Submitted by Aline Santiago da Silva Santos (aline.santos@fgv.br) on 2011-05-17T17:26:51Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação versão 13 de mar 2011.pdf: 1048951 bytes, checksum: 46668dfd75b8dc54f38e4860854462e0 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Renan Castro(renan.castro@fgv.br) on 2011-05-20T18:55:23Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação versão 13 de mar 2011.pdf: 1048951 bytes, checksum: 46668dfd75b8dc54f38e4860854462e0 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2011-06-13T11:52:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação versão 13 de mar 2011.pdf: 1048951 bytes, checksum: 46668dfd75b8dc54f38e4860854462e0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-03-29 / This study proposes to examine the process of integration of the various actions to transfer income under the federal government during the first administration of President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, between the years 2003 and 2006, which resulted in the creation of Bolsa Família Program.The proposed analysis seeks to contribute to the knowledge about government and public administration, generating information on the formation of the government agenda of a government committed, programmatically, with the reduction of poverty and social inequality. Regarding the methodological path traversed in the preparation of this thesis, we started with the following key question: Why and how was the process of integration of the Bolsa Família Program? The methodology applied consisted in identifying the reasons for entering this issue on the government agenda of the President ́s Lula first government. To that end, we conducted a case study,to identify which actors participated in the discussion on the unification of income transfer programs and what were the concepts that guided. As a research tool, it was decided by the application of semi-structured interviews with some participants of the Working Group of the Unified Income Transfer Programs. Besides the interviews, other sources were used: the reports and / or minutes of meetings of the Working Group, the Board of Social Policy of the government, the laws of the previous programs, the legislation of the Bolsa Família Program, the speeches made by President-elect Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva from January to October 2003. Through the analysis of all the documentation listed, you can check the government effort to implement changes in income transfer programs. Reports of these meetings were produced by the technical groups, addressing the social policies for reducing inequalities, building the Bolsa Família Program taking into account the importance of the historical legacy of the existing shares. As results, it was found that President Lula, the Board of Social Policy and its group of technical experts were able to seize the window of opportunity for a government that was beginning to develop with strong public policies to fight hunger and poverty. After walking the path of historical reconstruction for the preparation of this manuscript, we attempted to highlight some contributions that aims to provide an incentive for further studies on decision making in the public sphere of government. / O presente trabalho propõe-se a analisar o processo de integração das diversas ações de transferência de renda no âmbito do governo federal, durante a primeira gestão do presidente Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, entre os anos de 2003 e 2006, que resultou na criação do Programa Bolsa Família. A análise proposta busca contribuir para ampliar o conhecimento sobre o governo e a administração pública, gerando informações sobre a formação da agenda governamental de um governo comprometido, programaticamente, com a redução da pobreza e da desigualdade social. Quanto ao caminho metodológico percorrido, na elaboração desta dissertação, partiu-se da seguinte pergunta-chave: por que e como se deu o processo de integração do Programa Bolsa Família? A metodologia de pesquisa aplicada consistiu na identificação das razões para a entrada deste tema na agenda governamental do primeiro governo do presidente Lula. Para tanto, foi realizado um estudo de caso, objetivando identificar quais atores participaram da discussão sobre a unificação dos programas de transferência de renda e quais foram os conceitos que os orientaram. Como instrumento de pesquisa, optou-se pela aplicação de entrevistas semi-estruturadas com alguns participantes do Grupo de Trabalho de Unificação dos Programas de Transferência de Renda. Além das entrevistas, as outras fontes utilizadas foram: os relatórios e/ou atas das reuniões do Grupo de Trabalho, da Câmara de Política Social do governo; as legislações dos programas anteriores; a legislação do Programa Bolsa Família; os discursos realizados pelo presidente eleito Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva entre janeiro e outubro de 2003. Por meio da análise, de toda a documentação elencada, é possível verificar o esforço governamental no sentido de implementar mudanças nos programas de transferência de renda. Dessas reuniões foram produzidos relatórios pelos Grupos Técnicos, abordando as políticas sociais para a redução das desigualdades, construindo o Programa Bolsa Família levando se em conta a importância do legado histórico das ações existentes. Como resultado da pesquisa, identificou-se que o presidente Lula, a Câmara de Política Social e o seu grupo de especialistas técnicos souberam aproveitar a janela de oportunidades de um governo que estava iniciando com forte apelo para desenvolver políticas públicas de combate à fome e a pobreza. Após percorrer o caminho de reconstrução histórica para a elaboração dessa dissertação, buscou-se destacar algumas contribuições que tem por objetivo servir de incentivo para novos estudos sobre o processo decisório na esfera pública de governo.

