The aim of this dissertation is to examine and analyse the judicial framework with regard to embryonic stem cell research and cloning in South Africa. The examination is conducted within the framework of the South African and United Kingdom's legal systems. Focus is placed on aspects of medical law, human rights law as envisaged in the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, and the law of persons. The specific focus of this dissertation is to examine the intense debate on the moral and legal status of the embryo and fetus in South Africa. A comparative study is undertaken, with the United Kingdom as a background against which recommendations for the South African framework are made. The study firstly provides a clinical overview of stem cell research and cloning. Secondly, the concept of life, in particular human life; the protection of the embryo and fetus under the constitutional guarantee of the right to life, among other constitutionally protected rights, are examined. In this context, the most important finding is that although the fetus is not a bearer of constitutional rights the state has a constitutional duty to protect fetal life in terms of an objective value system. Thereby, the state is permitted to regulate abortion, fetal tissue research, and embryo research to protect fetal life. In particular, the aim of this dissertation is to present a critical summary of the major debates and policy responses relating to embryonic stem cell research and cloning techniques, drawing attention to some of the challenges posed by conflicting moral values in an era of global scientific endeavour, and to provide an analysis of the key ethical and regulatory implications for stem cell therapy. The most important findings are that current South African legislation remains fragmented and ineffective in the manner in which embryonic stem cell research and cloning are regulated. This finding leads to a summary of recommendations, which attempts to provide specific remedies in order to adapt the current regulatory framework in South Africa. / Dissertation (LLM (Public Law))--University of Pretoria, 2007. / Public Law / LLM / unrestricted

This thesis investigates the access to IVF-treatment for people with psychiatric disabilities who intend to carry the child themselves. It explores how the Swedish welfare state resonates around people with psychiatric disabilities wanting to become parents, and how their reproductive rights might differ from others seeking the same treatment. Therefore, different official reports from the Swedish government and documents from the National Board of Health and Welfare that deals with the legal framework and state-sanctioned guidelines for medical professionals regarding IVF has been examined in a qualitive discourse analysis. Two interviews with two medical professionals working with IVF has also been conducted. The focus has been on the psychosocial interviews every treatment-seeking individual has to go through to determine if they are fit as parents. The main body of theory consists of work surrounding feminist disability studies, crip theory, discourse analysis, repronormativity and critical studies of the welfare state. This thesis set out to investigate how the demand from the government to put the best interest of the child first when deciding over who gets access to IVF are used to resonate around if people with psychiatric disabilities can be seen as fit parents. It also seeks to understand what these state-sanctioned guidelines and the way medical professionals interacts with them can say about the reproductive politics of the Swedish welfare state regarding people with psychiatric disabilities. The general conclusion is that the welfare state has implemented tools for reproductive control over the group that has been studied (particularly women and trans people) since at least the 1930’s, and while there has been significant change, the gatekeeping practises surrounding IVF can be seen as another tool for reproductive control. It is evident that people with psychiatric disabilities have to prove themselves in order to be seen as fit parents, and it is assumed that there is a risk trying to combine their psychiatric disabilities with the best interest of the child. While there is no legal framework denying this group access to IVF outright, this thesis shows that they face challenges to gain that access that people without psychiatric disabilities does not.

