This study examines the impact mountain gorillas has on the sustainable and developmental life of the Volcanoes National Park (VNP) in Rwanda. The study is equally based on the on psychosocial perspectives as it concerns the behavior of the population. It emphases on how ecotourism works and how it affects the mountain gorillas on the nature reserve. The study also investigates the impact of ecotourism with regards to the locals, society and the country using research that has been previously carried out.   The study's findings show that the revenue-sharing system from mountain gorilla tourism activities has changed local communities view on ecotourism both positively and negatively through opportunities and weaknesses in sustainable development. In addition, the study shows the government's ongoing commitment to improving and maintaining the eco-tourism sector by diversifying its activities. It shows that the government of Rwanda has included conferences, ceremonies, and tours in its ecotourism efforts that further provides variation for visitors so that tourism develops throughout the country. / Denna studie undersöker bergsgorillornas påverkan utifrån ett hållbarhets- och utvecklingsperspektiv i Volcanoes National Park (VNP) i Rwanda. Studien utgår från ett psykosociolaperspektiv, hur ekoturismen fungerar och påverkar bergsgorillorna i VNP. Studien undersöker även med hjälp av tidigare forskning; vilka konsekvenser som tillkommer med ekoturism med avseende på lokalbefolkning, samhället och landet. Studiens resultat visar att intäktsdelningsystemet från bergsgorillaturismen har förändrat lokala samhällen både positivt och negativt genom möjligheter och svagheter i hållbarutveckling. Studien visar regeringens ständiga åtaganden att förbättra och upprätthålla ekoturismsektorn genom att diversifiera verksamheten. Rwanda har inkluderat konferenser, ceremonier och turer i sin ekoturism som ytterligare ger variation för besökarna så att turismen utvecklas i hela landet.

The aim of this case study is to draw a picture about the present situation and highlight constraints and challenges to the implementation of National Environment Policy (NEP) in Rwanda by identifying limits and prospects for improving the ongoing implementation process. we found that environmental management at the local level is subject to the compounded effects of the obstacles faced by the local administration, the complex nature of environmental management, and the lack of assimilation of environmental issues at the national level. Environmental conditions suffer as a result, and there is a need for substantial modifications to improve the situation. Improved functions should lead to the enhancement of the local environment through: Higher investments from the regulated community subjected to more targeted enforcement, Private investments in infrastructure through the privatization of functions traditionally borne by the District, Pollution prevention through forward-looking planning, Greater efficiency in using available resources and justified requests to the central budget / Environmental Sciences / M. Sc. (Environmental Management)

À travers l’analyse de la vie des protagonistes, le malaise et le dysfonctionnement socio-politique, économique et culturel des post-indépendances, cette étude met en exergue les différentes formes de violences dans les romans suivants : The Beautyful Ones Are Not Yet Born, Fragments d’Ayi Kwei Armah, Kill Me Quick, Going Down River Road, The Cockroach Dance et The Big Chiefs de Meja Mwangi et Dangerous Love de Ben Okri. La thématique de la désillusion s’incruste comme un leitmotiv dans tous ces romans. L’omniprésence de la désillusion permet de montrer le caractère violent de la perte des illusions. L’émergence des régimes dictatoriaux après l’indépendance dans plusieurs pays africains où la corruption, le clientélisme et l’affairisme sont érigés en mode de gouvernement entraînent une dissonance profonde et un malaise sans précédent. Si ces violences puisent, d’une part, leur origine dans la déstructuration de la vie sociopolitique, économique et culturelle causée par la colonisation, elles sont dues, d’autre part, aux dysfonctionnements de la société post-indépendante. Ces violences, ces dissonances et la tyrannie du pouvoir atteignent leur sommet dans un pays imaginaire, vraisemmblablement le Rwanda, où la cruauté des massacres et l'absurdité de l'idéologie de l'Hutu Power appelant au génocide des Tutsi dépassent l'entendement humain / Through the analysis of the daily life of the protagonists, the socio-political, economic and cultural post-independence dissonance and malaise, this study spotlights the different forms of violence as portrayed in Ayi Kwei Armah’s The Beautyful Ones Are Not Yet Born, Fragments, Meja Mwangi’s Kill Me Quick, Going Down River Road, The Cockroach Dance, The Big Chiefs and Ben Okris’ Dangerous Love. The theme of post-independence disillusionment is pervasive in all these novels. The omnipresence of this disenchantment enables to point out the violence which is inherent in the loss of illusion. The dictatorial regimes which emerge in many African states, after independence, lead to a great and deep dissonance and unprecedented malaise: corruption, embezzlement and nepotism become the norms of ruling. If this violence finds its roots, on the one hand, in the violent socio-political, economic and cultural disorganisation of traditional African society by colonisation, it is also, on the other hand, due to post-independence disjuncture and bitterness. Tyranny of power, dissonance and violence have plunged an imaginary country, probably Rwanda , into an extreme violence where the cruelty of the massacres and the absurdity of Hutu Power's ideology exhorting Hutu people to exterminate the Tutsi are beyond all understanding

