L’université du Bénin (ex Dahomey), étudiée entre 1950 et 2002, est un essai de contribution à l’histoire des universités en Afrique subsaharienne. L’ambition de cette recherche a été de montrer comment une université a pu être un lieu-clé dans le processus de construction nationale du Dahomey-Bénin, au lendemain des indépendances africaines de 1960. Créée en 1970, grâce essentiellement à l’appui de la France, l’université du Bénin, à l’instar de toutes celles de l’Afrique francophone, est marquée par un conflit permanent entre continuité et rupture avec le système éducatif hérité de l’époque coloniale. Conçue comme l’institution publique de formation des élites, l’université du Bénin est aussi un haut lieu de militantisme de la jeunesse et d’opposition au pouvoir, avec des répercutions sur la vie nationale entière. Étudier l’histoire de l’université, c’est en définitive, faire l’histoire de la société, de la jeunesse, des élites, du pouvoir, de l’administration et des relations internationales. Aussi, comprendre les enjeux des transformations de l’enseignement supérieur au Bénin aujourd’hui, nous apparaît-il, à la lueur de nos propres recherches, nécessiter des collaborations internationales permettant de croiser les échelles d’analyse et de multiplier les points de vue. / The University of Benin (ex Dahomey), studied between 1950 and 2002, is an attempt to contribute to the history of universities in sub-Saharan Africa. The ambition of this research was to show how a university could be a key place in the process of national construction of Dahomey-Benin, following the independence of Africa in 1960. Established in 1970, with mainly to the support of France, the University of Benin, like all those in French-speaking Africa, is marked by a permanent conflict between continuity and rupture with the educational system inherited from the colonial era. The Benin University, conceived as a public institution for the training of elites, is also a center of youth activism and opposition to power, with repercussions on the entire national life. To study the history of the university means ultimately to study the story of the society, youth, elites, power, administration and international relations. To understand the challenges of the transformations of higher education in Benin today, it appears to us, in the light of our own research, to require international collaborations allowing to cross the scales of analysis and to diversify the points of view.

#YoSoy132 movement was founded in May 2012 during the election campaign, after a small incident with one of the presidential candidates, Enrique Peňa Nieto, at IberoAmerican University in Mexico City. The movement gained relatively quickly a large number of supporters from many Mexican universities and also among ordinary citizens. The topic of this thesis is the transformation and evolution of the movement from presidential elections till present days. The main goal of this paper is to analyze the movement and answer the question on how #YoSoy132 movement has been developing over its fifteen months of existence, whether it has institutionalized and stabilized and how it can be defined and characterized.

Latin America cannot be conceived without acknowledging the social movements, which are often the engines of political and social changes on the continent. Until recently, Chile appeared to be the country where the social order was perceived as the most accomplished in relation to its politically unstable neighbouring countries, as well as in relation to its proper history. The 2011 student movement, which is the most significant social movement within the last twenty years of the Chilean history, can be completely understood only from a broader perspective of the 20th century. In order to understand the recent changes, the thesis deals with the phenomenon of the Chilean student movement studying its origins, historical trajectory and impact. The aim of the thesis is to explore the continuities and changes of the student movement and question why the 2011 protests are treated as a separate collective action in relation to the cycles of contention experienced in the 20th century.

The 1960s counterculture had a huge impact on American society and questioned many of the American values in order to replace them with their own ideas. Even thought the first trace of youth's revolt against the older generation appeared in the 1950s, it was in the 1960s when the young generation fully rose up and started to fight for their goals. The 1960s counterculture can be divided into two parts, the New Left and the hippies, which both comprised of many different groups and organizations, among them for example the Black Panthers, the Weatherman, Students for a Democratic Society or Vietnam Veterans Against the War. These organizations engaged in many different issues like a civil rights movement or an antiwar movement. The tool for spreading countercultural values was an art - until nowadays countercultural impact is still visible especially in music. Even thought the countercultural movement gradually became radical and in the end of the 1960s split up, its impact on American society is undeniable in some issues such as drug use, perception of sexuality or questioning authorities.