Over 60% of those living with HIV/AIDS are women, the majority of them in their sexual and reproductive years (UNAIDS, 2006). With antiretroviral (ARV) drugs, most of them are living longer and healthier to engage in sexual and reproductive activities (WHO, 2006). This study explored the sexual and reproductive decisions and experiences of women living with HIV/AIDS (WLWHA) in Abuja, Nigeria. Only those who became pregnant and had a child after being diagnosed with HIV participated in the study. The study was an interview based qualitative research. The design of the interview guide was informed by the PEN-3 Model (Airhihenbuwa, 1995). A combination of purposive and snowball sampling technique was used to select 17 WLWHA aged between 26 and 41. Most of them had limited education, only the 3 of them with post secondary education had professional jobs; the rest are either housewives or petty traders. Most of the women had reduced sexual desire but felt compelled to acquiesce to their husband’s sexual demands out of cultural and religious sense of duty, fear that he would have sex outside marriage and/or beat them. While a few used condoms, most either did not use condom or used it inconsistently. Condoms were used mainly to prevent re-infection with another strain of HIV or to prevent infecting a negative partner. Reason for non use of condom includes reduced sexual pleasure with condoms, belief that condoms are used not for wives and that being on ARV precludes the need to use condom. Often, condom negotiation leads to violence. Most of the women still wanted more children and did not use contraceptives. Among the few who used contraceptives, condoms, hormone injections, intrauterine device (IUD) and tubal ligation are their methods of choice. The women chose to have babies to secure their marriage, fulfill maternal instinct and to “leave something behind”. Their decisions were informed by the belief that ARV would keep them alive, while Prevention of Mother to Child Transmission (PMCTC) programs would prevent infection to their babies. To conceive, they had unprotected sex during ovulation. Two serodiscordant couples used syringes to inseminate. Most of them had experienced obstetric challenges including infertility, miscarriages, preterm births, and infant deaths. Most of the women bottle-fed to prevent infecting their babies, however they were under tremendous pressure to breastfeed due to the cultural value attached to breastfeeding. Women living with HIV/AIDS in Abuja Nigeria, had unmet sexual and reproductive health needs. Their sexual and reproductive decisions were influenced by their individual circumstances, including their level of education, poverty, cultural and family influences, partner’s HIV status, stigma and discrimination, and access to PMTCT and ARV programs. To meet the sexual and reproductive health needs of WLWHA, program planners and policy makers should take these factors into consideration and ensure that programs are comprehensive and integrated.

[pt] Ao se observar o espaço público brasileiro nas últimas décadas, é possível se identificar uma elevação constante do número de representantes religiosos, seja apenas como participantes nos debates sobre políticas públicas e direitos fundamentais, seja assumindo cargos políticos. Dentre eles destacam-se, principalmente, católicos e evangélicos. Com a iminência de se tornarem maioria no Congresso Nacional, torna-se necessário discutir sobre como, e, se seria sequer possível conciliar religião, democracia e laicidade, quando o uso fiel da razão pública democrática exige uma autocontenção para a utilização de argumentos baseados na razoabilidade e, contraditoriamente, parte dos participantes do debate público defendem verdades absolutas e dogmas inegociáveis. Na prática o que se tem observado é uma completa ausência de efetivo debate, o antagonismo entre as partes se exacerba, ocorrendo apenas destilações irracionais de ódio entre si. Os grupos minoritários e vulneráveis são os mais prejudicados aqui, pois veem suas demandas estagnadas ou rejeitadas. Nesse sentido, o presente trabalho buscará expor essa problemática, discutindo-a de forma direcionada às questões de gênero nessas circunstâncias, com foco nos direitos reprodutivos da mulher e um exame crítico e reflexivo apontado para a presença religiosa no espaço público, mais especificamente por meio de análise teórica e empírica sobre o uso de argumentos religiosos nas audiências públicas do Supremo Tribunal Federal nas ADPFs 54 e 442 que trataram, respectivamente, da descriminalização da antecipação terapêutica do parto no caso de fetos anencefálicos e da descriminalização da interrupção voluntária da gravidez até a 12ª semana de gestação. / [en] When observing the Brazilian public space in recent decades, it is possible to identify a constant increase in the number of religious representatives, whether as participants in debates on public policies and fundamental rights, or assuming political positions. Among them, Catholics and Evangelicals are the ones that stand out. With the imminence of becoming a majority in the National Congress, it becomes necessary to discuss how, and if it would even be possible to reconcile religion, democracy and secularism, when the faithful use of democratic public reason requires self-restraint in the use of arguments based on reasonableness and, contradictorily, at the same time, part of the participants in the public debate defend absolute truths and non-negotiable dogmas. In practice, what we have observed is a complete lack of effective debate, the antagonism between the parties is exacerbated, occurring only irrational distillations of hatred between them. Minority and vulnerable groups are the most affected here, as they see their demands stagnant or rejected. In this sense, the present work will seek to expose this problem, discussing it in a way directed to gender issues in these circumstances, focusing on women s reproductive rights and a critical and reflective exam aimed at the religious presence in the public space, more specifically through theoretical and empirical analysis on the use of religious arguments in public hearings in the Federal Supreme Court in ADPFs 54 and 442, which dealt, respectively, with the decriminalization of therapeutic anticipation of childbirth in the case of anencephalic fetuses and the decriminalization of voluntary interruption of pregnancy up to the 12th week of pregnancy.

