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In Latin America, a social revolution is statistically far more likely to fail than to succeed. Yet there is little understanding as to the contributory factors of revolutionary failure or success. Many researchers look for commonalities by examining multiple revolutions across the region or even around the globe and throughout large periods of time, but their analysis frequently lacks commonality in the underlying conditions of the insurgencies. The case of Peru, however, provides a unique opportunity to examine multiple revolutions in the fairly homogenous environment of one state during a short and constrained timeframe of thirty years. In the history of the Republic of Peru, there have been only four social revolutions. These insurgencies were contained within two discreet periods of time: the MIR and ELN in the 1960’s, and Shining Path and MRTA in the 1980’s to 1990’s. While each of these revolutions experienced varying levels of success, each ultimately failed due, in no small part, to a particular set of structural and socioeconomic variables. / text

This research explores Palestinian refugee women’s political rights through a broader examination of the gender dynamics in one refugee camp in Lebanon. Using two focus groups and individual interviews with 20 women, the research highlights the patriarchal and colonial structures that dominate the women’s lives, preventing them not only from engaging in political activities, but also hindering their opportunities for work and socialization outside their immediate familial spheres. The political disillusionment within the researched and broader Palestinian community, as a result of the encroaching project of Empire as defined by Hardt and Negri, has created a divided Palestinian cause, a failed youth, and a society attempting to hold on to its identity. However, along with that comes the oppression of a sub-section of that society – the women; the remaining possession that the men have. Women who previously engaged in armed resistance have not advanced politically, socially, or economically – and in fact the history of their struggles are being erased as surely as their land is. Nonetheless, pockets of resistance – a Multitude – of women, agents in their own fates, are fighting the current towards a more emancipatory future for themselves and future Palestinian men and women.

This thesis aims to explain how British naval power was sustained in the Indian Ocean during the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars. To improve efficiency and economy, the Admiralty had to reorganise the management of shore support services, as well as to rationalise the bases available to the navy to meet the enemy it faced. The basic proposal of this thesis is that British naval power was projected overseas by the Admiralty's effective reconciliation of two competing demands, the naval demand for strategic deployment and the domestic demand for reform. The thesis argues that British naval power in the Indian Ocean was increased by the acquisition of the Cape of Good Hope and Trincomalee and the naval bases built at these locations. The removal of the navy from complete dependence on the East India Company for support services was part of a long term policy of increasing Admiralty control of facilities in the east. In 1793 Bombay was the main naval base but Madras quickly became another hub supporting naval activities in the east. Other locations were considered. Calcutta was used and investigations were made into developing Penang as a navy base before Trincomalee became part of Britain’s long-term naval infrastructure. At the Cape a separate naval command was given responsibility for part of the Indian Ocean. Following the capture of Mauritius in 1810 this island was used temporarily as a forward support base. Admiralty control of the naval support services delivered to the squadrons at the Cape and in the East Indies was dramatically improved by the appointment overseas of resident commissioners from 1809. This resulted from the implementation of the recommendations of the Commission of Naval Revision, first suggested by the Commissioners on Fees in 1788. Resident commissioners ensured Admiralty instructions and policies were implemented and executed, resulting in improved efficiency and reduced costs.

John Burgoyne, a British general during the American Revolution, is best known for his defeat by the Continental Army at Saratoga. In addition to serving as a general,Burgoyne was a playwright. While in Boston during the blockade following the Battle ofBunker Hill Burgoyne combined his interests, writing a satire of the war. The Blockade of Boston, Burgoyne's play, was first presented as an afterpiece to a production of The Busybody on January 8, 1776 (Silverman 292).Accounts of the performance differ in detail, but the central event is consistent: during the performance a soldier walked out on stage and announced that the rebels were attacking a British position. The audience of British military personnel, believing the statement to be a part of the performance, stayed in their seats to enjoy the show, only to then realize their mistake a moment later and rush off in great confusion. Most of the surviving records of this event are from the view of the delighted revolutionaries, who published accounts of it in their newspapers and pamphlets, to the lasting humiliation of the men involved with the production.I first encountered the story of Burgoyne's Blockade of Boston while working as a teaching assistant in an undergraduate theatre history class. The professor, Noreen Barnes, was lecturing on American theatre in the eighteenth century when she told the story of the interrupted first performance. I was intrigued by the story, and so when I wrote a paper on a disrupted performance for a historiography class, I chose to research the topic. I discovered that The Blockade of Boston, in addition to being a great story in its own right, could serve as a lens to examine the history of the period, opening questions of race, gender, and just what it means to be an American.