In November 2006, award-winning novelist, Bebe Moore Campbell died at the age of 56 after a short battle with brain cancer. Although the author was widely-known and acclaimed for her first novel, Your Blues Ain't Like Mine (1992) there had been no serious study of her life, nor her literary and activist work. This dissertation examines Campbell's activism in two periods: as a student at the University of Pittsburgh during the 1960s Black Student Movement, and later as a mental health advocate near the end of her life in 2006. It also analyzes Campbell's first and final novels, Your Blues Ain't Like Mine and 72 Hour Hold (2005) and the direct relationship between her novels and her activist work. Oral history interview, primary source document analysis, and textual analysis of the two novels, were employed to examine and reconstruct Campbell's activist activities, approaches, intentions and impact in both her work as a student activist at the University of Pittsburgh and her work as a mental health advocate and spokesperson for the National Alliance for Mental Illness. A key idea considered is the impact of her early activism and consciousness on her later activism, writing, and advocacy. I describe the subject's activism within the Black Action Society from 1967-1971 and her negotiation of the black nationalist ideologies espoused during the 1960s. Campbell's first novel Your Blues Ain't Like Mine and is correlated to her emerging political consciousness (specific to race and gender) and the concern for racial violence during the Black Liberation period. The examination of recurrent themes in Your Blues reveals a direct relationship to Campbell's activism at the University of Pittsburgh. I also document Campbell's later involvement in the National Alliance on Mental Illness (NAMI), her role as a national spokesperson, and the local activism that sparked the birth of the NAMI Urban-Los Angeles chapter, serving black and Latino communities (1999-2006). Campbell's final novel, 72 Hour Hold, is examined closely for its socio-political commentary and emphasis on mental health disparities, coping with mental illness, and advocacy in black communities. Campbell utilized recurring signature themes within each novel to theorize and connect popular audiences with African American historical memory and current sociopolitical issues. Drawing from social movement theories, I contend that Campbell's activism, writing, and intellectual development reflect the process of frame alignment. That is, through writing and other activist practices she effectively amplifies, extends, and transforms sociopolitical concerns specific to African American communities, effectively engaging a broad range of readers and constituents. By elucidating Campbell's formal and informal leadership roles within two social movement organizations and her deliberate use of writing as an activist tool, I conclude that in both activist periods Campbell's effective use of resources, personal charisma, and mobilizing strategies aided in grassroots/local and institutional change. This biographical and critical study of the sociopolitical activism of Bebe Moore Campbell establishes the necessity for scholarly examination of African American women writers marketed to popular audiences and expands the study of African American women's contemporary activism, health activism, and black student activism. / African American Studies

新聞報導是一種語藝的行動或一種說服之過程，也是一種真實的再現，透過不斷的傳播，建構出團體成員對外在世界的共同認知，逐漸成為閱聽人的共同印象。以社會運動來說，新聞工作者往往認為「衝突、對抗、造勢」等戲劇性效果，最具新聞價值，也最能代表社運，因此，媒體建構了社運，同時建構了人們對社運的印象。而以學生為主體的社會運動，因角色的轉換與社會的想像，使得媒體刻意在報導中多了些「保護」與「憐惜」，易產生與其它社會運動不同的報導取徑。 　　本研究以《聯合報》的野百合學運和太陽花學運的新聞報導作為研究對象，透過「幻想主題分析」的研究架構，輔以外在分析，探討單一媒體建構學運的語藝視野是否會隨著時代變遷而有所變化？ 　　研究發現，在《聯合報》語藝建構下，兩代學運呈現迥然不同的語藝視野，野百合學運的語藝視野為「憲政改革眾望所歸」和「民主自由難能可貴」；太陽花學運的語藝視野為「朝野惡鬥國會失能」和「民主之恥民主鬧劇」，並發現學運期間的讀者投書，具明顯的覆誦現象，形成一致的語藝社群，不僅如此，本研究同時驗證了單一媒體在建構不同世代學運的語藝視野，並不會全然產生相同的觀看視角與報導取徑。