No description available.

Suite à la reprise des hostilités consécutive à l’attentat contre l’avion du président Habyarimana, il y eut violation du cessez-le feu signé à Arusha le 04 aout 1993 entre le gouvernement rwandais et la rébellion du front patriotique rwandais, et une guerre civile éclata au Rwanda. Au cours de cette guerre civile, beaucoup de graves violations du droit international furent commises. Les différentes enquêtes des nations unies ayant constaté que ces violations pouvaient être qualifiées de génocide, crimes contre l’humanité et crimes de guerre, recommandèrent la création d’un tribunal pénal international pour en réprimer les auteurs. C’est ainsi que le conseil de sécurité des nations unies, ayant constaté que ces crimes ainsi que la crise humanitaire au Rwanda constituaient une menace à la paix, créa, lors de sa séance du 8 novembre 1994, le tribunal pénal international pour le Rwanda (TPIR). Il lui assigna la mission de réprimer toutes les personnes impliquées dans ces crimes au Rwanda et dans les pays voisins en 1994, en vue de contribuer au maintien de la paix dans la région des grands lacs africains ainsi qu’à la réconciliation nationale au Rwanda.La légalité, pour le conseil de sécurité, organe politique des nations unies, de créer une juridiction pénale dans le cadre du chapitre vii de la charte a été analysée. Quant à l’adéquation de cette mesure au contexte, la répression des auteurs des crimes devait contribuer au maintien de la paix et à la réconciliation nationale, par la dissuasion et l’aspect pédagogique des jugements.Cependant, à la clôture des travaux du TPIR en 2014, le bureau du procureur n’avait poursuivi aucun membre du FPR malgré les rapports bien documentés l’impliquant dans les crimes commis. Aussi, aucune enquête n’a été organisée pour élucider les circonstances de l’attentat contre l’avion du président rwandais, reconnu par l’ONU comme le facteur déclencheur du génocide.Les travaux du TPIR ont connu des limites d’ordre juridique, basées d’une part, sur les textes fondamentaux ainsi que la stratégie des poursuites inappropriée de la part du bureau du procureur, et que d’autre part, sur l’ingérence des facteurs politiques qui a limité l’action du bureau du procureur. Ces facteurs ont rendu l’action du TPIR critiquable et considérée par certains observateurs comme une justice du vainqueur.Suite à cette répression partielle et sélective, le TPIR n’a assuré aucune contribution au maintien de la paix dans la région des grands lacs. L’impunité accordée aux membres d’une partie au conflit rwandais a favorisé l’exportation de la violence armée en république démocratique du Congo, où les crimes graves ont été commis depuis 1996. Quant à la contribution à la réconciliation nationale, la répression partielle a plutôt servi à cristalliser les frustrations qui pourraient, à l’avenir, générer une autre crise politique plus importante que celle de 1994. En vue de réparer les erreurs du TPIR, il a été recommandé que la communauté internationale, à défaut d’étendre la compétence ratione temporis du TPIR, puisse créer un autre tribunal pénal international ad hoc pour réprimer les auteurs des crimes commis au Rwanda et au Congo, et dont l’impunité risque de pérenniser l’instabilité et la violence dans la région. / Following the resumption of hostilities after the air Strike on President Habyarimana's plane, there was a violation of the ceasefire signed in Arusha (Tanzania) on 4 August 1993 between the Rwandan government and the rebellion of the Rwandan Patriotic Front , and a war Civil war broke out in Rwanda. During this civil war, many serious violations of international law were committed. As the various United Nations investigations found that these violations could be characterized as genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes, they recommended the establishment of an international criminal court to punish the perpetrators. Thus, the United Nations Security Council, having found that these crimes and the humanitarian crisis in Rwanda constituted a threat to the peace, created, at its meeting on 8 November 1994, the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR). He assigned him the task of prosecute all those involved in these crimes in Rwanda and in neighboring countries in 1994, with a view to contribute to the maintenance of peace in the African Great Lakes region and to national reconciliation in Rwanda.The legality of the creation of a criminal jurisdiction under Chapter VII of the Charter for the United Nations Security Council was analyzed. As to the adequacy of this measure to the context, the punishment of perpetrators should contribute to the maintenance of peace and national reconciliation through deterrence and the pedagogical aspect of judgments.However, at the close of the ICTR's work in 2014, the Office of the Prosecutor had not prosecuted any member of the RPF despite well-documented reports involving the crimes committed. Accordingly, no investigation has been carried out to elucidate the circumstances of the attack on the Rwandan president's plane, which the UN recognized as the trigger for the genocide.The ICTR's work has had legal limitations, based on both basic texts and the inappropriate prosecution strategy of the Office of the Prosecutor, and on the interference of Political factors that limited the work of the Office of the Prosecutor. These factors have made the action of the ICTR criticized and regarded by some observers as a justice of the victor.As a result of this partial and selective repression, the ICTR has not made any contribution to the maintenance of peace in the Great Lakes region. Impunity granted to members of a party to the Rwandan conflict has favored the export of armed violence to the Democratic Republic of Congo, where serious crimes have been committed since 1996. As for the contribution to national reconciliation, partial repression Has served rather to crystallize the frustrations that could, in the future, generate another political crisis more important than that of 1994.In order to remedy the errors of the ICTR, it was recommended that the international community, without extending the jurisdiction of the ICTR ratione temporis, could create another ad hoc international criminal tribunal to punish the perpetrators of crimes committed in Rwanda and Congo, and whose impunity risks perpetuating instability and violence in the region.

