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11	I betraktarens ögon : En historiedidaktisk studie av läroböckers innehåll och lärares resonemang om elfte septemberattacken och dess konsekvenser / In the eyes of the beholder : A didactic study of Swedish teachers and textbooks in history´s reasoning about nine eleven and its aftermath. Svanström, Emma, Johansson, Emmy January 2014 (has links) "In the eye of the beholder- A didactic study of Swedish teachers and textbooks in history’s reasoning about nine eleven and its aftermath" by Emmy Johansson and Emma Svanström aims to show which picture both teachers and textbooks on elementary school and upper secondary school want to mediate on the subject. The study also strives to compare the teachers view with the textbooks. To achieve these goals the study uses materials from eight interviews and fifteen textbooks. The methods are a combination of interviews and textual analysis inspired by the scientist Elizabeth D. Herman. Comparison was also included in order to be able to compare teachers and textbooks. Content analysis and sentence centralization was used in order to analyze the materials. Finally the study used a combination of theoretical concepts which included history didactics, historically consciousness and facts about the production of textbooks. The results show that although there is a great variation in how teachers as well as textbooks reason about the subject there are also many similar thoughts and presentations. This is the case for as well teachers as textbooks and the comparison between them. The study also reveal that although teachers are skeptical about the textbooks they are both needed to form a good education. But such a combination would still leave some effects unmentioned to the students. Elfte september terrorattack Afghanistankriget Irakkriget George Bush al-Qaida Usama bin Ladin Saddam Hussein Barack Obama lärare läroböcker historia undervisning och didaktik
12	Politinių lyderių vaidmuo krizinėje situacijoje 1990 - 1991 m. Irako - Kuveito konflikto kontekste / The role of political leaders during the crisis in the context of the confict between iraq and kuwait in 1990 - 1991 Kukuraitytė, Rita 08 September 2009 (has links) Kiekviena politinės lyderystės apraiška 1990 – 1991 metais vykusio Irako – Kuveito konflikto kontekste buvo skirtinga priklausomai nuo JAV, Didžiosios Britanijos, Prancūzijos ir Irako politinių lyderių asmeninių savybių, lyderiavimo motyvų, nuo skirtingai suvokiamų atskiros visuomenės tikslų įgyvendinimo specifikos, nuo tarptautinės grupės ypatybių ir kitų socialinių, politinių, ekonominių bei kultūrinių sąlygų. Vieni politiniais lyderiais tapo dėl asmeninio patrauklumo, charizmos, kiti atsidūrė tam tikru momentu tam tikroje situacijoje, treti veikė vedini savo asmeninių ambicijų. Kaip tik todėl magistro darbo objektas yra politinių lyderių vaidmuo Irako – Kuveito konflikte. Darbo aktualumas. 1990 – 1991 metais Persijos įlankoje netrūko radikalių permainų: pagrindiniu tikslu buvo laikomas Irako prezidento Sadamo Huseino nuvertimas, o tai reiškė, jog sąjungininkai privalėjo užimti Irako sostinę Bagdadą ir kontroliuoti visus strateginius jame esančius objektus. Būtent šioje situacijoje politiniams lyderiams atsirado puiki terpė pasireikšti. Magistro darbe aiškinamasi apie galingiausių to meto valstybių verbalinį ir fizinį ryšį, jų vykdomus ar ketinamus vykdyti veiksmus. Kadangi nebuvo ir vis dar nėra jokios paprastos lyderystės formulės ar griežtos mokslinės disciplinos, kuria būtų galėję vadovautis nagrinėjami politiniai lyderiai, tai tapo akstinu pažvelgti į šią problemą iš naujo. Darbo chronologinės ribos. Pavadinime įvardintas 1990 – 1991 metų laikotarpis. Konfliktas... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / Every political clash leaves a trace in World history. The conflict between Iraq and Kuwait in the end of XX century is not the exception. Amid growing tension between the two Persian Gulf neighbors, Saddam Hussein concluded that the United States and the rest of the outside world would not interfere to defend Kuwait. On August 2, 1990, Iraqi forces invaded Kuwait and quickly seized control of the small nation. Within days, the United States, along with the United Nations, demanded Iraq’s immediate withdrawal. U.S. and other UN member nations began deploying troops in Saudi Arabia within the week, and