La politique militaire de la France en Afrique est en évolution. La véracité factuelle de ce constat est désormais difficilement contestable. Ce changement s’observe d’abord dans le discours où l’on parle de plus en plus d’anciennes pratiques dépassées et reconnaît que ce qui était politiquement possible et admis il y a vingt ans ne l’est plus aujourd’hui. Ce processus s’incarne ensuite dans la modification des instruments d’action ainsi que dans les modes et les niveaux d’utilisation de ces instruments. Partant de ces considérations, le présent travail se propose d’examiner les facteurs à l’origine de cette évolution. Il part des réponses jusqu’ici proposées pour apporter un éclairage nouveau au sujet des forces et dynamiques à la base des changements annoncés ou observés. Contrairement à la littérature existante qui a jusqu’ici privilégié les approches matérialistes et utilitaristes pour expliquer les transformations entreprises et celles promises dans la politique militaire africaine de la France, cette étude propose, à l’inverse, une perspective inspirée des approches cognitives et axée sur le processus d’apprentissage. Ainsi, plutôt que de voir dans les réformes ici analysées le résultat exclusif de changements structurels ou systémiques survenus dans l’environnement économique, social ou international des États, notre analyse fera davantage valoir que cette transformation a pour l’essentiel été une adaptation faite à la lumière des leçons tirées d’expériences antérieures. Cette analyse s’appuie sur l’Advocacy Coalition Framework. Développée par Paul A Sabatier et ses collègues, il postule que la prise de décision en matière de politique publique peut être mieux comprise comme une compétition entre coalitions de cause, chacune étant constituée d’acteurs provenant d’une multitudes d’institutions (leaders de groupes d’intérêt, agences administratives, chercheurs, journalistes) qui partagent un système de croyances lié à l’action publique et qui s’engagent dans un effort concerté afin de traduire des éléments de leur système de croyances en une politique publique. / France’s military policy in Africa is changing. It is henceforth difficult to contest the factual truth of this statement. This change is firstly observed in discourse where there is increasing reference to old, out-dated practices as well as the recognition that what was politically possible and acceptable twenty years ago is no longer today. This process of change is found secondly in the modification of action tools as well as the way and at which level these tools are implemented. Using these reflections as a starting point, the current study proposes to examine the factors at the root of this evolution. In referring to hypotheses put forth in the past, this study will shed new light on the struggles and dynamics at the base of these predicted or observed changes. Unlike existing literature which has, until now, favoured material and utilitarian approaches to explain the transformations already undertaken and promised in African military politics, this study will suggest a perspective inspired by cognitive approaches and centered on policy learning. Thus, rather than seeing these reforms as the exclusive result of structural or systematic changes which occurred in the economic, social or international environment of the States, our analysis will emphasize that this transformation was mainly an adaptation made following lessons learned over the course of previous experiences. This analysis is founded on the Advocacy Coalition Framework. Developed by Sabatier and Jenkins-Smith, the Advocacy Coalition Framework focuses on the interaction of advocacy coalitions, each composed of actors from various governmental and private organizations who both share a set of normative and causal beliefs and engage in a non-trivial degree of co-ordinated activity over time in order to transform the elements of their beliefs system into public policy.

En analysant le processus d’appropriation des normes de bonne gouvernance (participation citoyenne, transparence, redevabilité et lutte contre la corruption) par les fonctionnaires au Rwanda et au Burundi, cette thèse cherche à comprendre l’impact réel des politiques de développement, dans le domaine de la gouvernance. La recherche met en exergue l’influence importante des bailleurs sur la structure formelle des Etats, mais sans modifier les rapports de force sous-jacents, au sein de la structure étatique. Au contraire, la recherche prouve qu’un faible niveau de considération des relations informelles de pouvoir et de la perception cognitive des acteurs durant le transfert de technologie peut porter à un détournement et une instrumentalisation de la technologie transférée, renforçant les dynamiques de pouvoir préexistantes. / By analyzing the appropriation process of good governance norms (civil participation, transparency, accountability and the fight against corruption) by civil servants in Rwanda and Burundi, this thesis try to assess the real impact of development policies, within the governance framework. The research emphasizes the influence of bilateral and multilateral donors on state formal structure, but without modifying underlying power relationships, within the state structure. At the contrary, the research shows that a lack of consideration for informal power relations and actors’ cognitive perception during technology transfer may reinforce pre-existing power relationships, as well as the misappropriation and the instrumentalization of the transferred technology.

