Chipkarten sind ein fester Bestandteil unseres täglichen Lebens, das immer stärker von der Zuverlässigkeit derartiger Sicherheitssysteme abhängt, zum Beispiel Bezahlkarten, elektronische Gesundheitskarten oder Ausweisdokumente. Eine Sicherheitspolitik beschreibt die wichtigsten Sicherheitsziele und Sicherheitsfunktionen eines Systems und bildet die Grundlage für dessen zuverlässige Entwicklung. In der Arbeit konzentrieren wir uns auf multi-applikative Chipkartenbetriebssysteme und betrachten neue zusätzliche Sicherheitsziele, die dem Schutz der Kartenanwendungen dienen. Da die Qualität des Betriebssystems von der umgesetzten Sicherheitspolitik abhängt, ist deren Korrektheit von entscheidender Bedeutung. Mit einer Formalisierung können Zweideutigkeiten in der Interpretation ausgeschlossen und formale Beweistechniken angewendet werden. Bisherige formale Verifikationen von Sicherheitspolitiken beinhalten im allgemeinen den Nachweis von Safety-Eigenschaften. Wir verlangen zusätzlich die Betrachtung von Security-Eigenschaften, wobei aus heutiger Sicht beide Arten von Eigenschaften stets getrennt in unterschiedlichen Formalismen verifiziert werden. Die Arbeit stellt eine gemeinsame Spezifikations- und Verifikationsmethodik mit Hilfe von Observer-Modellen vor, die sowohl den Nachweis von Safety-Eigenschaften in einem TLA-Modell als auch den Nachweis von Security-Eigenschaften kryptografischer Protokolle in einem induktiven Modell erlaubt. Da wir alle Spezifikationen und Verifikationen im Werkzeug VSE-II durchführen, bietet das formale Modell der Sicherheitspolitik nicht nur einen abstrakten Blick auf das System, sondern dient gleichzeitig als abstrakte Systemspezifikation, die es in weiteren Entwicklungsschritten in VSE-II zu verfeinern gilt. Die vorgestellte Methodik der Integration beider Systemmodelle in VSE-II führt somit zu einer erhöhten und nachweisbaren Qualität von Sicherheitspolitiken und von Sicherheitssystemen. / Security systems that use smart cards are nowadays an important part of our daily life, which becomes increasingly dependent on the reliability of such systems, for example cash cards, electronic health cards or identification documents. Since a security policy states both the main security objectives and the security functions of a certain security system, it is the basis for the reliable system development. This work focuses on multi-applicative smart card operating systems and addresses new security objectives regarding the applications running on the card. As the quality of the operating system is determined by the underlying security policy, its correctness is of crucial importance. A formalization of it first provides an unambiguous interpretation and second allows for the analysis with mathematical precision. The formal verification of a security policy generally requires the verification of so-called safety properties; but in the proposed security policy we are additionally confronting security properties. At present, safety and security properties of formal system models are verified separately using different formalisms. In this work we first formalize a security policy in a TLA system specification to analyze safety properties and then separately verify security properties using an inductive model of cryptographic protocols. We provide a framework for combining both models with the help of an observer methodology. Since all specifications and proofs are performed with the tool VSE-II, the verified formal model of the security policy is not just an abstract view on the security system but becomes its high level specification, which shall be refined in further development steps also to be performed with the tool. Hence, the integration of the two approaches within the tool VSE-II leads to a new quality level of security policies and ultimately of the development of security systems.

<p>The aim of this paper is to explain how the European Union’s common strategy for theCommon Foreign- and Security Policy (CFSP) will change with the implementation of the Treaty of Lisbon. A comparative case study and qualitative method is used. On the basis of Smith’s theory of institutionalization we will analyze two member states: France and Denmark. Our aim is to see which standpoints these countries have taken concerning the CFSP. We have chosen, in order to analyse the inner and outer factors, to use the liberal intergovernmental “two level game” theory as a theoretical approach. The purpose of the CFSP is to gradually increase the sovereign states’ foreign policy cooperation. The aim of the CFSP is to become an international visible and active player that represents the people of the European Union. At the moment the CFSP is an intergovernmental part of the EU, however there are presentiments that this will change and that CFSP will achieve supranationality. In conclusion, the results of the case study shows that Denmark is aiming for the CFSP cooperation to remain on an intergovernmental platform. France is aiming toward supranationality and a stronger cooperation within the CFSP. In time, with the full implementation of the CFSP, the EU will be able to compete on a global platform.</p>