the worldwide coalition began to form under UN authority. On January 16, 1991, Allied forces began devastating bombing of Iraq and its forces in Kuwait. The Allied bombing sought to damage Iraq’s infrastructure so as to hinder its ability to make war while also hurting both civilian and military morale. Unfortunately, Allied air strikes and cruise missile attacks against Iraq proved more devastating than expected. When the Allied armies launched the ground war on February 23, the Iraqi occupation forces in Kuwait were already beaten. On March 3, 1991, Iraq accepted the terms of the cease-fire and the fighting ended. So the object of master‘s work has been the evaluation of the role, substantiality and particularity of political leaders during the conflict between Iraq and Kuwait in 1990 – 1991. The goal has been to point out the connection between the expression of political... [to full text] Irako – Kuveito konfliktas Persijos įlanka Krizinė situacija Politinė lyderystė Džordžas Bušas ( George Bush ) Margareta Tečer ( Margaret Thatcher ) Džonas Meidžoras ( John Major )
13	Justifying Operation Iraqi Freedom - A Study of Moral Metaphors in Political Statements Beganovic, Armin January 2006 (has links) Abstract The purpose of this thesis is to investigate the way George W. Bush used moral metaphors to intensify the language in his statements on Operation Iraqi Freedom. Three moral metaphors are presented within two different models that are applied on the data. The collected material for the metaphors is constituted of cognitive linguistic books from prominent linguists, such as George Lakoff, Alan Cruse and William Croft, and the data is collected from the official White House website. The scientific method used in this study has been qualitative text analysis where the hermeneutic approach has been an essential part of it. The main question: In what way did George W. Bush use moral metaphors in his statements to justify Operation Iraqi Freedom?, resulted in use of moral metaphors that sermons people’s moral values, depict Saddam Hussein’s characteristics as immoral, activate people’s moral priorities to help the Iraqi people, and addresses both conservatives and liberals in America. The conclusion of my study is that President Bush deliberately intensified the language in his statements through moral metaphors to justify Operation Iraqi Freedom. Keywords: Cognitive Linguistics, Metaphor, Figurative Language, Operation Iraqi Freedom, War on Terror, George W. Bush, Saddam Hussein, USA, Iraq, Qualitative Text Analysis, Hermeneutics. Cognitive Linguistics Metaphor Figurative Language Operation Iraqi Freedom War on Terror George W. Bush Saddam Hussein USA Iraq Qualitative Text Analysis Hermeneutics General Language Studies and Linguistics
14	“The Art of Ruling the Minds of Men”: George H. W. Bush and the Justifications for Intervention in the Gulf War Crews, Anthony Michael January 2010 (has links) No description available. American History History International Relations Gulf War Iraq Persian Gulf George Bush George H W Bush Vietnam history memory historical memory communications strategy selling war 1990 1991 Saddam Hussein oil Kurds Shi ite
15	Realpolitik and Iran's post-Saddam strategy for Iraq / Realpolitik and Iran's strategy for post-Saddam Iraq Gutzwiller, Ryan R. 06 1900 (has links) Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / Throughout history, threats emerging from Iran's frontiers have significantly influenced its security policies towards Iraq. Given Operations Iraqi Freedom and Enduring Freedom, Iran's security environment has changed a great deal. Does Iran have a strategy for post-Saddam Iraq and, if so, what is it? With few exceptions, Kenneth Waltz's Realpolitik and balance-of-power theories have guided Iran's security policy decisions. The combined effects of Iran's formative history, individual and institutional agendas, and national interests form the foundation for a Realpolitik strategy aimed at preventing a resurgent "anti-Teheran" government in Iraq. Pragmatism, consensus, influence, and competition appear to be the watchwords for an assertive strategy built upon military prudence and cross-border, multi-disciplined engagement. Iran is putting its internal political and economic house in order so as to achieve greater effectiveness in the pursuit of its national interests vis-a-vis Iraq and the United States. While an alliance is unlikely, there is alignment with the U.S.