"Rwanda was largely destroyed in 1994. Among an endless host of problems, highly complex questions and dilemmas of justice, unity, and reconciliation haunt Rwanda to this day. A basic question confronting Rwanda is how to deal with the legacy of the conflict that culminated in the genocide of the Tutsi and in the massacres of Hutu opponents of the genocide. The UN set up an International Criminal Tribunal in Arusha, Tanzania, and Rwanda has its own courts. In both cases, the process of trying accused genocidaires is long, laborious, and frustrating. Only eight convictions have been handed down in Arusha after five years of work, while in Rwanda only some 3,000 cases have been disposed of. At least 120,000 detainees are in prisons around the country, the vast majority of whom are accused of participation in the genocide. At the present rate it is estimated that it will take anywhere between two and four centuries to try all those in detention. The Rwandese government has developed a new procedure called “gacaca,” lower-level tribunals that attempt to blend traditional and contemporary mechanisms to expedite the justice process in a way that promotes reconciliation. The impact of gacaca remains to be seen, and as a process, it certainly needs an evaluation or, at least, an attempt to evaluate its possible contribution to the perplexing questions of justice, unity and social reconstruction in the aftermath of genocide. This paper mainly aims to analyse the draft legislation on the gacaca jurisdictions. Further, this essay attempts to examine the impact of criminal trials in the aftermath of mass violence and genocide. Although conventional wisdom holds that criminal trials promote several goals, including uncovering the truth; avoiding collective accountability by individualising guilt; breaking cycle of impunity; deterring future war crimes; providing closure for the victims and fostering democratic institutions, little is known about the role that judicial intervention have in rebuilding societies. The present essay deals only with criminal trials. By definition, these are focused on the perpetrators of abuses and their allies. Although not examined in the essay, a comprehensive and holistic approach to dealing with a legacy of past atrocities should also include range of victim-focused efforts, such as programs for compensation and rehabilitation, the establishment of memorials, and the organisation of appropriate commemorations. The main sources of this study are textbooks, articles from journals and official documents of national and international bodies. Since this essay aims at evaluating the gacaca proposals, a great deal of attention is paid to the terms of the draft legislation. It is certainly premature to make an in-depth assessment of a draft law and the merits and flaws of the legal institution it is designed to set up. Only gradually and over a period of time can the gacaca become effective and credible. Further research aimed at gathering data through interviews, field observations, participant observation, study and analysis of the implementation can also illuminate experience in ways that analysis of published sources do not. A thorough and sound appraisal of this new institution must therefore wait some time. I shall nevertheless attempt in this essay to set out some initial and tentative comments on some of the salient traits of the future gacaca tribunals. This paper makes a preliminary “human rights impact assessment” of the implementation of the draft law establishing “gacaca jurisdictions”. The potential role of the new institution in rebuilding the Rwandese society is also discussed. Considering the many complex issues which still surround the process of justice in Rwanda six years after the genocide, as well as the continuing challenge to the judicial system in terms of the inadequacy of resources for dealing with such an enormous caseload, recommendations to help the process follow the analysis of the gacaca proposals (Chapter Three). To end impunity, it is necessary to respond in accordance with human rights law to the genocide and mass killings. Therefore, the starting point for our evaluation of the gacaca proposals will be an analysis of the proposals in human rights law. Does human rights law impose any affirmative duties to punish genocide and other mass killings that occurred in Rwanda? In addition, for the “gacaca jurisdictions” to be effective, they should not be viewed in isolation, as their performance will depend to a large extent on whether other judicial mechanisms and institutions are functioning properly. The relationships between the gacaca jurisdiction and other mechanisms are thus reviewed. In particular, the process of setting up the gacaca jurisdictions should include an evaluation of the genocide trials which have taken place to date both at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda and in the domestic courts and apply the lessons learnt (Chapter Two). An evaluation of the potential contribution of the use of gacaca courts needs to be put into the broader context of the conflict in Rwanda. Thus, an analysis of the conflict in Rwanda is necessary to grasp the challenges facing the questions of justice and social reconstruction in the aftermath of genocide in Rwanda (Chapter One)." -- Introduction. / Prepared under the supervision of Professor Jeremy Sarkin, Faculty of Law, University of the Western Cape / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2000. / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