<p>Uppsatsen har syftat till att belysa Sveriges närområde ur ett säkerhetspolitiskt perspektiv och samtidigt finna faktorer som påverkat Sveriges säkerhetspolitiska rollval. Vidare ämnade uppsatsen att förklara, det vill säga hitta orsaksförklaringar till varför den säkerhetspolitiska miljön i Sveriges närområde ser ut som den gör. Då uppsatsen är att se som teorikonsumerande har svaren sökts genom vald teori som utgår från en regional säkerhetspolitisk analys. Vidare har även ansatser gjort ur Nils Andréns säkerhetspolitiska struktur. De teoretiska ansatserna har sedan använts som analysmodell där fyra nivåer har applicerats på empirin. Dessa har sedan använts för att förklara Sveriges säkerhetspolitiska rollval under två olika epoker. Uppsatsen har dessutom besvarat vilken roll ett nordiskt försvars och säkerhetspolitiskt samarbete får för stabiliteten i Sveriges närområde.</p><p>Svaren till Sveriges säkerhetspolitiska rollval går att finna på nationell, regional och global nivå. Sedan kalla krigets slut har de säkerhetspolitiska förutsättningarna förändrats drastiskt vilket i sin tur medfört till en omprövning av säkerhetspolitiken. Idag har Sverige betydligt större rörlighet då två supermakter inte längre involverar sig i jordens alla hörn. Av den anledningen har Sverige idag involverat sig i säkerhetspolitiskt samarbete som inryms under EU, Nato och även det nordiska samarbetet. Sammantaget går det att konstatera att det nordiska samarbetet är en viktig komponent till stabiliteten i Sveriges närområde och får dessutom ekonomiska och operativa fördelar, då försvaret blir en allt mindre prioriterad verksamhet.</p> / <p>This project aims to illuminate the surroundings of Sweden trough a security policy perspective and thereby find factors which have had an impact on Sweden. Further on the intention is also to explain the immediate surroundings of Sweden in terms of security and find causes to why it looks like it does. This essay has found its answer trough a theory which uses a regional security perspective. The purpose of this essay has also been to describe the foundations of security policy, which has been done trough the security policy structure made by the author Nils Andrén. Furthermore the theory has been applied to the fact presented in the essay.</p><p> The regional security theory has developed an analyze model with four levels, which is brought in to this paper. There has also been a purpose to find out how the Nordic defence co-operation can be used in a sense to maintain a stabilized environment in the surroundings of Sweden. The answer to the first question is to be found in three different levels, domestic, regional and global. There are always an interaction between these levels, whereby there are different answers to been sought. Since the days after the cold war the security policy conditions have changed rapidly which have made an impact on the Swedish security policy. Today we can se a considerable moveability in the European region. This is a gist of a new world order, when we don’t expect two superpowers intruding in every corner and by that reason Sweden are now involved in several military co-operation. Finaly it can be said that this essay have made the conclusion that a Nordic co-operation is vital for the stability in the region of north Europe.</p>

Forum: EU-Diplomatie im Jahre 2020

This thesis deals with cooperation between France, Germany and the United Kingdom within the area of foreign and security policy. Two case studies are presented, one of them concerning cooperation between the three states within and outside institutions in 1980 following the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, and the other dealing with cooperation concerning the crisis in Macedonia in 2001. In accordance with the approach of neoliberal institutionalism the primary hypothesis is that cooperation is primarily determined by the interests of states but it is also limited by norms and affected by the institutions of which the three states are members. The study describes the large variety of forms of cooperation that exist between France, Germany and the United Kingdom, in which the United States also plays an important part, and which also includes their cooperation within a number of international institutions. The study also points to the new forms of interaction between states and institutions that have come about since the Cold War ended, and which give a stronger role to institutions and the cooperation between them. Still, however, states retain a decisive role in cooperation within the field of foreign and security policy.

