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1	The Research of Strategic Development of the Communist China Navy After the Cold War Ou, Fu-chang 02 July 2007 (has links) A.T.Mahan emphasizes the way to perform sea power is the way to apply navy strategy, which means a country¡¦s sea power is closely related to its national navy strategy development. Julian Corbett also argues that the main idea of navy's strategy lies in the competition of sea supremacy. Sea supremacy means a country keeps and controls the marine communication lines for its military and commercial purposes. The Communist China is facing changes domestically and internationally. The increasing dependence of economic growth on petroleum and natural gas import and maritime safety makes the Communist China has to guarantee the sea routes unblocked. Self-regarded as a big country along the seashore , the Communist China is promoting marine consciousness of the whole nation and the idea of sea power. The former navy chief commander Liu Hhua-qing had advocated constantly since the eighties ' to strengthen sea power and navy building. Since then, the Communist China has positively increased its domestic maritime activities in every field, which means it is now involved in more influence on the international order in the Asian-Pacific area. The thesis is mainly to analyse the Communist China¡¦s developing sea power on its relevant conditions, environments and concrete conduct. The thesis also studies and judges how China¡¦s sea power development influences the stability in the Asian-Pacific area. Focal points of the thesis include the truth of China¡¦s sea power development; whether the Communist China will develop the aircraft carrier fleet as being the rigional military and economic super power; the strategic consideration about Taiwan from American, Japanese and Chinese points of view; and whether the responses of the Asian-Pacific countries will cause the regional arm race and proliferation of weapons. The purpose of the thesis is to answer these questions. National Strategy Maritime Strategy Naval Strategy Sea Power The Sea Lines of Communication
2	中國石油外交安全複合體系之研究 / The Research of China's Oil Diplomacy Security Complex 林長青, Lin, Chang-Ching. Unknown Date (has links) 中國的石油外交安全複合體系可分為海上運輸航線、歐亞能源陸橋以及全球經營三大面向。由於目前中國進口石油來源主要來自中東及非洲地區，並依賴印度洋通往國內東南沿海的海上運輸航線，基於分散運輸風險與進口地區多元化的考量，增進對東協關係以促成海路運輸安全、向陸地接鄰的俄羅斯與中亞國家發展能源陸橋、兼顧海陸進口路線平衡發展之佈局，以及積極於中東、非洲、拉丁美洲地區發展經貿與能源合作並進關係，將為中國建構石油安全複合體系必然的策略選擇。複合體系行為主體是運用石油公司、國家政策及區域組織外交三個層次相結合，發展區域經濟論壇、軍售與外交支持等全般作為以鞏固對產油國安全利益依存關係，即使面臨體系內美國與日本競爭石油資源，但是中國提供其他合作選項，使產油國得以增加出口選擇，因此牽制力量的存在反而有助於強化體系運作，預期與美國爭奪地緣關鍵國家合作關係將是今後中國開展石油外交的重點。 / China’s oil diplomacy security complex is divided into three aspects： Sea lines of communication, Eurasia energy bridge, and Global cooperation. Middle East and Africa are now the main areas for China’s imported petroleum, and their production are transported through Indian Ocean to the southeast China coast. China’s strategies to build oil diplomacy security complex on account of diversification of importing sources are to protect Sea lines of communication by promoting Sino-ASEAN relations, to construct energy bridge from Russia and Central Asia in order to poise the marine and continental route of imported petroleum, as well as to develop business and energy cooperation with Middle East, Africa and Latin America .There are three characteristics of the security complex: first , members that compose oil companies, countries and regional organizations ; second , interdependence that China fosters with oil-exported countries in regional economic forum , arm sales and diplomatic support , and the existence of opponents such as the United States and Japan that strengthens the security complex by relieving China’s alternative value. In conclusion, China provides other alternatives for oil-exporting countries and strengthen the regional security complex; thus to obtain cooperation opportunities with key countries in the Geopolitical field from the U.S. would be the priority in China’s oil diplomacy policy. 石油外交安全複合體地緣政治海上運輸航線歐亞能源陸橋 Oil diplomacy Security complex Geopolitics Sea lines of communication Eurasia energy bridge