Des lettres trouvées dans des portefeuilles d'émigrés (1793) d'Isabelle de Charrière à Quatrevingt-Treize (1874) de Victor Hugo, qui engage une relecture de la période au miroir de la Commune, la Terreur a nourri l'imagination de nombreux romanciers. Déferlement inouï de violence ou expérience démocratique inédite ? La fécondité de ce moment révolutionnaire tient en partie à ses paradoxes et aux tensions que sa mémoire suscite. Au coeur de controverses historiques et idéologiques qui, aujourd'hui encore, ne se sont pas éteintes, la Terreur est pendant tout le XIXe siècle un sujet d'autant plus actuel que les secousses révolutionnaires de 1830 et de 1848, en particulier, en réveillent le souvenir. Excédant le seul genre du roman historique, qui en a fait l'un de ses sujets de prédilection, le traitement romanesque de la Terreur ne résulte pas d'une simple transposition fictionnelle de la réalité historique, mais peut être envisagé comme le fruit d'un système de relations complexes entre l'historiographie, la littérature mémoriale et d'autres genres littéraires. De la Révolution à la Commune, le genre romanesque a été l'un des lieux où s'est inventé ce que nous avons choisi d'appeler, en hommage au grand livre de Daniel Arasse, un« imaginaire de la Terreur» que n'épuise pas l'image de la guillotine. Regarder comment le roman a participé, en complémentarité ou en concurrence avec d' autres types d'écriture, à des constructions discursives et à l'élaboration de cet imaginaire, et comment ces entreprises de figuration romanesque ont pu s'articuler à des enjeux idéologiques et à des choix poétiques, tel est l'enjeu de cette nouvelle enquête. De Ducray-Duminil à Dumas, de Sénac de Meilhan à Barbey d ' Aurevilly, de Germaine de Staël à GeorgeSand, en passant par Ballanche, Nodier, Balzac ou encore Vigny, cet essai de généalogie romanesque prend appui sur un large corpus de textes et entend faire place à des oeuvres méconnues dont le rôle n'a pas été moindre que celui des oeuvres les plus canoniques dans la mise en fiction de la Terreur révolutionnaire. / From Isabelle de Charrière's lettres trouvées dans des portefeuilles d'émigrés ( 1793) to Victor Hugo's Quatrevingttreize(1874), which reinterprets the period in the mirror of the Commune, the Terror fed the imagination of manynovelists. Unprecedented surge of violence or unheard of democratic moment ? The fecundity of this revolutionary moment is in part due to its paradoxes and the tensions triggered by its memory. At the heart of the historical and ideological controversies that, to this day, have not been extinguished, the Terror was, throughout the 19th century, a subject even more topical than the revolutionary tremors of 1830 and 1848, particularly by reawakening the memory.Exceeding the historical nove! genre, the fictional treatment of the Terror is not the result of a simple fictional transposition of the historical reality, but can be envisaged as the fruit of a system of complex relationships between historiography, memorial literature and other literary genres.From the Revolution to the Commune, the fictional genre was one of the spaces where the invention of what we have chosen to call an "imagination of the Terror" - in homage to Daniel Arasse's great book - was not exhausted by the image of the guillotine. Looking at how the novel participated, in conjunction or competition with other types of writing, in discursive constructions and the development of this imagination, and how undertaking fictional figurationrevolved around ideological issues and political choices, is the challenge of this new investigation. From Ducray Duminilto Dumas, Sénac de Meilhan to Barbey d'Aurevilly, Germaine de Staël to George Sand, via Ballanche, Nodier, Balzac and even Vigny, this genealogy of fiction dissertation is supported by a large corpus oftexts and intends to makeway for little-known works, whose role was no less than that of the most canonical works in fictionalising the revolutionary Terror.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-10T16:17:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DISSERTAcao1 Anadir.pdf: 1199952 bytes, checksum: 457b4a0acf50ba5d2c849a9e0492dfeb (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-07-03 / The aim of this research is a comprehensive approach about the notion of politics liberation in Paulo Freire s thought. With this purpose, we present, first, some experiences that have influenced Paulo Freire s forging and its philosophical political thought, in a view that human beings can not be understood outside the social history context. This way we begin by analyzing the conception of man and dialogicity, due to it is highly valued by our author. Then we deal with the issues of education and revolutionary practice as the basis to the liberation of consciousness and a way to the transformation. Finally, we handle about the previous discussion in order to delineate the notion of politics liberation and their constituents of Paulo Freire s thought. After all, we managed to list four primary pillars that support this notion. They are: awareness of self, of others and of reality, coherence, solidarity and organization. / A finalidade desta pesquisa dissertativa é uma aproximação compreensiva da noção de libertação política no pensamento de Paulo Freire. Com esse intuito, procuramos apresentar, primeiramente, algumas experiências que influenciaram o forjamento de Paulo Freire e de seu pensamento político filosófico, visto que o ser humano não pode ser compreendido fora do contexto sócio histórico. Para iniciarmos à discussão proposta, analisamos a concepção de homem e a questão da dialogicidade, sendo essa uma postura humana muito valorizada por nosso autor. Em seguida, tratamos da questão da educação e da práxis revolucionária como base fundamental para a libertação da consciência e condição para a transformação. Por fim, dialogamos com a discussão anterior no sentido de delinear a noção da libertação política e evidenciar seus elementos constituintes no pensamento paulofreiriano. Nesse sentido, como resultado conseguimos elencar quatro pilares primordiais que sustentam tal noção. São eles: consciência de si, dos outros e da realidade, coerência, solidariedade e organização.