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T16:33:10Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese protegida.pdf: 981786 bytes, checksum: f9c1b6e9bf082f379e23baf223187d52 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-05-22 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Este trabalho resgata a história da escola secundária em Osasco, que nasceu em 1950, no período noturno do prédio em que funcionava o Grupo Escolar Marechal Bittencourt, discutindo as relações que se estabeleceram entre a escola, seus sujeitos e os movimentos sociais vivenciados à época. A autora privilegiou o "movimento Autonomista" de Osasco, que se desenrolou na década de 50 até a instalação do município em 1962, e o "movimento estudantil" secundarista nos seus desdobramentos locais; o "movimento operário" foi tratado apenas no âmbito das relações que este manteve com a escola, uma vez que esse tema já foi alvo de vários estudos. Em síntese, procurou-se estabelecer as relações entre a escola conhecida, ainda hoje, como Ceneart e a sociedade em que se insere

本論文乃有關我國（台灣地區）於解嚴後至民國八十三年底止，憲政改革與政體轉型兩者之發展及相互影響之研究。 　　首章為緒論，係說明研究動機、研究目的；相關的文獻；研究範圍、研究途徑等。第二章為相關理論的建構與概念分析，包括憲法、憲政及憲法變遷的理論；政體轉型的概念意涵作界定與分析；威權政體及其政經發等。第三章分析憲政改革的背景因素，主要分從四個面向加以探討一、解除戒嚴及其作用；二、民進黨對憲改所進行的抗爭與主張；三、國民黨威權統治的弱化及其憲改規劃；四、三月學運與國是會議加速憲政改革。第四章為對憲政改革與三次修憲加以評析。第五章探討憲政改革對民主化的影響。第六章結論，除總結全文的重點，交待研究缺失及限制以外，並對我國未來憲政體制之定位提出建議。

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:23:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2010-10-01Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T20:08:36Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 santos_js_me_mar.pdf: 603567 bytes, checksum: 91a7e57f4e78062c259f5cc83bd8c83e (MD5) / Este trabalho tem como objetivo o estudo do Movimento Estudantil (ME) paulista nos anos de 1970. Pretende-se analisar os ideais teórico-políticos presentes no ME, buscando compreender e relacionar esses ideais com as ações de combate à ditadura militar praticadas pelos estudantes. Para tanto, é necessário identificar quais as organizações políticas que atuavam no ME da época e analisar suas concepções teóricas sobre como deveria ser conduzida a luta contra o regime militar. Os anos 70, para o ME, foi um período de reorganização em que a luta específica estudantil, bem como a luta pela democratização, teve grande destaque. O cenário político foi marcado pela repressão intensa sobre aqueles que se opunham ao governo, de modo que as organizações clandestinas que optaram pela luta armada passaram a rever suas ações que não redundavam em qualquer sucesso. Assim, elencamos para o nosso estudo três tendências que mais se destacaram pela sua visibilidade no ME da USP nos anos 70: Refazendo, Caminhando e Liberdade e Luta. Através da análise da concepção teórica destes grupos políticos e de seus vínculos extrauniversidade, pretende-se entender os encontros e congressos de estudantes realizados no período, verificando a participação destas tendências e sua influência teórica. A proposta final desta pesquisa é relacionar a atuação das tendências, a conjuntura da década e as ações estudantis para se compreender os momentos de reorganização e refluxo do ME. Importante ressaltar também a questão da práxis estudantil, efetuada em consonância com a visão do estudante sobre o seu papel na sociedade enquanto agente político e suas considerações sobre seu ambiente de atuação: a universidade / Este trabalho tem como objetivo o estudo do Movimento Estudantil (ME) paulista nos anos de 1970. Pretende-se analisar os ideais teórico-políticos presentes no ME, buscando compreender e relacionar esses ideais com as ações de combate à ditadura militar praticadas pelos estudantes. Para tanto, é necessário identificar quais as organizações políticas que atuavam no ME da época e analisar suas concepções teóricas sobre como deveria ser conduzida a luta contra o regime militar. Os anos 70, para o ME, foi um período de reorganização em que a luta específica estudantil, bem como a luta pela democratização, teve grande destaque. O cenário político foi marcado pela repressão intensa sobre aqueles que se opunham ao governo, de modo que as organizações clandestinas que optaram pela luta armada passaram a rever suas ações que não redundavam em qualquer sucesso. Assim, elencamos para o nosso estudo três tendências que mais se destacaram pela sua visibilidade no ME da USP nos anos 70: Refazendo, Caminhando e Liberdade e Luta. Através da análise da concepção teórica destes grupos políticos e de seus vínculos extrauniversidade, pretende-se entender os encontros e congressos de estudantes realizados no período, verificando a participação destas tendências e sua influência teórica. A proposta final desta pesquisa é relacionar a atuação das tendências, a conjuntura da década e as ações estudantis para se compreender os momentos de reorganização e refluxo do ME. Importante ressaltar também a questão da práxis estudantil, efetuada em consonância com a visão do estudante sobre o seu papel na sociedade enquanto agente político e suas considerações sobre seu ambiente de atuação: a universidade