Made available in DSpace on 2011-05-04T12:36:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2010 / O Programa Bolsa Família, criado em outubro de 2003, propõe a articulação do benefício monetário à implementação de programas complementares, com o objetivo oficial de promover o desenvolvimento de capital humano e de fomentar o processo de autonomização das famílias beneficiárias. O objetivo deste estudo foi analisar a implementação dos programas complementares a nível local, identificando as potencialidades e os entraves deste processo em Manguinhos, região localizada na Zona Norte do município do Rio de Janeiro. Foi realizado um estudo de caso, utilizando como instrumentos de levantamento de dados consultas documentais, grupos focais com beneficiários do Programa, além de entrevistas semi-estruturadas com atores governamentais, não-governamentais e beneficiários do Programa. Foram também coletados dados secundários que pudessem contribuir para a análise sócio-demográfica de Manguinhos. Os principais programas que configuram ações complementares voltadas à capacitação profissional e ampliação das possibilidades de inserção social de jovens são o Plano Setorial de Qualificação e Inserção Profissional (PlanSeQ), o Programa de Mobilização da Indústria Nacional de Petróleo e Gás Natural (PROMINP) e o Programa Nacional de Inclusão de Jovens (PROJOVEM). No entanto, o desenho, a cobertura e a avaliação destas iniciativas mostram-se frágeis na região. As famílias desconhecem a oferta de cursos de qualificação profissional voltados aos beneficiários e afirmam que as oportunidades de trabalho que surgem não são vinculadas ao Bolsa Família. Os gestores reconhecem a debilidade das ações e destacam que os cursos do PlanSeQ não se adéquam à demanda local, ainda que pensados como estratégia de qualificação profissional voltada às obras do Programa de Aceleração do Crescimento e à vocação turística da cidade do Rio de Janeiro. Considerando que a perspectiva de inclusão social defendida pelo Programa Bolsa Família está atrelada ao acesso às políticas de promoção da saúde, de segurança alimentar e nutricional, de educação e de trabalho, a oferta e o acompanhamento destas ações pelas esferas governamentais e organizações civis constituem um eixo essencial para a efetividade do combate à pobreza e à fome, contribuindo para as chamadas portas de saída do Programa Bolsa Família. / The Bolsa Família or “Family Grant” Program, created in October 2003, proposes the articulation of monetary benefit to the implementation of complementary programs with the official aim of promoting human capital development and encourage the process of empowering the beneficiary family. The objective of this study was to analyse the implementation of complementary programs at the local level, identifying the potentialities and obstacles of this process in Manguinhos, region located in the northern zone of Rio de Janeiro. A case study was conducted, using as instruments for data collection document review, focus groups with beneficiaries of the program, and semi-structured interviews with governmental, nongovernmental stakeholders and beneficiaries of the Program. We also collected secondary data that could contribute to the socio-demographic analysis of Manguinhos. The main complementary programs targeting professional training and expansion of possibilities for social inclusion are Plano Setorial de Qualificação e Inserção Profissional (PlanSeQ), Programa de Mobilização da Indústria Nacional de Petróleo e Gás Natural (PROMINP) and Programa Nacional de Inclusão de Jovens (PROJOVEM). However, the design, coverage, and evaluation of these initiatives have been precarious in the area. Families are unaware of the supply of vocational training courses and claim that the area’s new work opportunities are unrelated to Bolsa Família. The program administrators admit to the activities’ weakness and emphasize that the courses offered under PlanSeQ are not adapted to the local demand, even though they were conceived as a vocational training strategy aimed at filling construction jobs in the Growth Acceleration Program (GAP) and the tourist industry in Rio de Janeiro. Considering that the social inclusion perspective defended by the Bolsa Família Program is tied to access to policies for health promotion, food and nutrition security, education, and work, the supply and follow-up of these activities by government agencies and civil society organizations are an essential thrust for the effectiveness of the fight against poverty and hunger, aimed at contributing to the “exit routes” or “graduation” from the Bolsa Família Program.

