[pt] Ao se observar o espaço público brasileiro nas últimas décadas, é possível se identificar uma elevação constante do número de representantes religiosos, seja apenas como participantes nos debates sobre políticas públicas e direitos fundamentais, seja assumindo cargos políticos. Dentre eles destacam-se, principalmente, católicos e evangélicos. Com a iminência de se tornarem maioria no Congresso Nacional, torna-se necessário discutir sobre como, e, se seria sequer possível conciliar religião, democracia e laicidade, quando o uso fiel da razão pública democrática exige uma autocontenção para a utilização de argumentos baseados na razoabilidade e, contraditoriamente, parte dos participantes do debate público defendem verdades absolutas e dogmas inegociáveis. Na prática o que se tem observado é uma completa ausência de efetivo debate, o antagonismo entre as partes se exacerba, ocorrendo apenas destilações irracionais de ódio entre si. Os grupos minoritários e vulneráveis são os mais prejudicados aqui, pois veem suas demandas estagnadas ou rejeitadas. Nesse sentido, o presente trabalho buscará expor essa problemática, discutindo-a de forma direcionada às questões de gênero nessas circunstâncias, com foco nos direitos reprodutivos da mulher e um exame crítico e reflexivo apontado para a presença religiosa no espaço público, mais especificamente por meio de análise teórica e empírica sobre o uso de argumentos religiosos nas audiências públicas do Supremo Tribunal Federal nas ADPFs 54 e 442 que trataram, respectivamente, da descriminalização da antecipação terapêutica do parto no caso de fetos anencefálicos e da descriminalização da interrupção voluntária da gravidez até a 12ª semana de gestação. / [en] When observing the Brazilian public space in recent decades, it is possible to identify a constant increase in the number of religious representatives, whether as participants in debates on public policies and fundamental rights, or assuming political positions. Among them, Catholics and Evangelicals are the ones that stand out. With the imminence of becoming a majority in the National Congress, it becomes necessary to discuss how, and if it would even be possible to reconcile religion, democracy and secularism, when the faithful use of democratic public reason requires self-restraint in the use of arguments based on reasonableness and, contradictorily, at the same time, part of the participants in the public debate defend absolute truths and non-negotiable dogmas. In practice, what we have observed is a complete lack of effective debate, the antagonism between the parties is exacerbated, occurring only irrational distillations of hatred between them. Minority and vulnerable groups are the most affected here, as they see their demands stagnant or rejected. In this sense, the present work will seek to expose this problem, discussing it in a way directed to gender issues in these circumstances, focusing on women s reproductive rights and a critical and reflective exam aimed at the religious presence in the public space, more specifically through theoretical and empirical analysis on the use of religious arguments in public hearings in the Federal Supreme Court in ADPFs 54 and 442, which dealt, respectively, with the decriminalization of therapeutic anticipation of childbirth in the case of anencephalic fetuses and the decriminalization of voluntary interruption of pregnancy up to the 12th week of pregnancy.

The maternal mortality rate in the USA is the highest in the industrialized world. Black women in the USA are three times more likely to die due to pregnancy and childbirth-related health issues than their white counterparts. According to 2017–2019 data from the CDC, 80% of these deaths are preventable.The purpose of this thesis is to understand how women’s bodily autonomy is both racialized and politicized. Key questions here are: What is the relationship between access to healthcare and reproductive rights? How are reproductive rights racialized? How is bodily autonomy racialized and politicized?This research is based on a literature review and a case study of the documentary Aftershock, released in July 2022. Aftershock charts the deaths of two young Black American women after they gave birth and shows how their partners and families stood together and became effective activists determined to fight the Black maternal mortality epidemic in the US, and thereby increase awareness and bring about change in society.