This work reconsiders the history of the Socialist Party of America during the Great Depression and the unaffiliated social-democratic movement developed by those who left the Socialist Party to join President Roosevelt’s New Deal coalition. The substance and implications of socialism’s revival in the 1930s have received insufficient attention, overshadowed by an emphasis on the character and impact of American communism. Viewed over multiple decades, socialists remained relevant in the labor movement. Their integration into the New Deal coalition confounds claims that American socialists were too rigid and programmatic in their beliefs to be effective political actors in the United States. Their shift from a revolutionary socialism to a pragmatic embrace of social democracy suggests that socialists were able to find an accommodation with both capitalism and with the Democratic Party. For much of the Depression, the Socialist Party was a vibrant political force on the American left, challenging the mainstream parties to address the economic crisis, creating a space in which women claimed leadership, and provided a cohort of skilled organizers for the labor movement. During the revival, women were central to the party’s successful organizing efforts, provided vital election support, publically debated the meanings of femininity and masculinity, and held important offices within the party. Socialists also built institutions. Highlander and Soviet House, two institutions that must be understood within their proper socialist contexts, developed out of the radicalism fostered by Reinhold Niebuhr at Union Theological Seminary. Radical young socialists, drawn to Reinhold Niebuhr’s pessimistic critique of capitalism, carried their belief that capitalism was in its terminal crisis into the SP’s Revolutionary Policy Committee. Their energy yielded impressive organization success for the labor movement. The continued intellectual coherence of socialists in the decades after the revival suggest that evolving socialist ideas survived within and at odds with the New Deal coalition. Far from abandoning socialism, those socialists who participated in the New Deal coalition maintained a distinctive set of ideas. The existence of a strong cohort of women in the Socialist Party’s revival runs contrary to scholars’ claims that women did not play a significant role in the Socialist Party after the early 1920s. Socialist women rebuilt socialist institutions during the Depression. They were central to the party’s successful organizing efforts; provided vital election support; debated the meanings of femininity and masculinity; and held offices within the party. Viewed from within the confines of parties and elections, the history of the socialist movement in the United States appears limited in its scope and importance. During the 1930s, socialists’ successful municipal projects were eclipsed by rising factionalism and the unrequited attraction of revolution. Socialists seemed much less interesting and their critiques less incisive and useful when mired in historical accounts that give primacy to factional feuds and electoral politics. This was not the entirety of the socialist experience in the 1930s. Socialists did fight amongst themselves and against communists, primarily with words but also with fists. They also served as productive forces and provided significant leadership within the labor movement. Throughout those decades, they continued to distinguish themselves from other trade unionists. Socialists retained their class-based critique of American society even as they softened their ideas about the remedies that they intended to employ to make that society more equitable.