Submitted by Tatiana Lima (tatianasl@ufba.br) on 2015-05-04T20:32:26Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Matheus de Oliveira Souza.pdf: 1240114 bytes, checksum: ffc8b68a81cc6724ce291bf7c06cddd1 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Patricia Barroso (pbarroso@ufba.br) on 2015-05-05T14:14:23Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Matheus de Oliveira Souza.pdf: 1240114 bytes, checksum: ffc8b68a81cc6724ce291bf7c06cddd1 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-05T14:14:23Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Matheus de Oliveira Souza.pdf: 1240114 bytes, checksum: ffc8b68a81cc6724ce291bf7c06cddd1 (MD5) / A pesquisa tem por objetivo compreender o entrosamento entre as agências públicas estatais ligadas ao desenvolvimento de políticas sociais e a cooperação internacional no setor, por meio de projetos desenvolvidos por agências da ONU na Bahia de 1996 a 2013. Para tanto, serão analisados quatro projetos na área social e as suas peculiaridades em termos de interação institucional, objetivos e resultados. Um projeto foi definido para cada agência, conforme se segue: Projeto "Pró-Gavião", realizado pela Companhia de Desenvolvimento e Ação Regional (CAR) em parceria com o Fundo Internacional de Desenvolvimento Agrícola (FIDA); Projeto "Promovendo Direitos de Jovens: Cultura e Saúde Sexual e Reprodutiva em Salvador", realizado pela Secretaria Municipal de Educação, Cultura, Esporte e Lazer da capital baiana junto ao Fundo de População das Nações Unidas (UNFPA); Programa "Ministério Público e os Objetivos do Milênio: Saúde e Educação de Qualidade para Todos", executado pelo Ministério Público do Estado da Bahia em conjunto com o Programa das Nações Unidas para o Desenvolvimento (PNUD); e Selo UNICEF Município Aprovado, desenvolvido pelo Fundo das Nações Unidas para a Infância com inúmeros municípios baianos. A partir de uma explanação sobre o papel da ONU no mundo, compreendido através de uma discussão sobre a reforma desta organização, buscou-se explicitar as características da cooperação internacional observáveis localmente a partir de categorias conceituais definidas pelos campos da Administração e das Relações Internacionais. Os resultados do estudo evidenciam quais desses conceitos foram comprovados ou relativizados, permitindo-se uma conclusão que desvela algumas certezas sobre as interações entre organizações internacionais e atores públicos locais. This research aims to understand the interplay between local government agencies linked to social policies development and the international cooperation in this area through projects carried out by (or in partnerships with) United Nations in Bahia from 1996 until 2013. In order to achieve this, four projects developed in the social police sector will be analyzed in it's institutional interactions peculiarities, goals and results. For each UN agency, one project was picked: "Pró-Gavião" Project, carried out by the Company for Regional Development and Action (CAR) in a partnership with the International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD); "Promovendo Direitos de Jovens: Cultura e Saúde Sexual e Reprodutiva em Salvador" Project, carried out by the City Department of Education, Culture, Sport and Recreation of Salvador together with the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA); "Ministério Público e os Objetivos do Milênio: Saúde e Educação de Qualidade para Todos" Programme, implemented by the Public Ministry of the State of Bahia along with the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP); and "Selo UNICEF Município Aprovado" Initiative, developed by the United Nations Children's Fund with numerous municipalities in Bahia. From an explanation about the role of the United Nations in the international system, understood through a discussion on the reform of this organization, we attempted to explain the observable characteristics of international cooperation locally from conceptual categories defined by the fields of Administration and International Relations. The results of the study show that these concepts were proven or relativized, allowing a conclusion that reveals some certainties about the interactions between international organizations and local public actors.