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Ce mémoire porte sur l’avortement en Allemagne depuis les vingt dernières années. La première partie s’attardera d’une part, aux différentes lois en matière d’avortement des deux États allemands avant les événements de 1989 et d’autre part, à l’analyse du discours tenu par le mouvement féministe ouest-allemand et est-allemand face à l’avortement. La deuxième partie examinera le débat qui entoura l’avortement lors du processus de la Réunification. En effet, la loi sur l’avortement de la République démocratique allemande était beaucoup plus libérale que celle de la République fédérale d’Allemagne et la majorité des citoyens et politiciens d’ex-RDA refusèrent que la loi restrictive ouest-allemande soit tout simplement étendue à l’Allemagne réunifiée. Il s’ensuivit un débat qui devint rapidement une sorte de symbole du clivage présent entre les Allemands de l’Est et ceux de l’Ouest, mais aussi entre les féministes des nouveaux et des anciens Länder. C’est finalement en 1995 qu’une nouvelle loi fut votée par le Parlement, loi qui, encore aujourd’hui, régit l’avortement. Vingt ans après la chute du Mur, le débat sur l’avortement reprit sa place dans l’actualité avec un nouveau projet de loi visant à restreindre l’accès aux avortements pratiqués après la 12e semaine de grossesse. La troisième partie portera donc sur ce débat plus actuel et examinera si le clivage Est-Ouest face à l’avortement à l’époque de la Réunification, est toujours présent aujourd’hui en Allemagne, ce qui, selon les conclusions de ce mémoire, semble bien être le cas. / This MA thesis is about abortion in Germany over the past twenty years. The first part will focus on one hand on the different laws regarding abortion in the two German states before the events of 1989 and on the other hand on the analysis of the discourse held by West and East German feminist movements regarding abortion. The second part will examine the debate surrounding abortion during the Reunification process. Indeed, the abortion law of the German Democratic Republic was much more liberal than the one of the Federal Republic of Germany and the majority of citizens and politicians of the former GDR refused that the West German restrictive law was simply to be extended to the reunified Germany. A debate followed that quickly became a kind of symbol of the division that existed between East and West Germans but also between feminists from the new and old Länder. Finally, in 1995, a new law was passed by Parliament, legislation that still governs abortion today. Twenty years after the Berlin Wall fell, the debate about abortion rose up in the headlines again with a new bill aimed at restricting abortion access after the 12th week of pregnancy. The third part will therefore focus on this more topical debate and examine whether the East-West division regarding abortion at the time of the Reunification still exists today in Germany which, according to the findings of this MA thesis, seems to be quite the case. / Diese Magisterarbeit bezieht sich auf Abtreibung in Deutschland in den letzten zwanzig Jahren. Der erste Teil beschäftigt sich einerseits mit den unterschiedlichen Gesetzen der zwei deutschen Staaten bezüglich Abtreibung vor den Ereignissen von 1989 und andererseits mit der Analyse des jeweiligen feministischen Diskurses zu Abtreibung in Ost- und Westdeutschland. Der zweite Teil wird die Debatte über Abtreibung während des Wiedervereinigungsprozesses untersuchen. In der Deutschen Demokratischen Republik war das Abtreibungsgesetz liberaler als in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland und die Mehrheit der Bürger und Politiker der ehemaligen DDR lehnte es ab, das restriktive westdeutsche Gesetz auf das wiedervereinigte Deutschland einfach auszudehnen. Es folgte eine Debatte, die schnell eine Art Symbol der Spaltung wurde, nicht nur zwischen den Ost- und Westdeutschen, sondern auch zwischen den Feministinnen der neuen und alten Länder. 1995 verabschiedete schlieβlich das Parlament ein neues Gesetz, das bis heute die Abtreibung regelt. Zwanzig Jahre nach dem Mauerfall ist die Debatte über die Abtreibung durch einen Gesetzentwurf wieder entflammt, der die Verschärfung der Abtreibungsbestimmungen nach der 12. Schwangerschaftswoche vorsieht. Der dritte Teil der Magisterarbeit wird sich auf diese aktuelle Debatte beziehen und untersuchen, ob die Ost-West-Spaltung bezüglich der Abtreibung zur Zeit der Wiedervereinigung noch heute vorhanden ist. Nach den Schlussfolgerungen dieser Magisterarbeit scheint das der Fall zu sein.