-led coalition's strategic interests in Iraq. / Major, United States Marine Corps Saddam Hussein Post-Saddam Khameini Khatami Rafsanjani Bush Kenneth Waltz Iran Iraq United States Realpolitik Balance-of-power Realism Idealism Liberalism National interests Security Policy Domestic Politics Faction Consensus Competition Agenda Institution Supreme Council for National Security SCNS Shi'a Shia Sunni Rapprochement Alignment Alliance Resurgent Strategy Operation Iraqi Freedom Operation Enduring Freedom Individual agenda Institutional agenda Anti-Teheran Pragmatism Influence Engagement
16	STATO E TRIBU' NEL MEDIO ORIENTE CONTEMPORANEO: DINAMICHE DI POTERE NELL'IRAQ DI OGGI / Tribes and State in contemporary Middle East. Dynamics of power in today's Iraq PARIGI, GIOVANNI 16 April 2013 (has links) Il tribalismo costituisce una caratteristica intrinseca delle società mediorientali, concorrendo insieme a cultura araba e religione islamica a comporne l’identità. In Iraq, da sempre, il tribalismo ha costituito sia una struttura organizzativa ed una modalità di relazione sociale, che una dinamica di potere. Durante il Mandato britannico e la monarchia, la manipolazione politica di cultura e strutture tribali ha rafforzato la legittimazione del governo; nella fase repubblicana, con l’emergere delle forze armate quale principale attore politico e l’impatto con la modernità, il tribalismo si è trasformato pur rimanendo radicato nella società. Nella fase iniziale del regime ba’thista, la cultura tribale è stata combattuta essendo considerata un retaggio arcaico. Senonchè, con le difficoltà legate alla guerra con l’Iran, l’invasione del Kuwait e il successivo embargo, il regime di Saddam Hussein sfruttò proprio il tribalismo sia come dinamica di presa e controllo del potere che come collante propagandistico e sociale. Nel vuoto politico seguito al crollo del regime, le tribù riemersero come “campo di battaglia” tra insurgency e forze della Coalizione. Con il Surge americano e la nascita della Sahwa quale reazione allo stragismo jihadista, le tribù hanno impresso una svolta che ha salvato il paese dalla guerra settaria. Anche al Maliki ha saputo abilmente avvantaggiarsi del fenomeno tribale. Oggi le tribù continuano a rappresentare sia una constituency imprescindibile per ogni partito politico, che una diversificata e trasversale forza politica attiva. / Tribalism is an intrinsic character of Middle Eastern’s societies, as it contributes, together with Arab culture and Islamic religion, to shape their identity. In Iraq, since ever, tribalism constituted an organizational structure and a pattern of social relations, as well as dynamic of power’s exercise. Under the British Mandate and the Monarchy, politic manipulation of tribal’s culture and structures strengthened government’s legitimation; during the Republican period, as the Army emerged as main political driver and the influence of Modernity, tribalism transformed itself even if its presence into the society was still very strong. In the initial phase of Ba’thist’s regime, tribal culture was opposed, since it was considered as an obsolete heritage. But, facing the difficulties stemming from the war with Iran, the invasion of Kuwait and the embargo, the regime of Saddam Hussein exploited tribalism as a dynamic of power’s control, as well as propaganda and social bond. In the political void ensuing to the collapse of the regime, the tribes surfaced as “battlefield” between insurgency and Coalition’s Forces. American Surge and the tribes’ intervention in the Sahwa, as a reaction to jihadist’s bloodbath, avoided a sectarian civil war. Also al Maliki was able to exploit the tribal system. Nowadays, tribes are still an invaluable constituency for every political party, as well as diversified and a cross-parties political force. L-OR/10: STORIA DEI PAESIISLAMICI SPS/14: STORIA E ISTITUZIONI DELL'ASIA