Submitted by Johnny Rodrigues (johnnyrodrigues@ufcg.edu.br) on 2018-10-11T16:29:41Z No. of bitstreams: 1 ROSICLEIDE HENRIQUE DA SILVA - DISSERTAÇÃO PPGH 2014..pdf: 12249262 bytes, checksum: b98d2fe9dbb5a89e50376c0415b5d55e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-10-11T16:29:41Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 ROSICLEIDE HENRIQUE DA SILVA - DISSERTAÇÃO PPGH 2014..pdf: 12249262 bytes, checksum: b98d2fe9dbb5a89e50376c0415b5d55e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-08-29 / O presente trabalho de pesquisa tem como objetivo compreender sobre a atuação do Movimento Estudantil de Campina Grande-PB na década de sessenta. O tema está inserido na Linha de Pesquisa I Cultura e Cidades do Programa de Pós-Graduação em História da Universidade Federal de Campina Grande. O nosso estudo está dividido em três capítulos: no capítulo I mostramos como as lutas estudantis que estavam em curso no período pré-64 tiveram continuidade, em certa medida, com o golpe militar na Paraíba em 1964. No capítulo II relacionamos a atuação do movimento estudantil com as questões políticas e culturais no contexto de ditadura militar na cidade de Campina Grande. Já no capítulo III evidenciamos como a repressão, o controle e a resistência foram fatores presentes nas lutas dos estudantes campinenses após o ano de 1968 na Paraíba. Pautamo-nos na História Social Inglesa, utilizando como fundamentação teórica, principalmente, os conceitos de Classe Social e Experiência, baseados nas leituras acerca do historiador Eduard Palmer Thompson. As fontes utilizadas nesse trabalho foram pesquisas realizadas no Jornal Diário da Borborema e Jornal A União, História Oral, Documentos Oficiais e referências bibliográficas da historiografia brasileira, a nível nacional e local. / The present research aims to understand the role of the Student Movement of Campina Grande-PB in the sixties. The subject is inserted in the Research Line I and Culture Cities Program Graduate in History at the Federal University of Campina Grande. Our study is divided into three chapters: the chapter I show how the student protests that were going on in the pre-64 were continued, to some extent, with the military coup in 1964. The Paraíba in chapter II we relate the performance of motion student with the political and cultural issues in the context of military dictatorship in the city of Campina Grande. Already in Chapter III as evidenced repression, control and resistance factors were present in the struggles of campinenses students after the year 1968 in Paraíba. Pautamo us in English Social History, using as theoretical foundation, especially the concepts of Social Class and Experience, based on the readings of the historian Eduard Palmer Thompson. The sources used in this work were carried out surveys in the Daily Journal and The Borborema Union Journal, Oral History, Official Documents and references to the Brazilian national and local historiography.