Cette thèse prend pour objet d’étude les administrateurs salariés en France, soit les représentants du personnel élus par les travailleurs, le plus souvent sur liste syndicale, pour siéger au conseil d’administration [CA] ou de surveillance [CS] de leur entreprise avec les mêmes droits et devoirs que les autres administrateurs, y compris le droit de vote sur les décisions stratégiques. A partir d’une méthodologie croisant différentes techniques d’enquête (l’analyse documentaire, deux études monographiques, la passation d’un questionnaire et l’observation participante), nous interrogeons la régulation sociale qui se joue dans les entreprises alors dites « démocratisées ». Parce que le sujet prête encore à confusion, nous commençons par une double mise en contexte : conceptuelle, en opérant un retour sur la définition de la « participation des salariés aux décisions » pour souligner la singularité du CA ou CS comme espace participatif ; historique, en analysant la dynamique de l’institutionnalisation saccadée des administrateurs salariés pour en éclairer sa dimension de jure. Nous nous intéressons ensuite à sa dimension de facto. Nous interrogeons en premier lieu l’effectivité de la règle et constatons d’une part que son application est directement dépendante de son ancrage dans une source de droit contraignant et, d’autre part, que la singularité de ce dispositif se reflète dans le profil des syndicalistes appelés à siéger au CA ou CS qui présentent, dans leur grande majorité, un capital militant particulièrement développé. Et ce parce que l’action de l’administrateur salarié, que nous observons en second lieu, a pour particularité de s’inscrire à la fois au sein du système de gouvernement d’entreprise et des relations professionnelles. Si sa capacité d’action dans le premier est le plus souvent limitée à la sphère de l’influence, le CA ou CS peut néanmoins constituer un espace pertinent de l’action collective à la condition d’un effort d’articulation des différentes scènes de représentation du personnel par l’organisation syndicale. Nous montrons ainsi que la participation des salariés aux décisions stratégiques ne conduit pas mécaniquement à un rééquilibrage des pouvoirs dans l’entreprise, mais qu’elle peut produire une reconfiguration des relations professionnelles pour peu que les différents acteurs en présence s’en saisissent. / This thesis focuses on the study of board-level employee representatives, i.e. employee representatives elected by the workforce under trade union nomination who serve on their company’s board of directors [BoD] or supervisory board [SVB] with the same rights and duties than that of other directors, including the right to vote on strategic decisions. Thanks to a methodology which combines different survey techniques (documentary analysis, two case studies, questionnaire distribution, participant observation), we question the nature of the social regulation which takes place within such so-called “democratised” companies. As this subject continue to lead to misunderstanding, we start setting the scene against a twofold context: a conceptual one, going back to the definition of “workers’ participation in decision-making” in order to underline the idiosyncrasy of the BoD or SVB as a participatory scene; an historical one, analyzing the non-linear dynamics of board-level employee representation’s institutionalisation in order to shed light on its de jure dimension. We then turn to its de facto dimension. First, we question the effectiveness of this rule and we observe that, on the one hand, its application directly depends on its anchorage in a source of binding law and, on the other hand, that the uniqueness of this provision is reflected in the profile of the union members selected to serve on the board whose great majority has a particularly well-developed “activist capital”. This is because, secondly, board-level employee representative’s action specificity lies both in the corporate governance and the industrial relations systems. If his/her capacity of action is limited to the sphere of influence in the former, the BoD of SVB could however be deemed a relevant arena of collective action provided that the trade union engages in an effort aimed at articulating the various scenes of workers’ representation. We demonstrate that workers’ participation in strategic decision-making does not automatically lead to a rebalancing of power within the company, but that it can produce a reshaping of industrial relations as long as the various involved actors seize it.