3	Geopolitical impact of China's search for energy on the Indian Ocean and South China Sea Rodd, William January 2012 (has links) This thesis examines the geopolitical consequences of China's search for energy resources on the Indian Ocean and South China Sea. It provides a brief outline of the energy situation of the world as a whole, specifically how it is becoming a more globalized and singular market. This change is occurring at the same time as a pronounced shift away from the traditional measurements of 'power' towards 'softer' more subtle definitions. There is a brief section outlining the geopolitical teachings of Alfred T. Mahan, specifically how he advocated seapower primarily for the purpose of providing the stability and security necessary for trade. Chinese analysts have been embracing the teachings of Mahan, but also interpreting them in a way that justifies the naval buildup Beijing has been embarking on in recent years. The paper briefly looks at the potential sources that China could turn to meet its energy needs, but concludes that it will have to rely on oil for the foreseeable future. It then attempts to define overall Chinese interests, specifically how nearly all of these relate somehow to energy security, thus underlining the importance of this topic to leaders in Beijing. The last half of the work delves into a geopolitical analysis of the Indian Ocean and South China Sea, and how militarization in the...
4	海上長城的重構或破壞？：中國崛起與南海海上交通線之政策　(2000-2014) / Building or Breaking the Great Wall at Sea: The Rise of China and the Politics of Sea Lines of Communication in the South China Sea (2000-2014) 潘荷西, Plata Díaz, José Luis Unknown Date (has links) 摘要本研究採用賽局理論 (stag-hunt model) 來推論假設南海海上交通線 (SLOCs) 安全合作的情形．根據結果顯示，爭奪南海的國家，其解決衝突最好的策略應以合作的方式來提昇無論是在石油進口、貿易活動以及該地區船隻航行等方面的安全性。為縮短假設情境與現實情況的差距，一方面，我們找出海上交通線安全合作之難點：主權、資源、和軍事發展；另一方面，也提出能促進其合作的正面因素：舊有的海上聯合巡邏、非傳統安全合作相關領堿、以及未來的南海行為準則 (SCS COC)。最後我們介紹了「南海太平島提案」，試圖建立與協調新的海上聯合巡邏來降低該地區的緊張關係，建立彼此之間的信任，並改善衝突的情況。根據本研究結論表示，我們的研究發現以及一些政策將能協助實施南海海上交通線安全的合作。 / Abstract This research applies game theory (stag-hunt model) to a hypothetical situation of cooperation on Sea Lines of Communication (SLOCs) protection in South China Sea (SCS). The results indicate that, in theory, the best option for all disputant countries in the issue is to cooperate in order to increase the security of their oil imports, trade, and ships crossing the region. To overcome the gap between the theoretical model and the reality, we have identified those factors that will hinder the implementation of cooperation on SLOCs protection, sovereignty, resources, and military development; as well as those that can be used to counterbalance the effect of negative ones, previous joint maritime patrols, non-traditional security cooperation, and the future South China Sea Code of Conduct (SCS COC). Finally, we have presented the South China Sea Peace Island Initiative, a proposal to coordinate and create new joint maritime patrols in the region as a mean to reduce tensions, build confidence, and improve the relationship between disputants. We conclude presenting the main findings of this research, as well as those policies that will be useful to implement cooperation on SLOCs protection in SCS. 東南亞國家協會行為準則衝突管理信心建立措施合作能源賽局理論海上聯合巡邏軍事發展非傳統安全資源中國崛起海上交通線南海南海太平島提案主權 ASEAN Code of Conduct Conflict Management Confidence Building Measures Cooperation Energy Game Theory Joint Maritime Patrols Military Development Non-Traditional Security Resources Rise of China Sea Lines of Communication South China Sea South China Sea Peace Island Initiative Sovereignty

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