The aim of my work is to apply the political-geographical or geopolitical optics to a specific foreign security activities of the EU, i.e. to put political aims and activities of political-geographical framework. In geopolitical terms, it is necessary to assess the potential and the current deployment of civilian missions. For this purpose, in accordance with the hypothesis of my work, that the civilian aspects of crisis management CSDP are based mainly on the willingness and desire of Member States in a given area or country involved should be analyzed for the three major priorities of Member States (UK, Germany and France) in civilian areas (see National Security Strategy). The work compares the current activities of EU civil security-CSDP and geopolitical intentions of the three great European powers, Germany, France and Great Britain. Civilian CSDP should concentrate in geographic areas that are of key importance to most member states and especially for three large powers. The question is whether the major European powers reflect their priorities in EU policy in its entirety or whether there are other factors that prevent them from doing so. Such factors include decisions based on consensus and the growing power of the European Commission, which defends its interests very hard in the CSDP. Large Member...

Nuclear weapons remains in the security discourse of the United States for over 70 years. The threat of nuclear weapons changed its content several times since then. Our study examines how the nuclear threat was socially constructed and how different actors securitized the threat and to which purpose. Our Diploma thesis uses methodological framework of discourse analysis. We examine the political and social nuclear discourse in the U.S. along two levels of analysis: governmental level and nuclear disarmament level. The diploma thesis researches multiple governmental and societal sources in order to determine how different types of nuclear threat emerged within the discourse.

This work focuses on approach of security policy toward foreign missions and interventions. I focused on the application of the theory of comparative analysis in the social sciences . The aim of this work is to analyze the development of security policies in Canada and the Czech Republic in relation to the ISAF mission in Afghanistan. Across-case comparative research metho emphasising the contrast of context separated the timeline of my work into two period: 2001-2006 and 2006-2014 . This paper examines the official positions of the Government of Canada and the Czech Republic as different context's members within the North Atlantic Treaty Organization . The data I worked with using techniques text-by-text, completed by point-by-point scheme. The idea is to demonstrate motivation of the States before joining the ISAF mission (2001) and the current reflection of the so-called exit strategy - only the Canadian ISAF mission has been terminated.. The result of this work is to understand the formation of security policy in the country from the Old continent as a new member of the NATO and long-term Alliance's member with different geographical and political environment. Different internal political developments in both countries had an influence on the shift in the priorities of the foreign.security...

Die vorgelegte Arbeit stellt eine explorative Studie auf dem Feld der Inneren Sicherheit dar. Angelehnt an politikfeldanalytische Ansätze werden Akteure und Institutionen im Bereich der Inneren Sicherheit dargestellt und hinsichtlich ihrer Bedeutung im Rahmen der Terrorismusbekämpfung untersucht. Darüber hinaus wird erklärt, welche Faktoren für Veränderungen und Entwicklungen in der Bundesrepublik insbesondere vor dem Hintergrund der Ereignisse des 11. September 2001 verantwortlich sind. Leitend für die Analyse ist es, auf Basis der Beschreibung der Akteure und der aktuellen Gesetzeslage die Art und Richtung der Veränderungen in den letzten zehn Jahren zu untersuchen und zu erklären. Im Rahmen der vorgelegten Untersuchung werden darüber hinaus die politikpraktischen und grundrechtlichen Probleme diskutiert, die im Bereich der Inneren Sicherheit von Bedeutung sind. Zugleich werden aber auch politologische Erklärungen für das Entstehen (und Verabschieden) von Gesetzen im Politikfeld Innere Sicherheit gegeben. Im Bewusstsein, dass eine vollständige Bearbeitung des Politikfeldes Innere Sicherheit nicht in angemessenem Umfang geleistet werden kann, konzentriert sich die Arbeit nur auf ausgewählte Entwicklungen im Politikfeld Innere Sicherheit. Hierbei wurden nur die Entwicklungen und Veränderungen der so genannten Architektur der Inneren Sicherheit in Deutschland in den Blick genommen, bei denen ein argumentativer oder sachlicher Zusammenhang mit den Ereignissen des 11. September zu beweisen oder plausibel zu vermuten ist. Entwicklungen in europäischen Nachbarstaaten werden dagegen nicht untersucht. Die Auswahl der behandelten Maßnahmen erfolgt auch danach, inwieweit sie in den öffentlichen Debatten überhaupt eine Rolle gespielt haben und wie hoch die Auswirkungen von politischen Entscheidungen beispielsweise auf die Grundrechte der Bürger oder auf die Sicherheitsarchitektur waren (und sind). Die Anschläge des 11. September 2001 selbst werden jedoch nicht analysiert.