The maternal mortality rate in the USA is the highest in the industrialized world. Black women in the USA are three times more likely to die due to pregnancy and childbirth-related health issues than their white counterparts. According to 2017–2019 data from the CDC, 80% of these deaths are preventable.The purpose of this thesis is to understand how women’s bodily autonomy is both racialized and politicized. Key questions here are: What is the relationship between access to healthcare and reproductive rights? How are reproductive rights racialized? How is bodily autonomy racialized and politicized?This research is based on a literature review and a case study of the documentary Aftershock, released in July 2022. Aftershock charts the deaths of two young Black American women after they gave birth and shows how their partners and families stood together and became effective activists determined to fight the Black maternal mortality epidemic in the US, and thereby increase awareness and bring about change in society.

No description available.

Ce mémoire porte sur l’avortement en Allemagne depuis les vingt dernières années. La première partie s’attardera d’une part, aux différentes lois en matière d’avortement des deux États allemands avant les événements de 1989 et d’autre part, à l’analyse du discours tenu par le mouvement féministe ouest-allemand et est-allemand face à l’avortement. La deuxième partie examinera le débat qui entoura l’avortement lors du processus de la Réunification. En effet, la loi sur l’avortement de la République démocratique allemande était beaucoup plus libérale que celle de la République fédérale d’Allemagne et la majorité des citoyens et politiciens d’ex-RDA refusèrent que la loi restrictive ouest-allemande soit tout simplement étendue à l’Allemagne réunifiée. Il s’ensuivit un débat qui devint rapidement une sorte de symbole du clivage présent entre les Allemands de l’Est et ceux de l’Ouest, mais aussi entre les féministes des nouveaux et des anciens Länder. C’est finalement en 1995 qu’une nouvelle loi fut votée par le Parlement, loi qui, encore aujourd’hui, régit l’avortement. Vingt ans après la chute du Mur, le débat sur l’avortement reprit sa place dans l’actualité avec un nouveau projet de loi visant à restreindre l’accès aux avortements pratiqués après la 12e semaine de grossesse. La troisième partie portera donc sur ce débat plus actuel et examinera si le clivage Est-Ouest face à l’avortement à l’époque de la Réunification, est toujours présent aujourd’hui en Allemagne, ce qui, selon les conclusions de ce mémoire, semble bien être le cas. / This MA thesis is about abortion in Germany over the past twenty years. The first part will focus on one hand on the different laws regarding abortion in the two German states before the events of 1989 and on the other hand on the analysis of the discourse held by West and East German feminist movements regarding abortion. The second part will examine the debate surrounding abortion during the Reunification process. Indeed, the abortion law of the German Democratic Republic was much more liberal than the one of the Federal Republic of Germany and the majority of citizens and politicians of the former GDR refused that the West German restrictive law was simply to be extended to the reunified Germany. A debate followed that quickly became a kind of symbol of the division that existed between East and West Germans but also between feminists from the new and old Länder. Finally, in 1995, a new law was passed by Parliament, legislation that still governs abortion today. Twenty years after the Berlin Wall fell, the debate about abortion rose up in the headlines again with a new bill aimed at restricting abortion access after the 12th week of pregnancy. The third part will therefore focus on this more topical debate and examine whether the East-West division regarding abortion at the time of the Reunification still exists today in Germany which, according to the findings of this MA thesis, seems to be quite the case. / Diese Magisterarbeit bezieht sich auf Abtreibung in Deutschland in den letzten zwanzig Jahren. Der erste Teil beschäftigt sich einerseits mit den unterschiedlichen Gesetzen der zwei deutschen Staaten bezüglich Abtreibung vor den Ereignissen von 1989 und andererseits mit der Analyse des jeweiligen feministischen Diskurses zu Abtreibung in Ost- und Westdeutschland. Der zweite Teil wird die Debatte über Abtreibung während des Wiedervereinigungsprozesses untersuchen. In der Deutschen Demokratischen Republik war das Abtreibungsgesetz liberaler als in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland und die Mehrheit der Bürger und Politiker der ehemaligen DDR lehnte es ab, das restriktive westdeutsche Gesetz auf das wiedervereinigte Deutschland einfach auszudehnen. Es folgte eine Debatte, die schnell eine Art Symbol der Spaltung wurde, nicht nur zwischen den Ost- und Westdeutschen, sondern auch zwischen den Feministinnen der neuen und alten Länder. 1995 verabschiedete schlieβlich das Parlament ein neues Gesetz, das bis heute die Abtreibung regelt. Zwanzig Jahre nach dem Mauerfall ist die Debatte über die Abtreibung durch einen Gesetzentwurf wieder entflammt, der die Verschärfung der Abtreibungsbestimmungen nach der 12. Schwangerschaftswoche vorsieht. Der dritte Teil der Magisterarbeit wird sich auf diese aktuelle Debatte beziehen und untersuchen, ob die Ost-West-Spaltung bezüglich der Abtreibung zur Zeit der Wiedervereinigung noch heute vorhanden ist. Nach den Schlussfolgerungen dieser Magisterarbeit scheint das der Fall zu sein.