This dissertation analyses the relationship between social work and social policy in Europe from a comparative historical perspective. Central to this analysis is the dynamic interplay of forces which led to the consolidation of the European nation state as a welfare state, including the current crisis of the welfare consensus. The role of social work emerges as central to the project of national cultural integration, a perspective which frequently gets overlooked from a purely national perspective. Social works enmeshment with this nation state project is revealed in the current transformation of the welfare states in the light of neo-liberal principles and in the context of globalization. This perspective underlines the need for the development of intercultural communicative competences and in particular a consistent anti-racist approach in social work. At the same time the particular position in relation to social policy requires the development of research methods specific to the discipline in the light of its hermeneutic tasks. / Die Arbeit behandelt die Beziehung zwischen Sozialer Arbeit und Sozialpolitik in Europa aus vergleichender historischer Perspektive. Untersucht wird die Dynamik des Nationalstaats und seine Konsolidierung als Wohlfahrtsstaat bis zur gegenwärtigen Krise des Wohlfahrtskonsenses. Dabei gewinnt die Rolle der Sozialen Arbeit in der Aufgabe kultureller Integration besondere Bedeutung, da dies aus rein nationaler Sicht oft nicht zu erkennen ist. Ihre Verkoppelung mit dem Nationalstaat wird besonders deutlich in der gegenwärtigen Transformation durch neo-liberale Prinzipien im Kontext der Globalisierung. Hieraus ergeben sich neue Aufgaben für die Soziale Arbeit, insbesondere in Bezug auf die Entwicklung interkultureller kommunikativer Kompetenzen und eines konsistenten antirassistischen Ansatzes. Gleichzeitig erfordert die besondere sozialpolitische Position die Entwicklung disziplinspezifischer Forschungsansätze im Lichte der hermeneutischen Bedeutung der Sozialen Arbeit.

Cette thèse porte dans une perspective sociohistorique et ethnographique sur le mouvement piquetero en Argentine et ses transformations successives durant les années 2000 en un vaste réseau d’organisation prestataires de services. Ce mouvement est né des actions collectives des chômeurs et travailleurs précaires à la fin des années 1990 contre les effets des réformes « néolibérales » et tient son nom de l’un de ses modes de protestation privilégié, le barrage de route ou piquete. Dès ses débuts, les piqueteros ont fait l’objet d’un double traitement de la part de l’État, entre répression et récupération dans le cadre de la mise en place de programmes de transferts conditionnés des ressources (Conditional Cash Transfer Programs). Dans cette nouvelle configuration de l’action publique ciblée, il s’agit désormais pour l’État de déléguer la distribution des aides sociales aux organisations, au regard de leur proximité territoriale avec les populations précarisées. Or, cette thèse montre que ce rôle flou de guichet, qui tend à introduire d’une manière ou d’une autre de la concurrence entre les organisations, a ainsi rapidement contribué à fragmenter l’espace piquetero, et produit des effets ambivalents sur les pratiques et les trajectoires des participants. La thèse s’appuie sur des méthodes mixtes, qualitatives et quantitatives, à partir d’une enquête de terrain menée pendant 40 mois, entre 2000 et 2015, dans deux provinces argentines. D’une part, à travers une ethnographie et des entretiens biographiques approfondis auprès des leaders, des délégués et des militants de la base (N=104), nous avons observé les interactions entre ces différentes catégories. Une prosopographie des leaders (N=76) nous a, d’autre part, permis à partir des méthodes statistiques de l’analyse factorielle (ACM) et de la classification (CAH) de rendre compte de la structuration de cet espace des organisations. Dans une première partie, la thèse s’attache – à l’appui d’archives et d’entretiens – à mettre en lumière les conditions de possibilité de la cristallisation progressive d’un mouvement social en un espace d’organisations. Nous avons cherché ici à appréhender le contexte, les enjeux et les moyens d’action de ce mouvement contestataire, en rapportant son inscription à l’évolution depuis le début du XXè siècle des rapports entre État, partis politiques et syndicats. La deuxième partie de la thèse est, elle, consacrée à l’analyse des pratiques militantes et des formes d’encadrement au sein des organisations. L’ouverture de la boîte noire des organisations révèle ainsi à quel point leur fonctionnement interne résulte de la capacité d’un ensemble d’intermédiaires à mener un travail de représentation, de mobilisation et de gestion des ressources vis-à-vis