This thesis aims at finding the reasons for the genocide in Rwanda, not only in the history of the country, but also the reason why the international institutions failed to prevent it. The thesis begins with a historical background of Rwanda where key actors in the conflict are presented and in the end presents an explanatory model which is based upon the facts gathered during the thesis. The model aims at explaining why the genocide happened and it is built up of layers. These layers have their background in Rwanda’s history and also international institutions, such as the UN. The layers of importance which led to the genocide are: Rwanda’s colonial past, the Arusha Accords and the mandate of UNAMIR (failure of the United Nations), a uni-polar world, increasing poverty, and the assassination of President Habyarimana. There were few available strategies in the standard arsenal of international political means that could have been used to stop the genocide, both before it broke out, but especially after it had begun. / Uppsatsen ämnar hitta de bakomliggande orsaker till folkmordet, inte bara i Rwandas historia men också varför internationella instutitioner, så som FN, inte bidrog till att förhindra folkmorden. I det fortlöpande arbetet med uppsatsen har en modell utvecklats vilken ämnar förklara vad som hände, och som är byggd på den information som framkommit under arbetets gång. Modellen bygger på ett flertal lager av händelser. Dessa lager bygger på händelser som inte bara rör Rwandas historia utan också på vad de internationella institutionerna bidrog med i konflikten. De identifierade lagren som ligger till grund för konflikten är Rwandas koloniala bakgrund, Arusha Accords och mandatet för UNAMIR, en unipolär värld, ökande fattigdom samt mordet på President Habyarimana. Det fanns få tillgängliga politiska strategier som kunde ha använts för att stoppa folkmordet.

