins et contre-pouvoirs au coeur du système politique américain. La période retenue s’étale de la victoire des Républicains menés par Newt Gingrich en 1994 jusqu’aux élections de mi-mandat de 2006 et au retour des Démocrates.  De la présidence Clinton à Bush, ces douze années offrent un contexte institutionnel varié. Elles forment une trajectoire historique fascinante de la rhétorique révolutionnaire qui accompagne les victoires de 1994 à la résignation d’une défaite marquée par une certaine corruption institutionnelle, partisane et idéologique. Le cœur de notre étude vise à étudier les conséquences institutionnelles du retour à un équilibre partisan dans les deux chambres du Congrès. La compétition entre les deux partis a été accompagnée par la polarisation du système politique. Notre étude retrace les débuts de l’entrée dans une nouvelle ère sur la colline du Capitole. On cherchera à combiner une approche politique et institutionnelle en analysant plus particulièrement trois domaines de l’action politique particulièrement révélateurs: les finances via la procédure budgétaire, la réforme de l’Etat providence, et les relations avec le judiciaire via les nominations des Juges d’Appel fédéraux, lieu privilégié de frictions entre la Maison-Blanche et le Sénat. À cette perspective institutionnelle, il s’agira d’ajouter une étude sociologique de cohorte des membres du Congrès, nécessaire pour comprendre les ressorts de l’action institutionnelle.  Au-delà des membres de la chambre, l’étude d’une période dominée par le parti de l’éléphant nous permettra de plonger au cœur du mouvement conservateur. Après avoir présenté les racines historiques de l'idéologie conservatrice qui domine au sein du Parti républicain, il s'agira de révéler comment un mouvement contestataire a transformé l’institution du Congrès mais aussi comment l’institution a transformé le mouvement conservateur et le Parti républicain.  Dans un contexte international de renforcement du pouvoir exécutif, l’étude du Congrès doit permettre de redécouvrir certaines leçons sur les modalités de fonctionnement d’un système démocratique. Il s’agit de montrer qu'au-delà des questions techniques, des jeux de procédures obscures, dans la tension qui anime le Congrès, se joue l’avenir du concept de démocratie représentative ; de rétablir un certain équilibre dans la perception du système américain : système plus complexe qu’il n’apparaît dans les médias et même parfois la littérature. On ne peut se contenter d’étudier la présidence impériale sans prêter attention au vortex qui siège, toujours, au coeur de la constitution. Ainsi, sans  faire un panégyrique du pouvoir législatif, il s’agira de remettre en cause la tentation d’un Césarisme plus ou moins démocratique qui chercherait à faire du Congrès une chambre d’enregistrement des volontés de l’exécutif. / The United States Congress is often disparaged including by its own members. The critics of the institution decry the gridlock on Capitol Hill and Congress's alleged inability to deal with the challenges of the modern world. The unpopularity of today's Congress calls into question its ability to represent the American people. In that context it is necessary to try to assess whether or not Congress is truly dysfunctional. To that end, this study proposes to study a period of twelve years from 1994 to 2006 during which the Republican party dominated the institution. In 1994, under the leadership of Newt Gingrich, the Republicans returned to the majority in the House of Representatives for the first time in forty years. In 2006, after another midterm election, the Republican majorities in the House and the Senate were soundly defeated. Drawing on the long and tortuous history of the relationship between the Republican party and conservatism, the new majorities proposed large-scale change that amounted to a conservative revolution. They had initially laid out a clearly conservative agenda that insisted on balancing the budget and reducing the size of government. A detailed study of their fiscal policy and their attempts at entitlement reform over the period actually leads us to conclude that they eventually governed over ever larger deficits and a growing federal government whose policies were adjusted to favor different portions of the population. It is therefore necessary to try to account for the discrepancy between the initial goals and the eventual results. This entails studying first the evolution of the Republican members of Congress themselves to see whether the policy changes can be explained by the members becoming more moderate. Another explanation centers on the relationship between the members of the Congress and their constituents. The Republican majorities could have been forced to moderate their positions by the voters themselves in the elections of 1996, 1998, 2000, 2002 and 2004. Here the complex interplay that implies the interpretation of election results comes into play. Over the past decades, the American political system has been polarizing clearly. The growing ideological gap between the two parties and their bases calls into question the institutional stability of an institution built on the necessity to compromise. Especially since both parties have polarized while the margins of the majorities have grown more narrow. It is thus essential to look at the constraints set up by the institutional system. The arcane nuances of the legislative process directly impinges on the content of