Ce mémoire porte sur l’avortement en Allemagne depuis les vingt dernières années. La première partie s’attardera d’une part, aux différentes lois en matière d’avortement des deux États allemands avant les événements de 1989 et d’autre part, à l’analyse du discours tenu par le mouvement féministe ouest-allemand et est-allemand face à l’avortement. La deuxième partie examinera le débat qui entoura l’avortement lors du processus de la Réunification. En effet, la loi sur l’avortement de la République démocratique allemande était beaucoup plus libérale que celle de la République fédérale d’Allemagne et la majorité des citoyens et politiciens d’ex-RDA refusèrent que la loi restrictive ouest-allemande soit tout simplement étendue à l’Allemagne réunifiée. Il s’ensuivit un débat qui devint rapidement une sorte de symbole du clivage présent entre les Allemands de l’Est et ceux de l’Ouest, mais aussi entre les féministes des nouveaux et des anciens Länder. C’est finalement en 1995 qu’une nouvelle loi fut votée par le Parlement, loi qui, encore aujourd’hui, régit l’avortement. Vingt ans après la chute du Mur, le débat sur l’avortement reprit sa place dans l’actualité avec un nouveau projet de loi visant à restreindre l’accès aux avortements pratiqués après la 12e semaine de grossesse. La troisième partie portera donc sur ce débat plus actuel et examinera si le clivage Est-Ouest face à l’avortement à l’époque de la Réunification, est toujours présent aujourd’hui en Allemagne, ce qui, selon les conclusions de ce mémoire, semble bien être le cas. / This MA thesis is about abortion in Germany over the past twenty years. The first part will focus on one hand on the different laws regarding abortion in the two German states before the events of 1989 and on the other hand on the analysis of the discourse held by West and East German feminist movements regarding abortion. The second part will examine the debate surrounding abortion during the Reunification process. Indeed, the abortion law of the German Democratic Republic was much more liberal than the one of the Federal Republic of Germany and the majority of citizens and politicians of the former GDR refused that the West German restrictive law was simply to be extended to the reunified Germany. A debate followed that quickly became a kind of symbol of the division that existed between East and West Germans but also between feminists from the new and old Länder. Finally, in 1995, a new law was passed by Parliament, legislation that still governs abortion today. Twenty years after the Berlin Wall fell, the debate about abortion rose up in the headlines again with a new bill aimed at restricting abortion access after the 12th week of pregnancy. The third part will therefore focus on this more topical debate and examine whether the East-West division regarding abortion at the time of the Reunification still exists today in Germany which, according to the findings of this MA thesis, seems to be quite the case. / Diese Magisterarbeit bezieht sich auf Abtreibung in Deutschland in den letzten zwanzig Jahren. Der erste Teil beschäftigt sich einerseits mit den unterschiedlichen Gesetzen der zwei deutschen Staaten bezüglich Abtreibung vor den Ereignissen von 1989 und andererseits mit der Analyse des jeweiligen feministischen Diskurses zu Abtreibung in Ost- und Westdeutschland. Der zweite Teil wird die Debatte über Abtreibung während des Wiedervereinigungsprozesses untersuchen. In der Deutschen Demokratischen Republik war das Abtreibungsgesetz liberaler als in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland und die Mehrheit der Bürger und Politiker der ehemaligen DDR lehnte es ab, das restriktive westdeutsche Gesetz auf das wiedervereinigte Deutschland einfach auszudehnen. Es folgte eine Debatte, die schnell eine Art Symbol der Spaltung wurde, nicht nur zwischen den Ost- und Westdeutschen, sondern auch zwischen den Feministinnen der neuen und alten Länder. 1995 verabschiedete schlieβlich das Parlament ein neues Gesetz, das bis heute die Abtreibung regelt. Zwanzig Jahre nach dem Mauerfall ist die Debatte über die Abtreibung durch einen Gesetzentwurf wieder entflammt, der die Verschärfung der Abtreibungsbestimmungen nach der 12. Schwangerschaftswoche vorsieht. Der dritte Teil der Magisterarbeit wird sich auf diese aktuelle Debatte beziehen und untersuchen, ob die Ost-West-Spaltung bezüglich der Abtreibung zur Zeit der Wiedervereinigung noch heute vorhanden ist. Nach den Schlussfolgerungen dieser Magisterarbeit scheint das der Fall zu sein.