de certaines fractions des classes populaires particulièrement disposées à s’engager dans la durée. L’examen statistique des trajectoires de leaders nous renseigne par ailleurs sur les ressources nécessaires à l’occupation d’un tel poste et aussi sur ce que l’engagement fait aux parcours individuels. Enfin, une troisième partie a servi à appréhender les pratiques associatives au sein des organisations. Restituer les logiques de recrutement et les profils des recrutés a donné à voir dans la durée aussi bien les conditions de l’engagement de ces chômeurs et travailleurs précaires que les effets sur leurs trajectoires. L’observation des pratiques notamment lors des assemblées permet de montrer les principes d’encadrement tendus entre militantisme et entreprenariat qui pèsent sur les participants. Si cette fraction de précaires témoigne au sein des classes populaires de formes de mobilisation et de résistance particulièrement exemplaires, ils tendent également à déployer des modalités d’accommodement aux organisations, différenciées suivant leur socialisation et le volume et la nature de leurs ressources. / This thesis discusses the Piquetero movement in Argentina and its successive transformations during the 2000s into an extensive network of service provider organizations throughout the territory from a sociohistorical and ethnographic perspective. This movement was born out of the collective actions of the unemployed and precarious workers in the late 1990s against the effects of "neoliberal" reforms, and takes its name from one of their preferred modes of protest, the roadblock or picket. Since its beginnings, the Piquetero movement has been the subject of a double treatment by the State, between repression and recovery in the context of the establishment of Conditional Cash Transfer Programs. In this new configuration of targeted public action, it is now up to the State to delegate the distribution of social assistance to a network of organizations, given their territorial proximity to the underprivileged populations. However, this thesis shows that this fuzzy wicket role, which tends to introduce in one way or another the competition amid the organizations, has thus quickly contributed to fragment the piquetero space, and produces ambivalent effects on the practices and the trajectories of the participants. The thesis is based on mixed methods, qualitative and quantitative, from a large 40-month field survey conducted between 2000 and 2015 in two Argentinian provinces. On the one hand, through an ethnography and in-depth biographical interviews with leaders, delegates and grassroots activists (N=104), we observed the interactions between these different categories. A prosopography of the leaders (N=76) allowed us, on the other hand, from the statistical methods of factor analysis (ACM) and hierarchical classification (CAH), to report on the structuring of this space of organizations. In the first part, the thesis focuses – with the support of archives and interviews – on the conditions of the gradual crystallization of a social movement into a space of organizations. We sought here to understand the context, the stakes and the means of action of this protest movement, relating its inscription to the evolution since the beginning of the XXth century of the relations between State, political parties and unions. The second part of our thesis is devoted to the analysis of activist practices and forms of supervision within organizations. The opening of the black box of the organizations thus reveals to what extent their internal functioning results from the capacity of a set of intermediaries to carry out a work of representation, mobilization and management of resources among working classes particularly willing to engage in the long term. The statistical examination of the trajectories of leaders also informed us about the resources that were necessary to occupy such a position and also about the effects of their engagement to their individual trajectories. Finally, a third part serves to apprehend associative practices within organizations. Restoring the recruiting logics and the profiles of the recruits has shown in the long term both the conditions of the commitment of these unemployed and precarious workers and the effects on their trajectories. The observation of practices, especially during assemblies, shows the principles of supervision stretched between activism and entrepreneurship which weighed on the participants. If this fraction of precarious people testifies within the working classes of forms of mobilization and resistance particularly exemplary, they also tend to deploy modes of accommodation to organizations, differentiated according to their socialization, and the volume and nature of their resources.