legislation. Indeed, if the majority rules decisively over the House of Representatives, in the Senate, the minority can very easily block most initiatives. The growing recourse to procedural shortcuts offered by the budget process is a testament to that fact.Finally, the relationship with the president of the United States is very much a factor in the equation. The twelve years of Republican domination in Congress covers two very different periods. Until January 2001, they had to battle with President Clinton in a context of divided government. Following George W. Bush's election in 2000, they started working under the command of the White House. The stark contrast in the way Senate republicans dealt with the two presidents when it came to their judicial nominees for the Federal Courts of Appeal offers an excellent opportunity to evaluate the continuing yet variable strength of the system of checks and balances set up by the U.S. Constitution. A deeper understanding of the workings of the contemporary Congress might allow for a more nuanced vision of the institution as much more than a roadblock on the road of presidential leadership and, perhaps, lead to a better appreciation of the way its members are trying or failing to fulfill their constitutional duty.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:30:12Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Andre Luiz dos Santos Freitas.pdf: 1729230 bytes, checksum: e7d679f4e2631e15354d1871185a9c39 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-10-20 / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado do Amazonas / As a means to recover the political trajectory of Rio Negro at the moment its juridical status was elevated from Captaincy to Province, this work focuses on the rivalries and political clashes between local and Pará authorities around the debates on their autonomy. After the country´s independence, Rio Negro has lost its status as a province. Thus, the study sought to bring about the long process for the establishment of Amazonas Province. In addition to the core issue, the survey provided a glimpse of absence of the stresses occurring in the Amazon region and conflicts fought in the House of Representatives (Câmara dos Deputados) for the political emancipation of Rio Negro in the regional historiography, which led to the creation of the province of Amazonas. The analysis of these struggles for Rio Negro autonomy, took into account the economic and geopolitical issues faced by regional and national authorities. Overall, this study aimed at bringing out the history of the political constitution of the state of Amazonas, often viewed as expendable if compared to subjects considered as most needed in the context of a globalized world. It is understood that the political constitution of a territory does not guarantee any of its inhabitants´ access legal, economic and political benefits, which have come out of such new order. However, autonomy is the first step towards a new beginning / Recuperando a trajetória política do Rio Negro no momento em que seu status jurídico passou de capitania à província, esta dissertação enfoca as rivalidades e embates políticos entre as autoridades locais e as do Pará em torno dos debates sobre sua autonomia. Após a Independência do país, o Rio Negro perdeu sua condição de província. Assim, o trabalho buscou trazer a tona o longo processo para o estabelecimento da Província do Amazonas. Para além da questão central, a pesquisa propiciou o vislumbre da ausência, na historiografia regional, das tensões ocorridas na região amazônica e dos embates travados na Câmara dos Deputados pela emancipação política do Rio Negro, que deu origem à Província do Amazonas. A análise desses embates pela autonomia rio-negrense levou em consideração as problemáticas econômicas e geopolíticas enfrentadas pelas autoridades regionais e nacionais. No conjunto, esta pesquisa objetivou trazer à tona a história da constituição política do Amazonas, geralmente vista como dispensável diante de temas considerados mais necessários na conjuntura de um mundo globalizado. Entende-se que a constituição política de um território não garanta, a nenhum de seus habitantes, o acesso aos benefícios políticos, jurídicos e econômicos provenientes dessa nova ordenação. Contudo, a autonomia é o primeiro passo para um novo começo

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:21:43Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 CSO - Joao Marcus Pires Dias.pdf: 1098408 bytes, checksum: 5595ae1f93089429292df5c1bffc5f7f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-10-23 / The objective of this research is to explore in details the social and political challenges and confrontments observed during the participative government of Marta Suplicy mayor during 2001-2004. In this regard, the focus of this investigation is on the regional and sub-regional administration and insertion of public representation. In this context, this research examines how the municipal public administration and the population interacted, the consequent social implications and limits. Moreover, this study discusses the main conflicts and political relationships in several instances of the government, represented by the mayor cabinet and secretaries, the local government in the regional/sub-regional administrations, and popular representatives inserted in the Participative Budget PB). The methodology applied in the development of the present study consists