Cette thèse prend pour objet d’étude les administrateurs salariés en France, soit les représentants du personnel élus par les travailleurs, le plus souvent sur liste syndicale, pour siéger au conseil d’administration [CA] ou de surveillance [CS] de leur entreprise avec les mêmes droits et devoirs que les autres administrateurs, y compris le droit de vote sur les décisions stratégiques. A partir d’une méthodologie croisant différentes techniques d’enquête (l’analyse documentaire, deux études monographiques, la passation d’un questionnaire et l’observation participante), nous interrogeons la régulation sociale qui se joue dans les entreprises alors dites « démocratisées ». Parce que le sujet prête encore à confusion, nous commençons par une double mise en contexte : conceptuelle, en opérant un retour sur la définition de la « participation des salariés aux décisions » pour souligner la singularité du CA ou CS comme espace participatif ; historique, en analysant la dynamique de l’institutionnalisation saccadée des administrateurs salariés pour en éclairer sa dimension de jure. Nous nous intéressons ensuite à sa dimension de facto. Nous interrogeons en premier lieu l’effectivité de la règle et constatons d’une part que son application est directement dépendante de son ancrage dans une source de droit contraignant et, d’autre part, que la singularité de ce dispositif se reflète dans le profil des syndicalistes appelés à siéger au CA ou CS qui présentent, dans leur grande majorité, un capital militant particulièrement développé. Et ce parce que l’action de l’administrateur salarié, que nous observons en second lieu, a pour particularité de s’inscrire à la fois au sein du système de gouvernement d’entreprise et des relations professionnelles. Si sa capacité d’action dans le premier est le plus souvent limitée à la sphère de l’influence, le CA ou CS peut néanmoins constituer un espace pertinent de l’action collective à la condition d’un effort d’articulation des différentes scènes de représentation du personnel par l’organisation syndicale. Nous montrons ainsi que la participation des salariés aux décisions stratégiques ne conduit pas mécaniquement à un rééquilibrage des pouvoirs dans l’entreprise, mais qu’elle peut produire une reconfiguration des relations professionnelles pour peu que les différents acteurs en présence s’en saisissent. / This thesis focuses on the study of board-level employee representatives, i.e. employee representatives elected by the workforce under trade union nomination who serve on their company’s board of directors [BoD] or supervisory board [SVB] with the same rights and duties than that of other directors, including the right to vote on strategic decisions. Thanks to a methodology which combines different survey techniques (documentary analysis, two case studies, questionnaire distribution, participant observation), we question the nature of the social regulation which takes place within such so-called “democratised” companies. As this subject continue to lead to misunderstanding, we start setting the scene against a twofold context: a conceptual one, going back to the definition of “workers’ participation in decision-making” in order to underline the idiosyncrasy of the BoD or SVB as a participatory scene; an historical one, analyzing the non-linear dynamics of board-level employee representation’s institutionalisation in order to shed light on its de jure dimension. We then turn to its de facto dimension. First, we question the effectiveness of this rule and we observe that, on the one hand, its application directly depends on its anchorage in a source of binding law and, on the other hand, that the uniqueness of this provision is reflected in the profile of the union members selected to serve on the board whose great majority has a particularly well-developed “activist capital”. This is because, secondly, board-level employee representative’s action specificity lies both in the corporate governance and the industrial relations systems. If his/her capacity of action is limited to the sphere of influence in the former, the BoD of SVB could however be deemed a relevant arena of collective action provided that the trade union engages in an effort aimed at articulating the various scenes of workers’ representation. We demonstrate that workers’ participation in strategic decision-making does not automatically lead to a rebalancing of power within the company, but that it can produce a reshaping of industrial relations as long as the various involved actors seize it.

Cette recherche s'inscrit principalement dans le champ de la communication politique. Elle cherche à appréhender les questions culturelles et patrimoniales en tant qu'enjeux essentiels de communication politique dans les municipalités en France. Après le choix de deux terrains (Nice et Dijon), la mise en place d'un appareil théorique ainsi que d'une méthodologie, nous avons formulé l'hypothèse de départ suivante : la communication politique concernant les questions de culture et de patrimoine dans la vie démocratique locale, se constitue en deux systèmes de communication divergents dans chacune des deux villes. Notre travail s'appuie sur un corpus constitué d'entretiens semi-directifs avec des élus, de discours d'élus et d’autres sources complémentaires (interventions dans les médias, archives publiques et personnelles des élus, rapports). L’analyse du corpus a permis la mise en évidence des différences significatives prévues lors de l’hypothèse préalable. Néanmoins, elle montre une récente évolution commune. En effet, dans les deux villes, la communication politique trouve en ensemble de convergences dans une forme de quête, dans l’espace public, du consensus sur les questions culturelles et patrimoniales. / This research falls mainly into the field of political communication. It tries to comprehend cultural and patrimonial questions as essentiel political communication issue in the municipalities in France. Having chosen two fields (Nice and Dijon), established a theoretical tool and a methodology, we started to hypothesize as follows : the political communication, relating to matters of culture and heritage in the local democratic life, builds up as two differing communication systems in each city. Our work draws on a corpus composed of semi-structured interviews with elected representatives, their speeches and other additional sources (speeches in the media, public and private archives of the elected representatives, reports). The analysis of the corpus allowed to highlight substantial differences foreseen by the preliminary hypothesis. However, it shows a recent common development. As a matter of fact, in both cities, the political communication finds convergences in the shape of a pursuit, in the public space, of a consensus on cultural and patrimonial questions.