In this thesis I examine women's participation in the violent revolutionary organization, Weatherman/Weather Underground. My attempt is to uncover Weatherman's view of women's liberation, their differences to the women's liberation movement and examine the practices implemented. I discuss Weatherman, more generally, in the context and circumstances of their emergence from the Students for a Democratic Society in the late sixties. Influenced by popular revolutionary thinkers Weatherman declared itself and its members revolutionaries dedicated to bringing about a socialist revolution in the United States through strategies of guerilla warfare. Weatherman's insistence on revolutionary violence situated masculinity and machismo within the center of their politics and practice. Weatherman promised its female members liberation through violence and machismo in the fight for a socialist revolution. I explore Weatherman's political position on women's liberation and the result of their politics evident in autonomous women's actions and sexual practices. In addition, I contend that Weatherman's politics more generally, and women's participation in Weatherman was shaped by the cultural hegemony of masculinity, termed by Connell as hegemonic masculinity. Exploration of women's participation in political violence is important to the acknowledgment of women as agents of aggression and the gender fluidity they represent. Weatherwomen's acceptance and adoption of masculinity provides an example of gender fluidity in contexts outside of common homosexual, transgendered, or queer representations. Furthermore, varying perceptions of women's liberation during the late sixties and early seventies has yet to be explored outside of the narrow scope of the autonomous feminist movement. Women who participated in the Weatherman/Weather Underground, their politics of women's liberation and methods in which to accomplish liberation have been ignored by historians of feminism and the New Left. This thesis uncovers the politics of women's liberation in the Weatherman/ Weather Underground, through which I examine the meaning of women's liberation, methods of liberation, and the empowered and limited position of women within the Weatherman/Weather Underground.

Detta arbete undersöker huruvida Försvarsmakten beskriver flygstridskrafterna utifrån ett revolutionärt eller evolutionärt synsätt. Ett revolutionärt synsätt grundar sig i föreställningen att flygstridskrafterna har ändrat krigets karaktär medan ett evolutionärt synsätt grundar sig i att flygstridskrafterna är en naturlig utveckling av krigföringen som exempelvis kulsprutan. De två synsätten representeras av varsin teoretiker. Det revolutionära synsättet representeras av John Warden och det evolutionära synsättet av Martin van Creveld. Genom att med kvalitativ textanalys undersöka den svenska doktrinserien samt försvarsmaktens utvecklingsplan och flygvapnets utvecklingsplan efter indikatorer som visar åt ena eller det andra hållet anser författaren att han fått fram ett resultat. Undersökningen visar att Försvarsmakten beskriver flygstridskrafterna ur ett evolutionärt synsätt när det gäller flygstridskrafternas integrering i den gemensamma myndigheten Försvarsmakten samt fokus på den gemensamma operationen och dess fördelar. Dock beskrivs flygstridskrafterna ur ett revolutionärt synsätt gällande deras förmåga att skapa luftöverlägsenhet samt hur de bör ledas. / This paper examines if the Swedish Armed Forces describes its air forces from a revolutionary or evolutionary approach. The idea of revolutionary approach derives from the thoughts that air forces have changed the character of war while the evolutionary approach rests on the idea that air forces is a development of warfare just like the machine gun. The two approaches are represented by two theorists, John Warden as the revolutionary and Martin van Creveld as the evolutionary.  The writer has, by examining the Swedish Armed Forces doctrines and the Armed Forces plans for development from a revolutionary and evolutionary point of view, got an answer to the question. The examination shows that the Swedish Armed Forces describes its air forces from an evolutionary approach when it comes to integration into the Armed Forces and the focus in joint operations with its benefits. The air forces are also described from a revolutionary approach when it comes to air superiority and command.