This study aims to examine Bosnia-Herzegovina and Rwanda's tolerance and reconciliation processes after the conflicts by answering the research question 'How can we explain the similarities and differences between Bosnia-Herzegovina and Rwanda’s reconciliation processes in terms of ethnic tolerance among its inhabitants post civil war and genocide?'. An explanatory theory based on Brounéus’ perspectives and recommendations on reconciliation is used throughout the study. The main findings are that both countries have had diverse approaches and have not fulfilled the requirements for achieving ethnic tolerance and reconciliation.

För att ett samhälle ska utvecklas på ett modernt och framgångsrikt sätt är elektricitet en grundläggande faktor. Tillgång till elektricitet förhöjer levnadsstandarden för befolkningen genom att generera positiva synergieffekter såsom att fler utbildar sig, ekonomisk tillväxt och stabilitet, förbättrad välfärd och internationella samarbeten. När den globala populationstillväxten och användningen av elektricitet ökar blir det av ännu större betydelse att andelen förnyelsebara bränslen i energimixen blir större för att inte påskynda den negativa klimatförändringen. Rwanda är ett litet, kustlöst land i Östafrika med ambitiösa planer om att förse sin befolkning, om 11.9 miljoner, med elektricitet år 2024 och att bli en ekonomi med låga koldioxidutsläpp. Idag har endast 41% av befolkningen tillgång till elektricitet, där 30% är uppkopplade till det nationella elnätet och 11% förses med elektricitet från fristående ellösningar eller mikronät. Rwanda arbetar med nationella policys såsom Vision 2020, Energy Sector Strategic Plan and National Energy policy för att uppnå sina nationella mål. Dessa strategier inkluderar också Förenta Nationernas globala mål och andra internationella åtaganden. Rwanda är också medlem i det gränsöverskridande samarbetet Eastern African Power Pool, vilket kommer förbättra deras framtida möjligheter för handel med elektricitet med sina grannländer. Denna studie syftar till att analysera den nationella elsektorn i Rwanda, både det nuvarande läget och framtida prognoser, för att bidra till landets arbete mot det Globala Målet 7 - Hållbar energi för alla. Ett övergripande mål med studien är att finna en fördelaktig energimix för Rwandas samhälle, miljö och ekonomi. Målsättningen är att samla in data om elsystemet och nationella policys genom en fältstudie i Kigali. Insamlad data sammanställs sedan och sju scenario modelleras genom att använda verktyget OSeMOSYS via gränssnittet MoManI. Scenarierna speglar Rwandas arbete med nationella policys, potentiell export samt hur energimixen påverkas när priset på fotovoltaik reduceras. Resultatet påvisar vattenkraftens betydande roll i Rwandas elsystem och hur den i majoriteten av scenarierna utgör den största andelen av energimixen. De exportscenarios som är kombinerade med nationella policys genererar en högre total systemkostnad medan de med enbart export antingen genererar motsvarande utfall som i grundscenariot eller aningen lägre total systemkostnad. I fyra av sju scenarier får befolkningen tillgång till elektricitet år 2024 och mål 7 uppnås. Baserat på denna studie behöver Rwanda begränsa sina koldioxidutsläpp, investera mer i förnyelsebara energikällor och expandera sitt nationella elnät samt förse befolkningen på landsbygden med fristående ellösningar eller mikronät för att nå mål 7. / For a society to function in a modern and prosperous way, electricity is a fundamental necessity. Access to electricity enhances the living standard of the population by generating positive synergies such as more people proceeding in education, economic growth and stability, improved welfare and collaborations with other nations. As the global population grows and the use of electricity increases, it is of great importance to increase the share of renewable energy resources in the energy mix to decelerate the climate change altered by greenhouse gas emissions. Rwanda is a small, landlocked country in East Africa with ambitious plans to electrify its full population of about 11.9 million by 2024 and to become a low-carbon economy. Today merely 41% of the population has access to basic electricity, where 30% are connected to the national grid and 11% are electrified by off-grid solutions. Rwanda is working with national strategies such as Vision 2020, Energy Sector Strategic Plan and National Energy policy to achieve their goals. These policies comprise, among others, United Nations’ Sustainable Development Goals and their Intended Nationally Determined Contributions. Rwanda is also a member of the Eastern African Power Pool, which enhances their future possibilities of expanded collaboration with neighbouring countries in terms of electricity trading. This study aims to analyse the national electricity sector of Rwanda, both the current state and future outlooks, to contribute to their achievement of the Sustainable Development Goal 7 - Affordable and Clean Energy for All (SDG 7). The overall aim of the study is to find an energy mix which benefit Rwanda’s society, environment and economy. The objective of the thesis is to collect data about Rwanda’s electricity system and national policies through a field study in Kigali. The collected data is then compiled, and seven scenarios are modelled by using the tool OSeMOSYS through MoManI. The scenarios portray Rwanda’s work with national policies, potential exports and how the energy mix is affected when the price for photovoltaic decreases. The results show the importance of hydropower in Rwanda’s electrification system and how it in the majority of the scenarios constitutes for the largest share in the energy mix. The exports scenarios combined with national policies have a higher total system cost while scenarios with merely exports have either the same total system cost as the business as usual scenario or a bit lower. In four out of seven scenarios electricity access for all inhabitants is ensured by 2024 and SDG 7 is achieved. Based on this study, Rwanda needs to limit their national emissions, invest in more renewables and expand the national grid as well as providing rural areas with off-grid solutions to achieve SDG 7.