Submitted by JÚLIO HEBER SILVA (julioheber@yahoo.com.br) on 2017-12-19T17:22:15Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Isabella Bruna Lemes Pereira - 2017.pdf: 2979049 bytes, checksum: de529671e0d34cfbcb13624c14079816 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2017-12-21T12:32:11Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Isabella Bruna Lemes Pereira - 2017.pdf: 2979049 bytes, checksum: de529671e0d34cfbcb13624c14079816 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-12-21T12:32:11Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Isabella Bruna Lemes Pereira - 2017.pdf: 2979049 bytes, checksum: de529671e0d34cfbcb13624c14079816 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-08-17 / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de Goiás - FAPEG / The aim of the dissertation is analyzing parliamentarian discourses about the human rights of people whom the sexuality, or the gender identity does not satisfy the heteronormative and heterosexual standard imposed by society. The methodology used is the analyze of the discourses using studies developed by Michel Foucault e Dominique Maingueneau. The analysis’ constitutive matter, the corpora, were the written or verbal federal congressmen’ discourses related to the House of Representatives’ parliamentarian bills with related themes to the School Without Party Movement. They are: Bill 7180/2014 (aims the insertion of the familiar value reasons precedence above the scholar education on the aspects related to the moral, sexual and religious education as a principle). Bill 7181/2014 (aims the application of a ten-year validity to the National Curricular Parameters (NCP)). Bill 867/2015 (aims the insertion of the “School Without Party Program” in the NCP). Bill 6005/2016 (aims the creation of the “Free School Program”). Bill 1859/2015 (aims the prohibition of “gender ideology” teaching policies development). Bill 5487/2016 (aims the prohibition of sexual orientation and the distribution of books about sexual diversity orientation for children). The understanding of the parliamentarian about Human Rights is relative, since it does not involve all the people, i.e., it is restricted to certain social categories, which is explained by the way the Brazilian citizenship was formed: patriarchal, full of conservatism and religious ideals that prevent a less prejudiced, sexist and colonized look about the differences and the multiple sexual identities, and allow the imposition of unfounded speeches, e.g., the “gender ideology”, restricting spaces that should be democratic. / A presente dissertação tem como objetivo analisar os discursos dos parlamentares quanto aos direitos humanos de pessoas cuja sexualidade ou a identidade de gênero não satisfazem o padrão heternormativo e heterossexual imposto pela sociedade. A metodologia do trabalho foi a análise do discurso a partir de Michel Foucault e Dominique Maingueneau. O material constitutivo da análise, o corpora, foram os discursos escritos ou verbais dos deputados federais, relacionados aos projetos de lei de parlamentares na Câmara dos Deputados com temática afim ao Movimento Escola sem Partido. São eles : PL 7180/2014 (objetiva inserir como princípio a precedência aos valores de ordem familiar sobre a educação escolar nos aspectos relacionados à educação moral, sexual e religiosa), PL 7181/2014 (objetiva aplicar vigência decenal aos PCN), PL 867/2015 (objetiva inserir no PCN o “Programa Escola sem Partido”), PL 6005/2016 (objetiva criar do “Programa Escola Livre”), PL 1859/2015 (objetiva proibir de desenvolvimento de políticas de ensino que versem sobre “ideologia de gênero), PL 5487/2016 (objetiva proibir a orientação e distribuição de livros que verse sobre orientação de diversidade sexual para crianças e adolescentes). A compreensão de direitos humanos dos parlamentares é relativa, posto que não abrange a todos, mas se restringem a certas categorias sociais, o que se explica pela forma com que se deu a cidadania brasileira, patriarcal, carregada de conservadorismos e ideais religiosos que impedem um olhar menos preconceituoso, sexista e colonizado sobre as diferenças e as diversas identidades sexuais, e permitem que discursos infundados, como o da “Ideologia de Gênero” se imponham, restringindo espaços que deveriam ser democráticos.