A presente dissertação de mestrado analisa a atuação do Tribunal Penal Internacional para Ruanda, corte com sede na Tanzânia, criada sob os auspícios da ONU e encarregada de processar as pessoas responsáveis por sérias violações ao Direito Internacional Humanitário cometidas durante o genocídio da população tutsi organizado por membros do governo e do exército de Ruanda em 1994, e que vitimou mais de 800.000 civis. Estuda-se a evolução do Direito Internacional Penal ao longo do século XX até a criação do Tribunal e a história e a organização política de Ruanda até a eclosão da guerra civil e do genocídio. Apresenta-se a estrutura, a competência e a dinâmica dos julgamentos, promove-se o estudo de quatro casos paradigmáticos julgados, e verificam-se os resultados concretos alcançados pelo Tribunal para impedir a impunidade, apontando este órgão judicial como importante precursor do Tribunal Penal Internacional criado pelo Estatuto de Roma em 1998. O trabalho também ambiciona perpetuar a lembrança de um dos maiores massacres da história, comparável ao próprio Holocausto, e o tratamento dado pelo Direito e pela comunidade internacional ao episódio / This dissertation examines the performance of the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, Tanzania-based court, created under the auspices of the UN, in charge of prosecuting people responsible for serious violations of International Humanitarian Law committed during the genocide of the Tutsi population, organized by members of the government and the army of Rwanda in 1994, which killed over 800,000 civilians. It is studied the evolution of International Criminal Law over the twentieth century until the establishment of the Court, and also the history and the political organization in Rwanda until the outbreak of civil war and genocide. This dissertation presents the structure, competence and dynamics of the trials, promotes the study of four paradigmatic cases tried, and verifies the concrete results achieved by the Court to prevent impunity, pointing this judicial body as an important forerunner of the International Criminal Court created by the Rome Statute in 1998. The study also aspires to perpetuate the memory of one of the greatest massacres in history, comparable to the Holocaust itself, and treatment given by the law and by the international community to the episode

Cette recherche prend comme point de départ la lecture de textes émanant de deux aires socio-culturelles différentes : le Rwanda et le Guatemala. Issus de narrations de femmes, publiés à partir des années 1980, ils font acte de témoignage d’un événement : le génocide des Tutsis au Rwanda et les violences de masse au Guatemala.Les récits sont mis à l’épreuve du genre littéraire et du genre comme construction socio-culturelle.Le volume aborde, pour commencer, les aspects historico-esthétiques de la représentation littéraire des violences du XXe siècle en Europe et aux Amériques. Il reconstitue l’histoire et les enjeux de la problématique contemporaine du témoignage. Mais encore, à travers l’analyse des différentes éditions des témoignages de Rigoberta Menchú et de Yolande Mukagasana, les dualités communes vrai/faux, fiction/réalité sont questionnées au sein du régime discursif du témoignage.Prenant appui sur la conception dynamique de la lectureécriture 1 pour appréhender l’objet discursif – paratexte, texte et leurs instances symboliques – l’étude s’attache à dévoiler les mécanismes propres aux processus de signification au travers de possibles interprétations.1 Milagros Ezquerro, Leerescribir., México; Paris, Rilma 2!: ADEHL, 2008 / This study takes as its starting point the close reading of texts from two different socio-cultural areas: Rwanda and Guatemala. These female narratives published from the 1980s onwards bear witness to particular events: the Tutsi genocide in Rwanda and mass violence in Guatemala.Stories are examined through the prism of the literary genres of testimonio and témoignage, as well as through an understanding of gender as a socio-cultural construction.This research deals firstly with the historic and aesthetic aspects of literary representations of violence during the 20th century in Europe and the Americas. Itinvestigates the history of and contemporary concerns about ‘eye witness accounts’* ‘testimony’. Further, through the study and analysis of various editions of the testimonies of Rigoberta Menchú and Yolande Mukagasana, it questions the common dualities of true/false, fiction/reality in the discursive regime of the testimony. Based on the dynamic conception of readingwriting1 to comprehend the discursive object – paratext, text and their symbolic representations – this research aims to unveil the mechanisms at work in the signification process through various interpretations.1 Milagros Ezquerro, Leerescribir., México; Paris, Rilma 2: ADEHL, 2008.