On October 1, 1990 the Rwandan Patriotic Front launched a war from and with the support of the Republic of Uganda against Rwanda. This war was accompanied by unspeakable violations of International Humanitarian Law. Both conflicting parties violated the basic rules protecting the civilian population in situations of armed conflicts. The United Nations Security Council, acting under Chapter VII of its Charter, passed resolution 955 of November 8, 1994 establishing the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda to prosecute alleged responsible of such violations. This study investigates the background of the ICTR and questions the nature of the conflict that prompted the Security Council to establish another ad hoc international criminal tribunal after the one established for the former Yugoslavia. It further inquires into its jurisprudence and reflects critically on the ICTR's approach to serious violations of IHL under Article 3 Common to the Geneva Conventions and Additional Protocol II. / Jurisprudence / LL. M. (Law)

The occurrence of internal armed conflict in Africa has increased over the last two decades. As such, Africa continues to be viewed by many as a troubled continent. In an attempt to avoid further conflict in Africa, organisations such as the United Nations have implemented comprehensive tools and strategies to prevent further conflicts from occurring. However, the genocide in Rwanda and the on-going unrest in Sudan have shown that there is still a lot of work to be done. In both these cases, the conflicts took place or escalated even with UN presence on ground. This paper will thus examine the UN's legal role in the prevention of internal armed conflict and establish the type of lessons that could be learnt from Rwanda and Sudan. / Public, Constitutional, & International / LL.M.

In 1994 a brutal genocide took place in Rwanda were one part of the population killed over 800 000 of their own people over a period of one hundred days. Rwandan radio, the biggest and most influential medium in the country, played a crucial part in the tragedy and today, almost 22 years after the genocide, Rwanda is trying to rebuild the media system as well as the trust between the public and the journalists. Over recent years Rwanda has made a huge development within the media sector and keeps moving forward from its dark history. This study aims to examine how radio journalist at the government owned radio channel RBA, Rwanda Broadcasting Agency, experiences the changes in the media climate and focus will mainly lie on the period after the introduction of new media laws in 2013. This study also examines how journalists have experienced different international collaborations, especially between Western countries and Rwanda, that are aiming to develop the media system. In total eleven radio journalist from RBA were interviewed and our research questions were as follows; How do Rwandan radio journalists within the RBA experience the media situation in the country today? How do Rwandan radio journalists within the RBA regard their role within their profession? How can Rwanda’s media climate be interpreted through different normative media systems? To understand the media climate at RBA three theoretical perspectives were used as a base; Agenda Setting Theory, globalisation and domestication. To study the media situation an ethnographic method was applied and put into the context of Rwanda's history and culture. During our interviews we have talked about how the journalists regard their role in the society, how it has changed, what may still change, how they value their independency as journalists and what they think the future holds for Rwandan media development. The informants all agreed that Rwandan journalism is constantly developing and journalists are learning how to work in a society where the media's biggest aim is to be trusted by the public. Rwandan journalists and international journalists, the latter group also partly represented in the study, regard Rwanda's media situation differently but both parts agree upon the fact that the country has a long way to go to reach an open media climate. Our result leads up to a cultural conclusion; it is difficult to make a fair judgement of the media situation in Rwanda only by measuring the country's development and the journalistic competence according to Western ideals.