The thesis analyses the pragmatic aspects of the language of political discourse in the particular context of the institute of parliamentary question time. The thesis examines and compares the use of hedging in the context of other communication management strategies (e.g., evasion, reformulation, dodging a footing shift) in the British House of Commons and in the Australian House of Representatives. In addition, the thesis seeks to test the methodological approaches and verify the conclusions reached in previous research, especially by Alan Partington (2003) and Bruce Fraser (2010). Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)

L'Empire byzantin est caractérisé tout au long de sa longue histoire par le maintien d'une administration fiscale qui levait l'impôt nécessaire à l'entretien de l’armée et de l’élite impériale, gage du salut de l'État. Notre thèse, fondée sur la sigillographie byzantine, a l’objectif de mettre en évidence l’importance de l’administration fiscale dans le financement de l’armée et la rémunération de l’élite impériale en renouvelant pour la première fois les listes prosopographiques sur les représentants du fisc tout au long des VIIe - XIIe siècles. D’abord, les plusieurs éléments des sceaux, notamment certaines charges fiscales, dont les lieux d’exercice sont inconnus ou partiellement connus dans les sources narratives, montrent l'organisation de l'administration fiscale qui s’est évoluée en fonction des besoins de l’armée impériales en s’adaptant à l'état économique de l'Empire tout au long des siècles. Deuxièmement, les autres éléments des sceaux, noms rares, noms de famille, dignités, et fonctions en cumul, également très lacunaires dans les sources narratives, permettent d’exposer l’ordre social de l’élite impériale bien intégrée dans la hiérarchie à la cour impériale, qui s’est également évoluée en fonction de l’administration fiscale. Finalement, l’analyse sur la carrière de certains nombreux représentants du fisc, qui n’était jamais l’objet d’investigation systématique parmi les chercheurs, démontre que certains membres du proche entourage impérial ont été nommés aux doubles-postes fiscales et militaires, non seulement pour la raison de sécurité impériale mais aussi pour la bonne récompense de ces hommes impériaux de confiance, ce qui aurait conduit le gouvernement byzantin à mieux s’adapter à la nouvelle organisation de l’administration impériale pendant la période des VIIe -VIIIe siècles, ainsi que celle des XIe-XIIe siècles. / The Byzantine Empire is characterized for its long history by maintaining a tax administration, raising the necessary maintenance of the Army and the Imperial servants, gage for salvation of the State. Our doctoral thesis, based on the byzantine Sigillography, has the aim to highlight the importance of tax administration in the financing of armed forces and compensation of imperial elite, by renewing for the first time the prosopographycal lists on the representatives of the fiscal administration in the 7th - 12th centuries. Firstly, several elements of the seals, for example, certain fiscal function and districts, of which the nature and the distribution are unknown or partially known in the narrative sources, show the organisation of tax administration evolved on the needs of the imperial Army in adapting to the economic status of the Empire in the 7th - 12th centuries. Secondly, other elements of the seals, rare forenames, family’s names, dignities, also very incomplete in the narrative sources, allow to exposing the social status and family solidarity of the Imperial elite, well integrated in the hierarchy at the Imperial Court, which was evolved in relation to the evolution de the fiscal administration between the 7th - 12th centuries. Finally, the analysis on the career of many representatives of the tax authorities, demonstrate that some members in the inner circle to the Imperial entourage has been frequently appointed to the double key position in both financial institutions and some senior commandments of the army, not only because of the imperial security but also because of the good rewards for the imperial élite, which led the byzantine government to better adapt to the new organisation of Imperial administration all around the 7th- 8th centuries, as well as the 11th-12th centuries.