Ce mémoire porte sur l’avortement en Allemagne depuis les vingt dernières années. La première partie s’attardera d’une part, aux différentes lois en matière d’avortement des deux États allemands avant les événements de 1989 et d’autre part, à l’analyse du discours tenu par le mouvement féministe ouest-allemand et est-allemand face à l’avortement. La deuxième partie examinera le débat qui entoura l’avortement lors du processus de la Réunification. En effet, la loi sur l’avortement de la République démocratique allemande était beaucoup plus libérale que celle de la République fédérale d’Allemagne et la majorité des citoyens et politiciens d’ex-RDA refusèrent que la loi restrictive ouest-allemande soit tout simplement étendue à l’Allemagne réunifiée. Il s’ensuivit un débat qui devint rapidement une sorte de symbole du clivage présent entre les Allemands de l’Est et ceux de l’Ouest, mais aussi entre les féministes des nouveaux et des anciens Länder. C’est finalement en 1995 qu’une nouvelle loi fut votée par le Parlement, loi qui, encore aujourd’hui, régit l’avortement. Vingt ans après la chute du Mur, le débat sur l’avortement reprit sa place dans l’actualité avec un nouveau projet de loi visant à restreindre l’accès aux avortements pratiqués après la 12e semaine de grossesse. La troisième partie portera donc sur ce débat plus actuel et examinera si le clivage Est-Ouest face à l’avortement à l’époque de la Réunification, est toujours présent aujourd’hui en Allemagne, ce qui, selon les conclusions de ce mémoire, semble bien être le cas. / This MA thesis is about abortion in Germany over the past twenty years. The first part will focus on one hand on the different laws regarding abortion in the two German states before the events of 1989 and on the other hand on the analysis of the discourse held by West and East German feminist movements regarding abortion. The second part will examine the debate surrounding abortion during the Reunification process. Indeed, the abortion law of the German Democratic Republic was much more liberal than the one of the Federal Republic of Germany and the majority of citizens and politicians of the former GDR refused that the West German restrictive law was simply to be extended to the reunified Germany. A debate followed that quickly became a kind of symbol of the division that existed between East and West Germans but also between feminists from the new and old Länder. Finally, in 1995, a new law was passed by Parliament, legislation that still governs abortion today. Twenty years after the Berlin Wall fell, the debate about abortion rose up in the headlines again with a new bill aimed at restricting abortion access after the 12th week of pregnancy. The third part will therefore focus on this more topical debate and examine whether the East-West division regarding abortion at the time of the Reunification still exists today in Germany which, according to the findings of this MA thesis, seems to be quite the case. / Diese Magisterarbeit bezieht sich auf Abtreibung in Deutschland in den letzten zwanzig Jahren. Der erste Teil beschäftigt sich einerseits mit den unterschiedlichen Gesetzen der zwei deutschen Staaten bezüglich Abtreibung vor den Ereignissen von 1989 und andererseits mit der Analyse des jeweiligen feministischen Diskurses zu Abtreibung in Ost- und Westdeutschland. Der zweite Teil wird die Debatte über Abtreibung während des Wiedervereinigungsprozesses untersuchen. In der Deutschen Demokratischen Republik war das Abtreibungsgesetz liberaler als in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland und die Mehrheit der Bürger und Politiker der ehemaligen DDR lehnte es ab, das restriktive westdeutsche Gesetz auf das wiedervereinigte Deutschland einfach auszudehnen. Es folgte eine Debatte, die schnell eine Art Symbol der Spaltung wurde, nicht nur zwischen den Ost- und Westdeutschen, sondern auch zwischen den Feministinnen der neuen und alten Länder. 1995 verabschiedete schlieβlich das Parlament ein neues Gesetz, das bis heute die Abtreibung regelt. Zwanzig Jahre nach dem Mauerfall ist die Debatte über die Abtreibung durch einen Gesetzentwurf wieder entflammt, der die Verschärfung der Abtreibungsbestimmungen nach der 12. Schwangerschaftswoche vorsieht. Der dritte Teil der Magisterarbeit wird sich auf diese aktuelle Debatte beziehen und untersuchen, ob die Ost-West-Spaltung bezüglich der Abtreibung zur Zeit der Wiedervereinigung noch heute vorhanden ist. Nach den Schlussfolgerungen dieser Magisterarbeit scheint das der Fall zu sein.