Cette thèse a été réalisée en cotutelle Université de Montréal (UdeM) - Université Libre de Bruxelles (ULB). L'auteur a bénéficié de bourses doctorales provenant du Fonds national de la recherche scientifique (FNRS-Belgique), du Fonds de recherche du Québec-Société culture (FRQSC), et du Centre de recherche Léa-Roback sur les inégalités de santé de Montréal. / Les politiques de soutien au revenu des ménages se déclinent sous formes de mesures variées mises en place dans le cadre du système de protection sociale. Ces politiques influencent considérablement le revenu et les conditions de vie des ménages les plus vulnérables. Elles constituent un levier majeur pour réduire la pauvreté et les inégalités de revenu entre ménages. De ce fait, elles contribuent à améliorer la santé des populations et à réduire les inégalités sociales de santé (ISS) dès la naissance. L’évaluation de l’impact des politiques sociales sur les ISS dans différents contextes constitue une tâche complexe, du fait notamment de la difficulté, voire l’impossibilité, de mettre en place des études randomisées à grande échelle. Les variations des politiques sociales selon les pays constituent des opportunités pour mener des études comparatives sur base d’expériences naturelles. En partant d’un constat sur les limites des études comparatives habituelles, nous avons proposé une démarche de recherche visant à mieux étudier les spécificités des contextes afin d’expliquer les mécanismes par lesquels la combinaison des politiques de soutien au revenu influence la pauvreté des ménages et contribue aux ISS à la naissance à Bruxelles et à Montréal. Ce protocole de recherche a fait l’objet d’un 1er article. Le cœur de la thèse comprend trois parties. La première partie porte sur la comparaison des politiques d’aide sociale et d’allocations familiales en Belgique et au Québec et analyse les impacts sur l’intensité de la pauvreté des ménages à l’aide sociale dans les deux contextes. L’analyse se base sur la méthode des familles-types. Cette méthode consiste à calculer et comparer le revenu disponible de différents types de ménages. L’intensité de la pauvreté des ménages a été estimée selon le nombre d’enfants et la situation de couple. Pour chaque type de ménage, elle correspond à la différence relative entre le revenu disponible du ménage et le seuil de pauvreté relative. Les résultats montrent une intensité de la pauvreté plus marquée au Québec qu’en Belgique. Dans chaque contexte, on constate également que l’intensité de la pauvreté des ménages varie considérablement selon le nombre d’enfants et la situation de couple. Ce travail a fait l’objet d’un 2ème article. La deuxième partie porte sur la description des inégalités de santé à la naissance à Bruxelles et à Montréal. Les hypothèses de travail découlent des résultats obtenus à l’étape précédente. Deux études de cas ont été réalisées et analysées dans une perspective comparative. Les bases de données utilisées proviennent du couplage de données administratives issues des registres de naissance et des données de sécurité sociale. Les résultats ont donné lieu aux 3ème et 4ème articles. Le 3ème article concerne la population générale. Dans chaque région, des modèles de régression logistique ont été élaborés afin d’étudier l’association entre les issues défavorables de la grossesse (faible poids à la naissance, prématurité) et le statut socioéconomique (éducation de la mère et revenu). L’ampleur des inégalités de santé est plus marquée à Montréal qu’à Bruxelles et celles-ci diffèrent également selon l’origine de la mère. Le 4ème article porte spécifiquement sur la population bénéficiaire de l’aide sociale. Il compare l’association entre le faible poids à la naissance et la composition de ménage dans chaque région. On constate que les inégalités face au FPN varient selon le nombre d’enfants et la situation de couple entre les deux contextes, dans le même sens que les différences observées au niveau de la pauvreté. La troisième partie explore davantage les différences constatées à l'étape précédente selon l’immigration. Dans chaque région, elle compare l’impact du SES sur la santé périnatale chez différents groupes d’immigrés et les chez les mères nées en Belgique ou au Canada. Les résultats ont donné lieu aux 5ème et 6ème article de la thèse. L’analyse souligne l’importance de tenir compte des enjeux liés à l’immigration pour mieux expliquer la contribution des politiques de soutien au revenu aux ISS à la naissance. Cette thèse constitue une contribution unique. Dans deux régions où les taux de pauvreté et les prévalences des issues de la grossesse sont comparables dans la population générale, on constate des différences notables quant aux inégalités de santé à la naissance. Les politiques de soutien au revenu dans les deux contextes contribuent à expliquer ces différences. L’analyse démontre la nécessité de remédier aux insuffisances de ces politiques dans les deux contextes. Finalement, elle souligne les défis de