Doctor Legum - LLD / The 20th century witnessed several wars and genocides worldwide. Notable examples include the Armenian and Jews genocides which took place during World War I and World War II respectively. The Rwandan genocide of 1994 is a more recent example where a large number of the population was affected, either as victims or perpetrators. Over 800,000 Tutsis were dead, and more than 120,000 suspects were in prison for the genocide. The present study focuses on the Rwandan genocide against Tutsi where the scale of the crimes simultaneously dictated the overwhelming need for justice at both international and national level. At the international level, the ICTR was set up by the United Nations to deal with the organisers of the genocide while the Rwandan national courts were left to deal with the remaining suspects. Yet it became increasingly clear that the national courts lacked themselves the capacity to deal with the vast majority of alleged perpetrators. If their impact was to be enhanced, they needed to rely on the support of alternative justice mechanisms. So Rwanda introduced a modern version of the traditional Gacaca courts as an attempt to deal with the huge backlog of cases in order to combat the culture of impunity. However, having different courts for one and the same situation has had its own limitations. One of these issues is the legal and practical disparities that exist between the ad hoc International Tribunal and national justice mechanisms in the process of prosecuting perpetrators, such as the unequal treatment of the accused. This study therefore attempts to show these discrepancies and their impact on the process of accountability and reconciliation. Thus, the study analyses the relationship between the ICTR, national courts and Gacaca in prosecution of genocide suspects as well as lessons from the adopted ‘multifaceted approaches’ to deal with the crime of genocide.

Gender-based violence (GBV) has been used as a tool of instilling fear, hatred and persecution during conflict situations. It is a fact that GBV takes place pre-conflict situations. Moreover, conflicts and wars only accelerate the rate at which GBV is committed. In the 1990s and early 2000s, there was conflict in the Former Yugoslavia, Rwanda and Sierra Leone. These conflicts went down in history as conflicts where horrendous crimes were committed. As a result of the atrocities committed and the magnitude of victims, the international community with the assistance of the United Nations formed the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY), the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) and the Special Court for Sierra Leone. These international tribunals were given the task of prosecuting the perpetrators of these crimes. Prior to the formation of these tribunals, the international community had experienced other wars whereby international tribunals were also formed to deal with the atrocities committed. However, this research only aims at comparatively analysing the ICTY, TCTR and the SCSL because these new tribunals were the first in experiencing the development of the prosecution of GBV. The former international tribunals did not effectively deal with gendered crimes therefore there was no precedent set in international law regarding the prosecutions of these crimes. The conflicts that occurred in the Former Yugoslavia, Rwanda and Sierra Leone also saw the introduction of more brutal forms of GBV. These forms of GBV that developed forced the tribunals to change the way they prosecuted gender-based crimes because the nature and the magnitude at which the crimes were committed was massive. Forms of GBV that were earlier recognised such as rape and sexual violence were now being used as a means through which the perpetrators committed war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide. The comparative analysis between the ICTR, the ICTY and the SCSL also aims at showing how the different challenges and hurdles that these courts faced when prosecuting these crimes. The pitfalls that the tribunals experienced at the pre-trial phase are also investigated and critically analysed with the aim of drawing lessons about mistakes that should not be repeated in newer international tribunals. A comparative analysis will also be done on the different precedents that were set by the cases that were heard in these tribunals with the aim of showing how these tribunals have indeed contributed to the development of the prosecution of these types of crimes. Finally, recommendations will be made regarding how future international tribunals better deal with these crimes. The research paper also aims at creating awareness that these types of crimes must be treated differently and with caution because the effects that the victims suffer from last way after the conflicts and trials are over. Lessons must be carried from past prosecutions in order to correct and better improve the way in which the prosecutions are carried out and also the way in which the different victims are treated even after the prosecutions have been completed. / Dissertation (LLM)--University of Pretoria, 2011. / Public Law / unrestricted