Aim: The 1996 Choice on Termination of Pregnancy Act decriminalized abortion in South Africa and the South African Medicines Control Council in 2000 approved the dispensing of emergency contraceptive methods by pharmacists to women without a doctor's prescription. This legislation has been hailed as among the most progressive in the world with respect to women's reproductive justice. However the realisation of these rights in practice has not always met expectations in part due to medical practitioners' ethical objections to termination of pregnancy and the provision of related services. The aim of this study was to interpret the varying ways in which medical practitioners frame termination of pregnancy and emergency contraceptive services, their own professional identities and that of their patients/clients. Methods: Sample of 58 doctors and 59 pharmacists drawn from all nine provinces of South Africa. Data collected using an anonymous confidential internet-based self-administered questionnaire. Participants were randomly recruited from online listings of South African doctors and pharmacists practicing in both private and public sectors. Data were analysed using theoretically derived qualitative content analysis. Results: Participants drew on eight frames to justify their willingness or unwillingness to provide termination-of-pregnancy related services: the foetal life frame, the women's rights frame, the balancing frame, the social justice frame, the do no harm frame, the legal and professional obligation frame, the consequences frame and the moral absolutist frame. Conclusion: Health professionals' willingness or unwillingness to provide termination of pregnancy related services is highly dependent on how they frame or understand termination of pregnancy, and how they understand their own professional identities and those of their patients/clients.

[pt] A democracia é um conceito em constante disputa que se reconstrói em torno das relações de poder fundadas com base no poder enraizado de suas instituições. Isto é, a força e a estabilidade da democracia e suas instituições dependem de sua vigência na mente das pessoas (Castells, 2018). Rompido o vínculo subjetivo entre o que os cidadãos pensam e querem e as ações daqueles que os representam, produz-se o que denominamos crise de legitimidade política. Se nos anos 1990 e primeira década dos 2000 há uma confluência nas discussões sobre Sociedade Civil Global e Governança global que apontavam na direção de que a atuação da sociedade Civil Global ampliaria a democracia, aqui propomos um passo crítico a essa abordagem a partir da discussão sobre Capitalismo de Vigilância. Assim, o presente trabalho tem o objetivo de contribuir para a discussão sobre crise da democracia, especificamente contestando a ideia de que a atuação da sociedade civil global levaria necessariamente a ampliação da democracia. Sob essa égide, observamos aspectos que eram base para a utopia da sociedade civil global foram colocados em cheque à medida que a tensão existente entre a horizontalidade da rede e as políticas de controle, vigilância e datificação da realidade foram reveladas. Diante dessa controvérsia, aqui pretendemos explorar o como a atuação da Sociedade Civil tensionou a democracia no século XXI explorando possibilidades de atuação e limites impostos pela disseminação das Tecnologias da Informação e Comunicação no Capitalismo de Vigilância. / [en] Democracy is a concept in constant dispute which is founded on the basis of its institutions. The strength and stability of democracy and its institutions depend on its validity in people s minds (Castells, 2018). Once the subjective link between what citizens think and want and the actions of those who represent them is broken the legitimacy of the system can be questioned. In the 1990s and the in first decade of the 2000s there was a confluence between the discussions on Global Civil Society and Global Governance that pointed in the direction of the expansion of democracy through the Global Civil Society. Conversely, here we propose to give a critical step using the discussion on Surveillance Capitalism. Thus, this work aims to contribute to the discussion on the crises of democracy, specifically challenging the idea that the role of global civil society leads necessarily to the expansion of democracy. We observe how aspects that were the basis for the global civil society utopia were put in check by the tension existing between the horizontality of the network-society and the policies of control and surveillance. In the face of this controversy, we explore how the workings of Civil Society have tensioned democracy in the 21st century. We also explore possibilities of action and limits imposed by the dissemination of Information and Communication Technologies whiting the context of Surveillance Capitalism.