The purpose is to investigate, analyze and clarify the relationship between authorization and security policy for digital preservation system. Information security comes into focus when digital preservation systems are discussed. The handling of electronic documents in digital preservation systems is now widespread and a large part of many activities. This means that the business must ensure that it protects against the loss of information stored in the digital preservation system. Authorization and security policy are relevant to archive and information science because digital objects in digital preservation system are to be protected from unauthorized access. With a qualitative method the research will go through security policy, systems and models for access architecture. With open approach and open questions, the research will be summarized with a discussion on the most important conclusions for access management for digital preservation system, which are mainly built on roles. It is of great importance that the company uses roles and authorization levels to ensure that everyone knows with certainty what to do and what they cannot do. / Syftet är att undersöka, analysera och klargöra relationen mellan auktorisering och säkerhetspolicy för system för digitalt bevarande. Informationssäkerhet kommer i fokus när system för digitalt bevarande diskuteras. Hanteringen av elektroniska dokument i system för digitalt bevarande är nu utbrett och en stor del av många aktiviteter. Det innebär att verksamheten måste se till att den skyddar mot förlust av information som lagras i system för digitalt bevarande. Auktorisering och säkerhetspolicy är relevant för arkiv- och informationsvetenskap eftersom digitala objekt i system för digitalt bevarande ska skyddas mot obehörig åtkomst. Med en kvalitativ metod kommer forskningen att gå igenom säkerhetspolicy, system och modeller för åtkomstarkitektur. Med öppet tillvägagångssätt och öppna frågor kommer forskningen slutligen att sammanfattas med en diskussion om de viktigaste slutsatserna för åtkomsthantering för system för digitalt bevarande, som huvudsakligen bygger på roller. Det är av stor vikt att företaget använder roller och auktoriseringsnivåer för att säkerställa att alla med säkerhet vet vad de ska göra och vad de inte får göra.

Les SIEMs (systèmes pour la Sécurité de l’Information et la Gestion des Événements) sont les cœurs des centres opérationnels de la sécurité. Ils corrèlent un nombre important d’événements en provenance de différents capteurs (anti-virus, pare-feux, systèmes de détection d’intrusion, etc), et offrent des vues synthétiques pour la gestion des menaces ainsi que des rapports de sécurité. La gestion et l’analyse de ce grand nombre d’alertes est une tâche difficile pour l’administrateur de sécurité. La corrélation d’alertes a été conçue afin de remédier à ce problème. Des solutions de corrélation ont été développées pour obtenir une vue plus concise des alertes générées et une meilleure description de l’attaque détectée. Elles permettent de réduire considérablement le volume des alertes remontées afin de soutenir l’administrateur dans le traitement de ce grand nombre d’alertes. Malheureusement, ces techniques ne prennent pas en compte les connaissances sur le comportement de l’attaquant, les fonctionnalités de l’application et le périmètre de défense du réseau supervisé (pare-feu, serveurs mandataires, Systèmes de détection d’intrusions, etc). Dans cette thèse, nous proposons deux nouvelles approches de corrélation d’alertes. La première approche que nous appelons corrélation d’alertes basée sur les pots de miel utilise des connaissances sur les attaquants recueillies par le biais des pots de miel. La deuxième approche de corrélation est basée sur une modélisation des points d’application de politique de sécurité / Security Information and Event Management (SIEM) systems provide the security analysts with a huge amount of alerts. Managing and analyzing such tremendous number of alerts is a challenging task for the security administrator. Alert correlation has been designed in order to alleviate this problem. Current alert correlation techniques provide the security administrator with a better description of the detected attack and a more concise view of the generated alerts. That way, it usually reduces the volume of alerts in order to support the administrator in tackling the amount of generated alerts. Unfortunately, none of these techniques consider neither the knowledge about the attacker’s behavior nor the enforcement functionalities and the defense perimeter of the protected network (Firewalls, Proxies, Intrusion Detection Systems, etc). It is still challenging to first improve the knowledge about the attacker and second to identify the policy enforcement mechanisms that are capable to process generated alerts. Several authors have proposed different alert correlation methods and techniques. Although these approaches support the administrator in processing the huge number of generated alerts, they remain limited since these solutions do not provide us with more information about the attackers’ behavior and the defender’s capability in reacting to detected attacks. In this dissertation, we propose two novel alert correlation approaches. The first approach, which we call honeypot-based alert correlation, is based on the use of knowledge about attackers collected through honeypots. The second approach, which we call enforcement-based alert correlation, is based on a policy enforcement and defender capabilities’ model