Depuis l’apparition du CHSCT en 1982, la représentation élue du personnel a connu de profondes évolutions. Délégués du personnel, comités d’entreprise et CHSCT ont dû s’adapter à la considérable extension des notions de santé et de sécurité. L’intégration de l’impératif de protection de la santé mentale des travailleurs dans le Code du travail a bouleversé le champ de compétences du CHSCT. La prévention des risques psycho-sociaux s’est rapidement invitée au centre de ses préoccupations, élargissant d’autant l’obligation de consultation mise à la charge de l’employeur. Des projets et mesures qui initialement nécessitaient la seule consultation du comité d’entreprise doivent dorénavant être également soumis à l’avis du CHSCT. Dans cette procédure de double consultation l’employeur est guidé par le principe de spécialité qui transforme le comité d’entreprise en simple chambre d’enregistrement des avis de l’instance spécialisée. De l’expansion du CHSCT naissent redondances et lourdeurs. Une réforme doit être envisagée. Transformation de l’instance spécialisée en commission du comité d’entreprise ou redistribution des compétences de chacun : l’alternative offerte impose la discussion. / Since the emergence of the CHSCT (health, safety and working conditions committee) in 1982, the elected representation of employees has profoundly changed. Employee representatives, works councils and the CHSCT have had to adapt to the considerable extension of the concepts of health and safety. The integration of the requirement to protect the mental health of workers in the Labour Code has radically altered the scope of competence of the CHSCT. The prevention of psychosocial risks quickly invited itself as the centre of its concerns, thereby extending the consultation obligation borne by the employer. Projects and measures that initially only required the consultation of the works council are now also subject to the prior opinion of the CHSCT. In this procedure of double consultation the employer is guided by the principle of specialty that turns the works council in a mere rubber stamp of the opinion of the specialized committee. The expansion of the CHSCT has caused reiterations and cumbersomeness. A reform must be considered. Transformation of the specialized body in a committee of the works council or redistribution of powers of each : the alternative offered requires discussion.

Subject of the Master’s thesis is proposition of possible waies to raising effectiveness and labor productivity in pharmaceutical company. The objective of business segment, which was the aim of a writer, is team of Sales representatives. Proposed changes are reflections of the intradepartmental restructuring.

Diploma thesis: Beliefs of actors in relation to preschool education at local level Author: Bc. Petra Kaplanová Abstract The aim of this thesis is to explore and compare beliefs of actors in relation with preschool education at local level and determine how they influence policy of preschool education. Used methodology is a combination of qualitative and quantitative methods. The most significant used theory is a system of beliefs from Paul A. Sabatiera which is a part of theory of avocational coalitions. Four different beliefs were revealed. The first belief called "pro alternatives" did not show deep core beliefs of actors. However, it was obvious that these actors sympathize with alternative education principles. Second belief "traditional collective" is based on conviction that children should have the same conditions for the beginning of their lives. The state education is the best what is for children offered. In the third belief "not interested" are actors convicted not to participate in any level of politics. They believe it can cause either trouble or it will not have any effects. The last belief "traditional individualistic" is characterized with a belief that state form of education is the best what can be provided to children. On contrary with belief "traditional collective" these actors are...

This thesis aims to contribute to the current academic debate on contemporary polarization in the U.S. Congress. The paper provides a brief overview of the relevenat existing literature and schools of thought on the issue. As part of the thought direction which steers away from definining roots and causes of polarization among the general public but rather sees them as issues of the political elite, this thesis highlights the need to focus on individual Congressional Member Organizations (CMOs) in the House of Representatives and their connection to polarization. By applying an existing dataset accepted among political science scholars as the key tool for measuring polarization, the thesis seeks to affirm the presumed ideological differences among the individual CMOs (or caucuses). The main part of this thesis which adds value to further discussion is the case study of all roll call votes of the 114th House of Representatives examining voting cohesion of the studied caucuses. The aim of this study is to show to what extent the CMOs are in fact consistent voting blocs and how influential they can potentially be within the political elites in the House of Representatives and to what level they may be contributing to the contemporary polarization.