of theoretical contributions and reflections about the subject, which comprise documents and previous references, field studies and data analysis, interview with technicians involved in the PB, as well as with leaders and representatives of the population at the preparatory and deliberative assembly / Este estudo tem como objetivo fazer uma pesquisa sobre o OP na gestão Marta Suplicy para constatar quais foram os meandros do circuito do poder em que essa modalidade de gestão participativa esteve presente no período de 2001 a 2004, e como foram seus enfrentamentos e confrontos. Estão inseridos neste circuito a administração pública municipal representada pelo núcleo de governo composto pelo gabinete da prefeita e as secretarias, o governo local instalado nas administrações regionais/subprefeituras, e as instâncias de representação popular inseridas no campo de atuação do OP. O Orçamento Participativo (OP) é uma configuração dos mecanismos de representação direta, combinando os conceitos de democracia participativa e deliberativa, objetivando ampliar as esferas radicionais de decisões políticas, próprias da democracia representativa, ao permitir que por meio da participação popular nas decisões orçamentárias, principalmente no âmbito do município, sejam criadas condições para que aconteça à deliberação e o controle social da gestão pública. Na análise deste contexto pretende-se mostrar como a administração pública municipal e a população atuaram em torno do OP e quais foram seus limites. Detectar os principais pontos de atrito e as relações políticas nos diversos embates que envolveram o núcleo de governo, representado pelo gabinete da prefeita e as secretarias, o governo local instalado nas administrações regionais/subprefeituras, e as instâncias de representação popular inseridas no campo de atuação do OP será o foco principal desta pesquisa. Os recursos metodológicos utilizados no desenvolvimento deste estudo abrangeram contribuições e reflexões teóricas sobre o tema através de levantamento bibliográfico e documental, pesquisa de campo, análise de dados secundários, entrevistas com técnicos da prefeitura de São Paulo envolvidos no OP, como também, lideranças e representantes da população participante nas assembléias preparatórias e deliberativas

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:56:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 CSO - Joao Marcus Pires Dias.pdf: 1098408 bytes, checksum: 5595ae1f93089429292df5c1bffc5f7f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-10-23 / The objective of this research is to explore in details the social and political challenges and confrontments observed during the participative government of Marta Suplicy mayor during 2001-2004. In this regard, the focus of this investigation is on the regional and sub-regional administration and insertion of public representation. In this context, this research examines how the municipal public administration and the population interacted, the consequent social implications and limits. Moreover, this study discusses the main conflicts and political relationships in several instances of the government, represented by the mayor cabinet and secretaries, the local government in the regional/sub-regional administrations, and popular representatives inserted in the Participative Budget PB). The methodology applied in the development of the present study consists of theoretical contributions and reflections about the subject, which comprise documents and previous references, field studies and data analysis, interview with technicians involved in the PB, as well as with leaders and representatives of the population at the preparatory and deliberative assembly / Este estudo tem como objetivo fazer uma pesquisa sobre o OP na gestão Marta Suplicy para constatar quais foram os meandros do circuito do poder em que essa modalidade de gestão participativa esteve presente no período de 2001 a 2004, e como foram seus enfrentamentos e confrontos. Estão inseridos neste circuito a administração pública municipal representada pelo núcleo de governo composto pelo gabinete da prefeita e as secretarias, o governo local instalado nas administrações regionais/subprefeituras, e as instâncias de representação popular inseridas no campo de atuação do OP. O Orçamento Participativo (OP) é uma configuração dos mecanismos de representação direta, combinando os conceitos de democracia participativa e deliberativa, objetivando ampliar as esferas radicionais de decisões políticas, próprias da democracia representativa, ao permitir que por meio da participação popular nas decisões orçamentárias, principalmente no âmbito do município, sejam criadas condições para que aconteça à deliberação e o controle social da gestão pública. Na análise deste contexto pretende-se mostrar como a administração pública municipal e a população atuaram em torno do OP e quais foram seus limites. Detectar os principais pontos de atrito e as relações políticas nos diversos embates que envolveram o núcleo de governo, representado pelo gabinete da prefeita e as secretarias, o governo local instalado nas administrações regionais/subprefeituras, e as instâncias de representação popular inseridas no campo de atuação do OP será o foco principal desta pesquisa. Os recursos metodológicos utilizados no desenvolvimento deste estudo abrangeram contribuições e reflexões teóricas sobre o tema através de levantamento bibliográfico e documental, pesquisa de campo, análise de dados secundários, entrevistas com técnicos da prefeitura de São Paulo envolvidos no OP, como também, lideranças e representantes da população participante nas assembléias preparatórias e deliberativas