[pt] Este estudo objetiva mapear e analisar os casos de violências contra a diversidade sexual e de gênero registrados através de Boletins de Ocorrências (B.Os.) em delegacias da Secretaria de Segurança Pública do Estado de Sergipe (SSP/SE) entre os anos de 2015 e 2018, verificando de que forma esses tipos de violência se apresentam na realidade sergipana, como são notificados e encaminhados pela Polícia Civil. O mapeamento foi realizado no sistema da intranet da SSP/SE com a utilização de 32 palavras-chave que serviram como fonte de busca, onde foram encontradas 5.100 denúncias oficiais notificadas em 71 delegacias (especializadas e não especializadas) da SSP/SE. Após o processo de triagem e filtragem dos dados, foram selecionados 305 B.Os. com violências de caráter homofóbico, transfóbico e homotransfóbico. O caminho metodológico utilizado pautou-se em uma análise quali-quantitativa, descritiva e documental centrada teoricamente nos conceitos de habitus, campo e capital de Pierre Bourdieu e em autores que discutem violência homotransfóbica, segurança pública e diversidade sexual e de gênero. Como resultados, observa-se que a maioria das denúncias aqui analisadas foi notificada em delegacias especializadas, apresentando 9 tipos diferenciados de opressão interseccionais, a saber: sexismo, aporofobia, racismo, sorofobia, gordofobia, preconceito contra pessoas com deficiência, ageísmo e xenofobia. Na grande maioria dos casos, a violência é reincidente de diversas tipologias e provoca graves consequências em suas vítimas e noticiantes não vítimas, atingindo a todos os agentes sociais, independentemente de sua orientação sexual, identidade de gênero características sexuais e/ou expressões de gênero. A homotransfobia é reproduzida socialmente através do habitus cis-heteronormativo sócio-historicamente construído, só podendo ser desconstruída quando vista como um problema de caráter social que demanda de todos o papel de protagonistas neste processo, demonstrando a necessidade de mudanças para muito além do que se pode operar, a partir de políticas de segurança pública. / [en] This study aims to map and analyze cases of targeted and gender diversified violence recorded through the police reports of the State Public Security Service (SSP/SE) of the State of Sergipe between the years of 2015 and 2018, verifying how these types of violence present themselves in Sergipe s reality and how they are notified and forwarded by the civil police. The mapping was carried out on the SSP / SE intranet system with the use of 32 keywords that served as a search source, where 5100 official complaints were found in 71 SSP / SE police stations (specialized and non-specialized). After sorting and filtering the data, 305 police reports with homophobic, transphobic and homotransphobic character were selected. The methodological approach used was based on a qualitative-quantitative, descriptive and documentary analysis theoretically centered on the concepts of habitus, field and capital by Pierre Bourdieu and on authors who discuss homotransphobic violence, public security and sexual and gender diversity. As a result, it was observed that most of the complaints here analyzed were notified in specialized police stations, presenting 9 different types of intersectional oppression as: sexism, aporophobia, racism, serophobia, fatphobia, ableism, ageism and xenophobia. In the vast majority of cases, violence is recurrent, occurs in several different forms and causes serious consequences for its victims and non-victim denouncers, affecting all social agents regardless of their sexual orientation, gender identity and/or sexual characteristics. Homotransphobia is socially reproduced through the sociohistorically constructed cisheteronormative habitus, which can only be deconstructed when viewed as a social problem which demands everyone s role as protagonists in this process, demonstrating the need for changes far beyond of what can be operated from public security policies.

This research focuses on the provision of intrastate security and on the question how states in the global South do or do not provide security for their citizens and do or do not protect them from physical violence. This thesis argues that while institutional conditions are an important aspect of security provision in the global South, more attention needs to be paid to policy processes. Institution building as set out in the literature about Security Sector Reform and statebuilding assumes that it is possible to provide security to all citizens of a state by building democratic state security institutions. However, this is only possible if the state is the predominant force of controlling violence. Research showed that this is rarely the case in countries of the global South. This thesis contends that statehood in the global South is contested due to power struggles between multiple state and non-state elites. It argues that the analysis of security policy processes allows for an analysis of security provision in societies where no centralised control over violence exists. It contributes to a better understanding of the shortcomings of security provision in the global South because it shows the impact of societal and state actors on security policy making. Using the case of security policy making under the first FMLN (Frente Farabundo Martí para la Liberación Nacional, Farabundo Martí Front for National Liberation) government in El Salvador (2009-2014), the thesis shows that, in a contested state policy making does not result from a pact between the state and society or from a social consensus as envisaged by parts of the FMLN and other forces of the New Left in Latin America. Instead, policy making results from elite pacts and elite struggles. This is illustrated in the domination of an ad hoc decision-making mode which describes short-term decisions which are insufficiently implemented and easily reversed or replaced. Thus, security provision as a policy field remains focused on elite interests and does not include the interests of the broader population.