17	State Territorial Structuring in Iraq (1920-2020): The Impact of Group Identities, Ideas, Interests, and Foreign Influence Jaff, Rébar 12 April 2022 (has links) Since the creation of modern-day Iraq by the British Empire in 1920, the country’s state territorial structuring has been an ever-evolving source of political instability and conflict. Iraq’s ethnic and sectarian groups have been locked in a near constant struggle over questions of self-rule, shared rule, and secession. Consequently, the territorial model of federalism has never been far from political discussions, negotiations, and territorial disputes. Federalism was finally officially adopted in 2005, giving a new definition to Iraq’s territorial model. But while federalism seemed a natural means of managing Iraq’s long-standing ethno-sectarian divisions and was democratically ratified in a process that included most ethnic and sectarian groups, the model has failed to materialize, and territorial structure remains a major point of contention between the groups. The overarching aim of this dissertation is to shed light on two key questions. First, how have the dynamics between the major ethnic and sectarian groups of Iraq shaped the evolution of the country’s territorial structure from 1920 up to and beyond the federal constitution in 2005? Second, what can the trajectory of this evolution teach us about why federalism was adopted but has failed to materialize? I shall argue that Iraq’s territorial structuring over the past century has been systematically influenced by at least one of four “I”s: the groups’ ideas concerning territorial structuring, their conceptualizations of group identities, their definitions of group interests, and the influence of foreign actors. Focussing on the Shiite Arabs, the Sunni Arabs, and the Kurds, I will examine how these four factors have interacted to shape the territorial organization of Iraq over four key time periods: (i) the foundation of Iraq in 1920 to Saddam Hussein’s rise to the presidency in 1979, (ii) Saddam’s rule from 1979 to 2003, (iii) Saddam’s deposition in 2003 to the adoption of the federal constitution in 2005, and (iv) the post-constitutional period from 2005 to the present. I thus hope to explain how evolving inter-group dynamics over the past century have impacted the development of Iraq’s territorial structure, arguing that this sheds light on both the reference to federalism in the 2005 constitution and its subsequent failure to materialize. This dissertation thus demonstrates the powerful ways in which Iraq’s territorial structuring has been shaped by past trends in ethno-sectarian dynamics, putting us in a better position to understand the complexities of the country’s current territorial politics. Iraq Middle East Kurdistan Sunni Shiite Shi'a Shia Kurdish Identities Identity Politics Post-Colonialism Territorial Structuring State Territorialization Political Borders Iran Religious identities Ideas Interests Saddam Hussein Talabani Barzani Kurds Kirkuk Baghdad Erbil Basra Federalism Federation Self-Rule Autonomy Independence Ethnic conflict Sectarian conflict Chemical weapons Civil War Self-Government Constitutional negotiations Constitution Jaff Rebar
18	Příčiny války v Iráku: Proč se administrativa USA rozhodla zahájit válku v Iráku v roce 2003 / The Causes of Iraqi War: Why the US Administration decided to invade Iraq in 2003 Bartková Sodomová, Renáta January 2009 (has links) The thesis: "The Causes of Iraqi War: Why the US Administration decided to invade Iraq in 2003" focuses on explanation why the administration of the USA made that step. The specification of the roots of war is based on five causes and seventeen subcauses according to the essay of Stephen Van Evera and other scholars, and the paper trough the methodology of text's analyzes investigates behavior, decision-making process and motivations of the US administration (the level of units) and some steps of the US president G. W. Bush (individual level) in the process leading to the war in Iraq. Concerning the causes of war, the paper introduces different concepts of the offense-defense balance and analyzes whether the balance was disrupted. Secondly, it examines the role of cumulative resources in Iraq like oil, territory and state structures and it shows how they influenced the decision. Third, it searches for the linkage among an emergence of a new threat and responses to it which mouthed to the acceptance of the concept of the first move advantage. Fourth, the thesis accounts for the roots of misperception, where they originate and how they operated in perception of the US administration of the Iraqi threat. Finally, the investigation of the last root of conflict explains why and how windows of...

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