la réduction de la pauvreté. Ces défis touchent à différents domaines, notamment la conciliation travail-famille, le marché du travail, l’immigration et les inégalités économiques. Mots-clés : Pauvreté, Inégalités sociales de santé, Politiques sociales, Etat-Providence, Evaluation d’impact en santé, Expériences naturelles, Inégalités de revenu, Faible poids à la naissance, Santé périnatale, Politiques de soutien au revenu. / Income support policies significantly influence the income and living conditions of the most vulnerable households. They constitute a major lever for reducing poverty and income inequalities between households. As a result, they contribute to improving the health of populations and reducing social inequalities in health (SIH) starting from birth. Assessing the impact of social policies on SIH in different contexts is a complex task, due in particular to the difficulty, if not impossibility, of setting up large-scale randomised studies. Varying social policies in different countries provide opportunities for comparative studies on the issue, based on natural experiments. Starting from an observation on the limitations of the usual comparative studies, we have proposed a research approach aiming to better study the specificities of contexts, which would allow us to explain the mechanisms by which the combination of income support policies influences household poverty and contributes to SIH at birth in Brussels and Montreal. This research protocol was the subject of a first article. This core of this thesis consists of three parts. The first deals with the comparison of welfare and family allowance policies in Belgium and Quebec and analyses their impact on the intensity of poverty of welfare households in both contexts. The analysis is based on the model family method, which consists of calculating and comparing the disposable income of different types of households. The intensity of household poverty was estimated according to the number of children and marital status. For each household type, the intensity of poverty corresponds to the relative difference between the household's disposable income and the relative poverty threshold. The results show a higher intensity of poverty in Quebec than in Belgium. It is also found that, in each context, the intensity of household poverty varies considerably depending on the number of children and marital status. This work was the subject of a second article. The second part of this thesis focuses on the description of health inequalities at birth in Brussels and Montreal. The working hypotheses are derived from the results obtained in the previous stage. Two case studies were carried out and analysed in a comparative perspective. The databases used come from a combination of administrative data from birth records and social security data. The results led to the third and fourth articles. The third article concerns itself with the general population. Logistic regression models were developed for each region to study the association between adverse pregnancy outcomes (low birth weight, prematurity) and socioeconomic status (mother's education and income levels). The magnitude of health inequalities is greater in Montreal than in Brussels and also differs according to the mother's origin. The fourth article focuses specifically on welfare recipients. It compares the association between low birth weight and household composition in each region. We can see that inequalities in LBW vary according to the number of children and marital status in both contexts, much like the differences observed in terms of poverty. The third part further explores the differences observed in the previous stage according to immigration. It compares the impact of SES on perinatal health among different immigrant groups and among mothers born in Belgium or Canada. The results led to the fifth and sixth papers of the thesis. The analysis underlines the importance of taking the specific issues linked to immigration into account to better explain the role that income support policies play in SIH at birth. This thesis is a unique contribution. There are notable differences in health inequalities at birth between two regions with similar poverty rates and levels of prevalence of unfavourable pregnancy outcomes among the general population. The impact of income support policies in Belgium and Quebec on the intensity of household poverty helps explain these differences. Our analysis demonstrates the need for public policies that address the inadequacy of the current income support measures in both regions. Lastly, it emphasises that the causes of poverty are interdependent and touch on various issues, including work-family balance, job insecurity, immigration and economic inequalities. Keywords: Poverty, Social inequalities in health, Social policies, Welfare state, Health impact assessment, Natural experiments, Income inequalities, Low birth weight, Perinatal health, Income support policies.