Aim: The 1996 Choice on Termination of Pregnancy Act decriminalized abortion in South Africa and the South African Medicines Control Council in 2000 approved the dispensing of emergency contraceptive methods by pharmacists to women without a doctor's prescription. This legislation has been hailed as among the most progressive in the world with respect to women's reproductive justice. However the realisation of these rights in practice has not always met expectations in part due to medical practitioners' ethical objections to termination of pregnancy and the provision of related services. The aim of this study was to interpret the varying ways in which medical practitioners frame termination of pregnancy and emergency contraceptive services, their own professional identities and that of their patients/clients. Methods: Sample of 58 doctors and 59 pharmacists drawn from all nine provinces of South Africa. Data collected using an anonymous confidential internet-based self-administered questionnaire. Participants were randomly recruited from online listings of South African doctors and pharmacists practicing in both private and public sectors. Data were analysed using theoretically derived qualitative content analysis. Results: Participants drew on eight frames to justify their willingness or unwillingness to provide termination-of-pregnancy related services: the foetal life frame, the women's rights frame, the balancing frame, the social justice frame, the do no harm frame, the legal and professional obligation frame, the consequences frame and the moral absolutist frame. Conclusion: Health professionals' willingness or unwillingness to provide termination of pregnancy related services is highly dependent on how they frame or understand termination of pregnancy, and how they understand their own professional identities and those of their patients/clients.

[pt] A democracia é um conceito em constante disputa que se reconstrói em torno das relações de poder fundadas com base no poder enraizado de suas instituições. Isto é, a força e a estabilidade da democracia e suas instituições dependem de sua vigência na mente das pessoas (Castells, 2018). Rompido o vínculo subjetivo entre o que os cidadãos pensam e querem e as ações daqueles que os representam, produz-se o que denominamos crise de legitimidade política. Se nos anos 1990 e primeira década dos 2000 há uma confluência nas discussões sobre Sociedade Civil Global e Governança global que apontavam na direção de que a atuação da sociedade Civil Global ampliaria a democracia, aqui propomos um passo crítico a essa abordagem a partir da discussão sobre Capitalismo de Vigilância. Assim, o presente trabalho tem o objetivo de contribuir para a discussão sobre crise da democracia, especificamente contestando a ideia de que a atuação da sociedade civil global levaria necessariamente a ampliação da democracia. Sob essa égide, observamos aspectos que eram base para a utopia da sociedade civil global foram colocados em cheque à medida que a tensão existente entre a horizontalidade da rede e as políticas de controle, vigilância e datificação da realidade foram reveladas. Diante dessa controvérsia, aqui pretendemos explorar o como a atuação da Sociedade Civil tensionou a democracia no século XXI explorando possibilidades de atuação e limites impostos pela disseminação das Tecnologias da Informação e Comunicação no Capitalismo de Vigilância. / [en] Democracy is a concept in constant dispute which is founded on the basis of its institutions. The strength and stability of democracy and its institutions depend on its validity in people s minds (Castells, 2018). Once the subjective link between what citizens think and want and the actions of those who represent them is broken the legitimacy of the system can be questioned. In the 1990s and the in first decade of the 2000s there was a confluence between the discussions on Global Civil Society and Global Governance that pointed in the direction of the expansion of democracy through the Global Civil Society. Conversely, here we propose to give a critical step using the discussion on Surveillance Capitalism. Thus, this work aims to contribute to the discussion on the crises of democracy, specifically challenging the idea that the role of global civil society leads necessarily to the expansion of democracy. We observe how aspects that were the basis for the global civil society utopia were put in check by the tension existing between the horizontality of the network-society and the policies of control and surveillance. In the face of this controversy, we explore how the workings of Civil Society have tensioned democracy in the 21st century. We also explore possibilities of action and limits imposed by the dissemination of Information and Communication Technologies whiting the context of Surveillance Capitalism.