The label Salafee-Jihaadee has been used to categorize Islamic groups that espouse violence against the West and Muslim regimes. The typology of Salafee- Jihaadee is met with vehement disapproval and criticism from adherents to Salafism. For this reason, the portrayal of Salafees as violent extremists requires scrutiny. This study aims to make a unique contribution to knowledge of Salafism by surveying an extensive literature review, supplemented by interviews of known Salafee clerics based upon the premise that Salafism is an antidote to Islamic extremism rather than a cause of violent jihaad and terror. Furthermore, this research aims to offer new insight into existing literature and theory regarding Salafism. By re-examining current theory this research attempts to show that Salafism is an antidote to violent extremism. Therefore, there is a clear need to explore the relationship between Salafism, violent extremism, and takfeerism. In chapter one Salafism is defined and its key features as a movement are characterized and evaluated. Chapter two analyzes Salafees’ view and role in denouncing violence and extremism. Chapter three introduces alternative assessments of Salafism as a movement and evaluates the arguments put forth by its critics. Chapter four investigates Salafist perceptions of pluralism particularly in Western non-Muslim societies. Chapter five details the role of Salafees and their counter arguments to extremism. The final chapter details the conclusions of the research, which indicate that Salafism is not a precursor to violence, but rather the efforts of Salafee scholars offer effective counter-narratives to the jihaadeetakfeeree paradigm. / Old Testament and Ancient Near Eastern Studies / D. Litt. et Phil. (Islamic Studies)

This study investigates the use of violence by Salafi-Oriented Movement Organisations. Drawing mostly from Social Movement Theory’s “political opportunity” and “resource mobilisation” thesis, it uses the Northern Nigerian-born Boko Haram (BH) to study how such organisation evolved and used different forms of violent activisms for goal attainment. On that basis, three main research questions were formulated: (1) What socio-political structures enabled the evolution of the organisation in Northern Nigeria? (2) Under what conditions did BH begin to use armed violence against the Nigerian State? (3) What specific forms of armed violence did BH use and how were such forms of strategy sustained within the organisation? In answering these questions, the study relied on data collected through one-on-one semi-structured interviews from religious leaders in Northern Nigeria (particularly those within the Salafi networks); selected politicians in the areas where the group operates; some Nigerian security personnel, and on focus group interviews from victims of BH violence. In addition, the study also drew from other documentary sources (videos and audio recordings from different leaders in the group), and from internal correspondence between BH leaders and those of al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb. Along the primary data, these documentary sources showed a striking historical continuity about the emergence and activities of BH from inception, up until they began using violence as a means for goal attainment. The data showed that while the emergence of the group was dependent on specific Northern Nigerian socio-political and mobilisatory structures, the adoption and sustenance of different forms of violence in the group were re-enforced by the interactions between the group’s leadership and the Borno state government; the violent response of the Nigerian government to the group's initial anti-state rhetoric; the mobilisation of different material resources (accruing from the organisation’s interactions and collaborations with similar international Salafi networks) and the internal dynamics in the group (competition between the different factions in the organisation). These inter-related conditions provided the windows of opportunity upon which both the establishment of the group, as well as the internal logic for the development and justification of different forms of violence were sustained within the organisation. / Religious Studies and Arabic / D. Litt. et Phil. (Religious Studies)

Konversionen zum Islam erregen Neugier, Faszination, und auch Angst – gerade seit den Terroranschlägen des 11. Septembers 2001 und den darauffolgenden islamistischen Anschlägen auch in Europa. Das Phänomen wirft besonders in diesem Kontext Fragen zu Motivation zur Konversion, dem Bezug der Konvertiten zu ihrem zum Herkunftskontext und zur sozialwissenschaftlichen und sicherheitspolitischen Bewertung des Phänomens auf. Um Antworten auf diese Fragen näher zu kommen, hat die Autorin zwischen 2009 und 2011 insgesamt 27 Konvertiten zum Islam in Deutschland, England und Frankreich interviewt und ihre Einstellungen, Identitätsausdeutungen und Relevanzen untersucht. Die Ergebnisse ihrer Auswertung setzt sie mit einer Betrachtung des Phänomens des jugendkulturellen Salafismus in Bezug und entwickelt auf dieser Basis zwei grundlegend unterschiedliche Kategorien des Wechsels zum Islam: Die „Konversion zum reflexiven Islam“ und die „Alternation zu einer jugendkulturellen Ausprägung des Salafismus“. / Conversions to Islam evoke curiosity, fascination, and also fear – especially since the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 and Islamist terrorist attacks that followed also in Europe. The phenomenon raises questions regarding the motifs for conversion, the relation of converts to their society of origin, and the sociological assessment as well as security policy aspects of the phenomenon. In order to come closer to answers to these questions, the author interviewed 27 converts to Islam in Germany, England and France, and analysed their attitudes, identity reconstruction and relevances. She compared the results with a reflection on the phenomenon of a youth-cultural phenomenon of Salafism and developed two fundamentally different categories of people choosing Islam as their religion: “conversion to reflexive Islam” and “alternation to a youth-cultural interpretation of Salafism”.

The contemporary threat of terrorism has changed the ways in which government and the public view the world. Unlike the existential threat from nation states in previous centuries, today, government and the public spend much of their effort looking for the inward threat. Brought about by high profile events such as 9/11, 7/7, and 3/11, and exacerbated by globalisation, hyper-connected social spheres, and the media, the threats from within are reinforced daily. In the UK, government has taken bold steps to foment public safety and public security but has also been criticised by some who argue that government actions have labelled Muslims as the ‘suspect other'. This thesis explores the counter-terrorism environment in London at the community/government interface, how the Metropolitan Police Service and London Fire Brigade deliver counter-terrorism policy, and how individuals and groups are reacting. It specifically explores the realities of the lived experience of those who make up London's ‘suspect community' and whether or not counter-terrorism policy can be linked to further marginalisation, radicalism, and extremism. By engaging with those that range from London's Metropolitan Police Service's Counterterrorism Command (SO15) to those that make up the radical fringe, an ethnographic portrait is developed. Through that ethnographic portrait the ‘ground truth' and complexities of the lived experience are made clear and add significant contrast to the aseptic policy environment.