This master’s thesis in ethnology aim to enlighten the driving forces behind why a local football club, in a segregated residential area, outside of Stockholm in Sweden, chooses to develop its association in a more social direction. This is a cultural study of why football, as a cultural phenomenon, is expected to be able to solve social problems, and more generally how is sport considered a tool and a solution to social problems? Why is football expected to be able to solve segregation in a socio-economically vulnerable areas, of those who lead the sports activities? The empirical material of this essay has been collected through oral interviews from leaders of the association and government officials. Material from the association's development documents, state active board members from the association, government documents, and news articles have also been analyzed. By using the Political Discourse Theory by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe (2008 [1985]), the situations for how the sports activities have been designed can be seen as made in relation to the general hegemonic discourse on the social benefits of sport. It is also possible to discover how government grants work as guidelines and point out what the sports movement should perform under state supervision. Logics of Critical Explanation in Social and Political Theory (2007), by Jason Glynos and David Howarth, are used in the analysis and especially their fantasmatic logic has given this study an insight into the idea or perception that football leaders have of the outside world, in this case the idea of the social benefit of sport. Which in turn can explain why they in turn invest their commitment in and attract their drive from these ideas because the conviction is about being able to change the socio-economic situation in their local area. In the end, however, it turns out that neither sport nor football alone cannot serve as the solution in the fight against child poverty, criminal activity, and segregation. Sport’s simply does not have all the characteristics required to reform, challenge, or question a social order created or even built on inequality and segregation. But this in no way takes sport into account in contexts where it can socially contribute to a community that can play a significant role for its participants in their everyday lives.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-12-23T14:36:44Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 A contra-reforma do Estado e o financiamento da Seguridade Social - 1995 a 2002.pdf: 1001008 bytes, checksum: 93aaac1432b6d1aede0c3c946600717f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-10-30 / Trata do financiamento da Seguridade Social no Brasil no contexto da contra-reforma do Estado na década de 1990 e início dos anos 2000, focando o período do governo Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995 2002). A Seguridade é uma das formas da intervenção pública do governo, com o objetivo de promover sua legitimação. A partir de uma problematização teórico-histórica sobre a teoria do Estado, base para os estudos, é discutida a construção do conceito de Seguridade no país e a regulamentação das políticas que a compõem Previdência, Assistência e Saúde , além da contra-reforma do Estado no Brasil e seus efeitos sobre essa política. Apresenta considerações sobre as alterações nas políticas componentes da Seguridade, discorrendo sobre a contra-reforma da Previdência Social com a incorporação da lógica atuarial à concessão dos benefícios; sobre a assistencialização das políticas sociais e o aumento dos gastos com a Assistência Social, ainda que em nível insuficiente para lidar com as mazelas sociais do país; e sobre o processo de implantação do Sistema Único de Saúde, que trouxe uma valorização da atenção básica à saúde e dos mecanismos de descentralização dos recursos, ficando os municípios responsáveis por boa parte da operacionalização e financiamento da política. A partir da discussão sobre o financiamento público, é ressaltada a predominância da valorização financeira do capital com a destinação de parcela crescente dos recursos arrecadados pelo governo para garantir a acumulação. Os principais mecanismos nesse sentido são os instrumentos de desvinculação das receitas, agora comprometidas com o pagamento dos juros da dívida, e as metas de resultado primário positivo. A intervenção pública dos anos 90 pautou-se pela busca da estabilização da economia, sobre-valorizando a importância de uma política econômica de cunho contracionista e conduzindo a cortes nos gastos públicos para a área social com a finalidade de pagar parte dos juros da dívida pública, ou seja, remunerar o capital especulativo e manter calmos, ou melhor, satisfeitos, os ditos mercados . Na medida em que avançou a penetração da ideologia neoliberal na sociedade e a utilização dos recursos arrecadados em nome da Seguridade para os gastos específicos foi reduzida, as possibilidades para a efetivação dessa política enquanto intervenção pública consolidada pioraram, dependendo cada vez mais de uma mobilização social nesse sentido.

This study explores the changing nature of filial piety in contemporary society in rural China. With the economic, social and political upheavals that followed the Revolution, can 'great peace under heaven' still be found for the rural Chinese family as in the traditional Confucian proverb,"make yourself useful, look after your family, look after your country, and all is peaceful under heaven"? This study explores this question, in terms not so much of financial prosperity, but of non-tangible cultural values of filial piety, changing familial and gender roles, and economic migration. In particular, it examines how macro level changes in economic, social and demographic policies have affected family life in rural China. The primary policies examined were collectivisation, the hukou registration system, marketization, and the One-Child policy. Ethnographic interviews reveal how migration has affected rural family structures beyond the usual quantifiable economic measures. Using the village of Meijia, Sichuan province, as a paradigmatic sample of family, where members have moved to work in the cities, leaving their children behind with the grandparents, the study demonstrates how migration and modernization are reshaping familial roles, changing filial expectations, reshuffling notions of care-taking, and transforming traditional views on the value of daughters and daughters-in-law. The study concludes that the choices families make around migration, child-rearing and elder-care cannot be fully explained by either an income diversification model or a survival model, but rather through notions of filial piety. Yet the concept of filial piety itself is changing, particularly in relation to gender and perceptions about the worth of daughters and the mother/ daughter-in-law relationship. Understanding these new family dynamics will be important for both policy planners and economic analysts.