La négociation collective n’est plus étrangère à la règlementation des grands licenciements collectifs nécessitant l’établissement d’un plan social. Depuis une vingtaine d’années, son rôle dans l’entreprise se renforce. La négociation collective d’entreprise s’est ainsi emparée de dispositifs procéduraux instituant le cadre d’une information-consultation des représentants du personnel ou encore des garanties d’évitement et d’accompagnement des licenciements. L’instauration par la loi n°2013-504 du 14 juin 2013 de la possibilité d’un plan social négocié par les organisations syndicales représentatives dans l’entreprise marque un tournant. Celles-ci participent désormais à la décision de gestion des conséquences sociales d’un projet de licenciement collectif pour motif économique. Cette négociation décisionnelle est source d’innovations dans la procédure interne mais aussi externe encadrant la mise en œuvre des grands licenciements collectifs. L’évolution de leur encadrement vers un droit négocié dans l’entreprise est affermie et constitue l’objet de la recherche conduite dans la présente thèse. / The collective bargaining of redundancy plan related to collective dismissals The collective bargaining is now part of the regulation of collective dismissals requiring the establishment of a redundancy plan in companies. Its role in companies have been getting stronger during the past thirty years. Thus, collective bargaining in companies seized the procedural rules linked to the framework of information and consultation of representatives but also relating to guarantees of avoidance and social assistance to dismissals. A real watershed was marked thanks to the enactment of the 14th June 2013 (n°2013-504) law. Indeed, this law ensures employment protection by offering the possibility to trade unions that represent workers in companies to negotiate the redundancy plan. These trade unions are now involved in the managerial decision determining the social consequences of collective dismissals for economic reasons. This collective bargaining that applies to a specific decision process generates innovations in the internal and external procedure setting up the framework of collective dismissals. The evolution of the redundancy controls, which are now oriented towards a negotiated right in companies, is reinforced. This constitutes the subject of the researches that are conducted in this thesis.

This thesis contributes to the burgeoning field of the history of sexuality in New Zealand and seeks to distill the more theorised and reflexive understanding of the subjectively understood queer male identity since 1948. Emerging from the disciplines of History and English, this project draws from a range of narratological materials: parliamentary debates contained in Hansard, and novels and short stories written by men with publicly avowed queer identities. This thesis explores how both 'normative' identity and the category of 'the homosexual' were constructed and mobilised in the public domain, in this case, the House of Representatives. It shows that members of the House have engaged with an extensive tradition of defining and excluding; a process by which state and public discourses have constructed largely unified, negative and othering narratives of 'the homosexual'. This constitutes an overarching narrative of queer experience which, until the mid-1990s, excluded queer subjects from its construction. At the same time, fictional narratives offer an adjacent body of knowledge and thought for queer men and women. This thesis posits literature's position as an important and productive space for queer resistance and critique. Such texts typically engage with and subvert 'dominant' or 'normative' understandings of sexuality and disturb efforts to apprehend precise or linear histories of 'gay liberation' and 'gay consciousness'. Drawing from the works of Frank Sargeson, James Courage, Bill Pearson, Noel Virtue, Stevan Eldred-Grigg, and Peter Wells, this thesis argues for a revaluing of fictional narratives as active texts from which historians can construct a matrix of cultural experience, while allowing for, and explaining, the determining role such narratives play in the discursively constructed understandings of gender and sexuality in New Zealand.

實驗設計中，我們假設在區塊中存在一趨勢效應(trend effect)。此趨勢效應影響觀察值，也影響我們對區塊效應(block effect)和處理效應(treatment effect)的估計。此種設計模式不同於一般的區塊設計模式，因此須將趨勢效應加人設計模式中。 　　Bradley and Yeh (1980)研究和討論此種趨勢效應在區塊設計模式中之影響，並定義出無趨勢設計(trend-free design)。所謂無趨勢設計，乃是在區塊設計模式中，趨勢效應被抵消不影響處理效應之分析。Bradley and Yeh (1983)推導了一個線性無趨勢設計存在的必要條件是r(k+1)≡0(mod 2)其中k為區塊大小，r為處理出現的次數。 　　Bradley and Yeh進一步預測任一滿足r(k+1)≡0(mod2)的區塊設計，經過在區塊中處理位置調整後，可變為一個線性無趨勢設計。本篇論文的主要目的乃是在探討給定一GD設計(group-divisibledesigns)，檢驗和推導此預測是否為真。 / Yeh and Bradley conjectured that every binary connected block design with blocks of size k and a constant replication numberr for each treatment can be converted to a linear trend-free design by permuting the positions of theatments within blocks if and only if r(k+1)≡0 (mod 2). Chai and Majumdar (1993) proved that any BIB design which satisfies r(k+1)≡0 (mod 2) is even can be converted to a linear trend-free design. In this thesis, we want to examine this conjecture is true or not for group-divisible designs (GD designs).