This study aims to shed light on the ethical implications of Sweden’s arms export to Saudi Arabia. It compares the compatibility of such exports with fundamental human rights standards and analyses the Swedish Government's justification of arms trade to Saudi Arabia in relation to international and local ethics, considering the principles of human rights, conflict resolution, states’ responsibility in promoting peace and conflict resolution and the recognition of people’s shared responsibility for the well-being of all people. It analyses governmental statements, documents on arms trade and Swedish legislation in comparison to their international commitments through the lens of the analytical framework grounded in international ethics. The thesis has been conducted as a qualitative case and desk study with abductive reasoning. The findings highlight the complex tension between ethical responsibility of states in the international arena. By applying international ethics as the analytical framework, it offers insight into the role of states in promoting ethical standards in arms trade and the broader realm of international relations.

Die Arbeit geht der Frage nach, wie die meisten EU-Mitgliedstaaten eigenständige Regelungen für die Kontrolle ausländischer Direktinvestitionen haben können, obgleich ausländische Direktinvestitionen seit 2009 der gemeinsamen Handelspolitik der EU zuzuordnen sind. Die gemeinsame Handelspolitik ist eine ausschließliche Kompetenz der EU und schließt damit die Mitgliedstaaten von der Rechtsset-zung aus. Mit der Verordnung (EU) 2019/452 (Screening-Verordnung) werden den Mitgliedstaaten kaum Vorgaben gemacht, weshalb die Screening-Verordnung nicht als Ermächtigung der Mitgliedstaa-ten qualifiziert werden kann. Zunächst bestimmt die Arbeit die Weite der Kompetenzübertragung in Art. 207 AEUV im Bereich der autonomen Maßnahmen in Bezug auf ausländische Direktinvestitionen. Nachdem die Zuordnungskrite-rien der Rechtsprechung zur gemeinsamen Handelspolitik auf die neue Sachmaterie der ausländischen Direktinvestitionen übertragen wurde, werden verbreitete autonome Maßnahmen in Bezug auf auslän-dische Direktinvestitionen der gemeinsamen Handelspolitik zugeordnet. Unter Berücksichtigung des Art. 207 Abs. 2 AEUV stellt die Arbeit fest, dass die ausschließliche Kompetenz der EU im Bereich der autonomen Handelspolitik auf eine Rahmenrechtssetzungskompe-tenz beschränkt ist. Im Anschluss daran werden Kriterien für die Abgrenzung von Rahmenrechtsakten entwickelt. Sodann wird festgestellt, dass Art. 64 Abs. 2 AEUV eine geteilte Kompetenz für Vollrege-lungen für autonome Maßnahmen in Bezug auf ausländische Direktinvestitionen enthält und die aus-schließliche Rahmenrechtssetzungskompetenz der EU ergänzt. In Randbereichen kann sich ein Kompetenzvorbehalt zu Gunsten der Mitgliedstaaten ergeben. Die Arbeit untersucht daher die Regelungen zur nationalen Sicherheit in Art. 4 Abs. 2 EUV und Art. 346 Abs. 1 AEUV sowie den Eigentumsvorbehalt in Art. 345 AEUV. Abschließend stellt die Arbeit die Screening-Verordnung als Rahmenrechtsakt im Sinne des Art. 207 Abs. 2 AEUV dar. / The thesis examines the question of how most EU Member States can have independent regulations for the control of foreign direct investments, although foreign direct investments have become part of the EU's common commercial policy in 2009. The common commercial policy is an exclusive compe-tence of the EU and therefore excludes the member states from legislation in this field. Regulation (EU) 2019/452 (Screening Regulation) hardly sets any requirements for the member states, which is why the Screening Regulation cannot be qualified as an empowerment of the member states. First, the thesis determines the scope of the delegation of powers in Article 207 (1) TFEU in the area of autonomous measures in relation to foreign direct investments. After the classification criteria of the case law on the common commercial policy have been transferred to the new subject matter of foreign direct investments, widespread autonomous measures in relation to foreign direct investment are classified to the common commercial policy. Taking into account Article 207 (2) TFEU, the thesis establishes that the exclusive competence of the EU in the area of autonomous common commercial policy is limited to the competence to adopt framework regulations. Subsequently, criteria for framework regulations are developed. It is then es-tablished that Article 64 (2) TFEU contains a shared competence for regulations that goes beyond the scope of framework regulations for the autonomous regulation of foreign direct investment and supp-lements the EU's exclusive competence for framework regulations. In marginal areas, there may be a reservation of competence in favor of the member states. Therefo-re, the thesis examines the regulations on national security in Article 4 (2) TEU and Article 346 (1) TFEU as well as the reservation of ownership in Article 345 TFEU. Finally, the work presents the Screening Regulation as a framework regulation within the meaning of Article 207 (2) TFEU.