En el presente trabajo de investigación se realiza un análisis de la evolución jurisprudencial de la distribución gratuita de la píldora del día siguiente y sus consecuencias en los derechos reproductivos y sexuales de la mujer en el Perú. El desarrollo se hace en el marco de los derechos fundamentales, principalmente en el ejercicio del derecho a la autonomía reproductiva de las mujeres, contenido en el más genérico derecho al libre desarrollo de la personalidad. Además, se analizan y discuten sentencias de la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos, sentencias del Tribunal Constitucional peruano y sentencias del Poder Judicial d el Perú. El análisis se realiza en cuatro capítulos. En el primero, se examina los derechos reproductivos y sexuales de la mujer; en el segundo, se estudia los procesos constitucionales que han permitido discutir y dilucidar la evolución jurisprudencial de la píldora del día siguiente; en el tercero, se describe la problemática del acceso y distribución de la píldora del día siguiente en los últimos 20 años, como consecuencia de las decisiones emanadas por el Tribunal Constitucional, Poder Judicial y, por la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos. Finalmente, en el cuarto capítulo se abordan los resultados y conclusiones respecto al tema analizado. / This research work will be analyzed the jurisprudence evolution of the free distribution of the morning-after pill and the consequences on the reproduction and sexual rights of women in Peru. Development will be carried out within the framework of fundamental rights, mainly in the exercise of the right to reproductive autonomy of women, contained in the most generic right to free development of the personalit y. In addition, judgments of the Inter- American Court of Human Rights, judgments of the Peruvian Constitutional Court and judgments of the Judicial Power of Peru will be analyzed and discussed. The analysis will be carried out in four chapters. In the first, the reproductive and sexual rights of women are examined; in the second, the constitutional processes that have allowed discussing and elucidating the jurisprudential evolution of the morning-after pill are studied; the third describes the problem of access to and distribution of the morning after pill in the last 20 years, as a consequence of the decisions issued by the Constitutional Court, the Judiciary and the Inter-American Court of Human Rights. Finally, the fourth chapter addresses the results and conclusions regarding the subject analyzed. / Tesis

Adolescents have become focal points of discussions and debates regarding sexuality and reproductive health matters. However, little research has been done particularly in South Africa to examine their knowledge concerning abortion and emergency contraception. Research indicates that a substantial proportion of adolescent pregnancies are unintended or unwanted. Abortion and emergency contraception are both time-sensitive services. Thus having accurate and comprehensive knowledge about both abortion and emergency contraception is pivotal, in the case of unintended or unwanted pregnancy or when engaging in unprotected sex or experiencing contraceptive failure that could lead to pregnancy. The 1994 International Conference on Population and Development (ICPD) defined reproductive health rights for both men and women as the right to "decide freely and responsibly the number, spacing and timing of their children and to have the information and means to do so" (p. 60). That is, men and women should "have the right to make decisions concerning their reproduction free of discrimination, violence and coercion" (ICPD, 1994, p.60). Based on these definitions, it is rather evident that comprehensive and accurate knowledge are at the core of one's ability to make an informed consent. This is confirmed by Adler's (1992, p. 289) definition of informed consent or choice "a) access to sufficient information b) understanding the information c) competence to evaluate potential consequences d) freedom to make a choice and e) the ability to make and express that choice". It is from this framework that this study emerged. The aim of this study was to examine adolescents' knowledge concerning abortion and emergency contraception. The participants were Grade 11 learners between the ages of 15-24 years from five different schools in the Buffalo City Municipality. A sample of 514 was achieved. Data were analysed using descriptive cross-tabulation, chi-square and qualitative methods where appropriate. The results revealed that most of the participants did not have sufficient accurate knowledge concerning the Choice on Termination of Pregnancy Act, consequences of legal abortion and emergency contraceptive pills to make informed decisions. Furthermore, data also revealed that the participants' schools playa role in their sexual activity, their knowledge about the Choice on Termination of Pregnancy Act and about emergency contraceptive pills. Although this method made it feasible for the researcher to make general assumptions, non-responses were one of the limitations of the study. Similar research in various municipalities/cities in and outside the Eastern Cape is recommended so as to increase further awareness concerning the level of knowledge that adolescents have about contraceptive pills particularly emergency contraceptive pills, the Choice on Termination of Pregnancy Act and abortion in general.

The South African government promulgated the Choice on Termination of pregnancy Act (CTOP Act, 92 of 1996). This was a dramatic declaration of intent unprecedented in the African continent and globally. This act changed the outlook of the practice of termination of pregnancy by ensuring that services play a critical role in the delivery of the service. This study, which is qualitative in nature, explored the experiences of Termination of Pregnancy service providers working in three designated public health institutions in the Limpopo Province. Interviews were conducted with six service providers to look at how they construct their practice of providing termination of pregnancy services. The information was analyzed and interpreted by means of a thematic analysis method. Major themes that emerged from the participants’ experiences centred on their relationship with family, colleagues, management, clients, and the community reflecting a sense of alienation and lack of adequate infrastructural support. Inadequate support has been found to greatly contribute to the loss of interest in the work around abortion. / Psychology / M. A. (Clinical Psychology)