Call centers have become a preferred and prevalent means for companies to communicate with their customers. As a consequence of this, the call center industry has seen a huge growth in both volume and scope in the last couple of decades. Operations managers are challenged with the fact that personnel costs, especially staffing, account for over 65% of the cost of running the typical call center. The trade-off between service quality (marketing) and efficiency (operations), thus naturally arises, and a central goal of ours is to contribute to its understanding. We present here a server switching policy for routing of calls to Customer Service Representatives (CSR) in a multi-skilled inbound call center utilizing skill-based routing (SBR). We model the system as a queueing network and propose stochastic Petri net based models for the design and performance analysis of call centers. Our models and experimentations help in identifying practices that result in efficient usage of existing personnel in a call center. In our work, we have considered two types of scenarios in which a multi-skilled SBR call center handling inbound calls can function - (i) with specialist agents only, and (ii) with a mix of specialist and flexible agents. We have developed both these models and compared the rewards obtained from each of them. This analysis helped us answer important issues regarding the routing decision of calls to CSRs, identify the hedging point where one obtains the highest rewards and the impact of varying the strategic and tactical level decisions on the overall call center performance.

地方民意代表，以繼續連任為目標，對於選區的經營及選民的個案服務無不全力以赴，做好選區經營選民服務，是再次爭取選民選票支持的重要關鍵；本文以第一屆新北市65位現任議員為研究對象，透過對全體議員的問卷調查和對10位議員的深入訪談，探知他們對於選區經營選民服務的看法和作為，藉以了解地方民意代表如何服務地方服務選民的參考依據。 依問卷填答資料統計顯示，新北市議員平均聘請助理數7.40人，平均設置之服務處數2.16處，每星期選民反應請託案件數平均19.88件，每星期紅白帖平均數29.06張；以每周工作70小時計，花在議會問政25.55小時，選民服務時間39.91小時，自己事業時間4.54小時。議員為民服務最重視的項目依序是：選民個案服務、爭取選區地方建設經費、議會質詢及監督行政機關。各類型選民反應或請託案最多的是糾紛調解，其次是爭取社團、里活動經費補助和地方小型建設建議案。各不同黨籍或新科/連任議員皆盡全力做好選區經營選民服務，所以比較各項數據沒有明顯差異。 深入訪談第一部分訪談選區經營具特色及代表性議員，請議員說明其選區經營選民服務的理念和實際做法，詢問其選區特性、選民結構及選舉競爭，並了解其依個人特質所建立的選舉資源網絡。第二部分訪談市府規劃欲興建殯葬專區之選區議員，做為選區經營案例之研究，了解議員以何管道探知選民反對意向，如何發動選民陳情抗爭，如何維護選區選民權益，及利用此一議題進行選區經營的思維與策略。 / The local elected representatives go to great lengths to manage their electoral districts and to provide the best service for their votes as their main goal is to continue in office, and the key to it is to gain the voters’ support. This study will focus on the case of the 65 councilmen of the first session in New Taipei City. Through a questionnaire survey and in-depth interviews with 10 of the councilmen, their viewpoints and behaviors related to their electoral district management and service are provided as to have reference to understand their ways of provided service. According to the statistical results of the questionnaire survey, the average number of assistant per New Taipei City councilman is 7.40 persons; the average number of service center is 2.16; the average number of cases of the voters for any request per week is 19.88; the average number of red/white envelopes per week is 29.06; they work 70 hours per week, for which 25.55 hours are spent in the parliament, 39.91 hours are dedicated for the voters and 4.54 hours are for their own business. The priority of tasks in importance are in the following order: voters’ cases, seeking for local infrastructure funds, questioning in the parliament, and supervision of the administrative offices. In regard to the type of the voters’ cases, the major issue consists of dispute resolution followed by the seeking of association or neighborhood subsidies and recommendations for minor establishments. The councilmen show no distinctive differences as all of them, regardless their political parties or seniority, are trying their best for good management and service for their electoral districts. As for the in-depth interview, the first part consists of the interviews with representative councilmen with features in their electoral district management. The interviewees are asked to provide their visions and practical executions for their electoral districts, and then explained the features of their electoral districts, the structure of the voters and the electoral competitions as to understand the online electoral resources established in accordance with their personal characteristics. The second part consist of interviews with the councilmen whose electrical districts contain planning funeral area by the city government as management case studies. Through the interviews, we are able to understand the councilmen’s channels to discover voters’ opposition, to mobilize voters for petition, to defend voters’ rights and to promote ideas and strategies for the electoral district management.