This thesis examines the practices of international, national, and localised criminal courts in post-genocide Rwanda. It argues that, although the courts are compatible in law, an interpretive cultural analysis shows that they have often competed with one another. The research draws on interviews conducted with judges, lawyers, and a group of witnesses and suspects from the United Nations International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), the national Rwandan courts, and the gacaca community courts. The courts’ judges and lawyers have interpreted Rwanda’s transitional justice processes very differently. The ICTR has been principally concerned with developing international criminal case law. The national courts purport to have focused on domestic legal reform, while personnel inside gacaca view these local courts as having provided an account of the events and causes of the genocide. This thesis argues that the different interpretations offered within Rwanda’s post-genocide courts illuminate divergent legal cultures inside the institutions, leading to failures in effective cooperation and evidence gathering. The courts have pursued diverse means to try to establish their legitimate authority. However, among a group of Rwandan citizens, the practices of one court were routinely used as the basis to criticise the actions of the others, raising challenges for the legitimacy of transitional justice in Rwanda. The potential for similar competition between domestic and international justice processes is apparent in the current practice of the International Criminal Court (ICC). However, this competition can be mitigated through more effective communication between different justice systems which respond to the needs of the affected populations, fostering a legal culture of complementarity.

The issue of standards for household latrines is complex because discussions related to standards for latrines in literature from the water, sanitation and hygiene (WASH) sector tend to focus on the negative aspects of standards and highlights cases where the miss-application of standards in the past has caused problems. However, despite concerns about the constraints that standards can seemingly impose, there is an acknowledgement that standards can play a more positive role in supporting efforts to increase access to household latrines. The World Health Organisation has long established and widely recognised standards for water supply quality and quantity but there are no equivalent standards for sanitation services and there is currently no guidance that deals with the topic of standards for household latrines. Household latrines are a small component of the wider sanitation system in a country and by considering how standards for household latrines operate within this wider sanitation system the aim of this research is to understand what influences standards can have on household latrines and explore how the negative perceptions about standards and latrine building can be overcome. The development of guidance on how to develop well written standards is the core focus of this research. This research explores the factors that can influence the development and use of a standard for household latrines in Rwanda using three data collection methods. Document analysis using 66 documents, including policies and strategies, design manuals and training guides from 17 countries throughout Sub-Saharan Africa was used in conjunction with the Delphi Method involving an expert panel of 27 from Rwanda and 38 semi-structured interviews. The research concludes that perceptions about standards for household latrines are fragmented and confused with little consensus in Rwanda on what need a standard should meet and what role it should play. The study has found that the need for a standard must be considered in the context of the wider sanitation system otherwise it can lead to duplication of efforts and increased confusion for all stakeholders. The study also found that there is an assumed link between standards and enforcement of standards through regulation and punishments which creates the negative perceptions about standards in Rwanda. However, despite this aversion to standards, there are still intentions to promote the standardisation of latrine technologies and designs, led by national government in Rwanda and in other Sub-Saharan African countries. The contribution to knowledge of this research includes a decision process presented at the end of the study which can be used by decision makers who are interested in developing a standard for household latrines. The decision process acts as a tool for outlining how a standard can operate within the national sanitation system. This understanding provides decision makers with the basis for continuing the debate on what a well written standard looks like in the national context and supports the development of a standard that is fit for purpose and provides a positive contribution to the sector.