Uppsatsen har syftat till att belysa Sveriges närområde ur ett säkerhetspolitiskt perspektiv och samtidigt finna faktorer som påverkat Sveriges säkerhetspolitiska rollval. Vidare ämnade uppsatsen att förklara, det vill säga hitta orsaksförklaringar till varför den säkerhetspolitiska miljön i Sveriges närområde ser ut som den gör. Då uppsatsen är att se som teorikonsumerande har svaren sökts genom vald teori som utgår från en regional säkerhetspolitisk analys. Vidare har även ansatser gjort ur Nils Andréns säkerhetspolitiska struktur. De teoretiska ansatserna har sedan använts som analysmodell där fyra nivåer har applicerats på empirin. Dessa har sedan använts för att förklara Sveriges säkerhetspolitiska rollval under två olika epoker. Uppsatsen har dessutom besvarat vilken roll ett nordiskt försvars och säkerhetspolitiskt samarbete får för stabiliteten i Sveriges närområde. Svaren till Sveriges säkerhetspolitiska rollval går att finna på nationell, regional och global nivå. Sedan kalla krigets slut har de säkerhetspolitiska förutsättningarna förändrats drastiskt vilket i sin tur medfört till en omprövning av säkerhetspolitiken. Idag har Sverige betydligt större rörlighet då två supermakter inte längre involverar sig i jordens alla hörn. Av den anledningen har Sverige idag involverat sig i säkerhetspolitiskt samarbete som inryms under EU, Nato och även det nordiska samarbetet. Sammantaget går det att konstatera att det nordiska samarbetet är en viktig komponent till stabiliteten i Sveriges närområde och får dessutom ekonomiska och operativa fördelar, då försvaret blir en allt mindre prioriterad verksamhet. / This project aims to illuminate the surroundings of Sweden trough a security policy perspective and thereby find factors which have had an impact on Sweden. Further on the intention is also to explain the immediate surroundings of Sweden in terms of security and find causes to why it looks like it does. This essay has found its answer trough a theory which uses a regional security perspective. The purpose of this essay has also been to describe the foundations of security policy, which has been done trough the security policy structure made by the author Nils Andrén. Furthermore the theory has been applied to the fact presented in the essay.  The regional security theory has developed an analyze model with four levels, which is brought in to this paper. There has also been a purpose to find out how the Nordic defence co-operation can be used in a sense to maintain a stabilized environment in the surroundings of Sweden. The answer to the first question is to be found in three different levels, domestic, regional and global. There are always an interaction between these levels, whereby there are different answers to been sought. Since the days after the cold war the security policy conditions have changed rapidly which have made an impact on the Swedish security policy. Today we can se a considerable moveability in the European region. This is a gist of a new world order, when we don’t expect two superpowers intruding in every corner and by that reason Sweden are now involved in several military co-operation. Finaly it can be said that this essay have made the conclusion that a Nordic co-operation is vital for the stability in the region of north Europe.

Många av dagens fredsfrämjande insatser genomförs i insatsområden som åtminstone vid en första anblick tycks vara av litet geopolitiskt eller ekonomiskt intresse för de intervenerande staterna. För svenskt vidkommande motiveras ibland Sveriges engagemang i exempelvis Afghanistan med att den terrorism och drogproduktion som härrör därifrån hotar och påverkar även människor i Sverige. Ytterligare en möjlig motivering har att göra med spridningsrisken; för att minska risken för spridning av en konflikt utanför det ursprungliga konfliktområdet intervenerar utomstående stater. Men vilken bild av den svenska statens motiv för att engagera Försvarsmakten i fredsfrämjande internationella insatser målas upp i riksdagsdebatten? Är argumenteringen rationell och visar de motiv som förs fram att Sverige faktiskt gynnas av att delta, eller grundar sig viljan att hjälpa till i att den svenska staten anser sig vara moraliskt förpliktigad att ingripa, om förmågan finns, då mänskliga rättigheter kränks? Föreliggande uppsats syftar till att klarlägga hur de två största, blockpolitiskt åtskilda riksdagspartierna motiverade besluten att deltaga i de internationella insatserna i Afghanistan och Libyen. Detta görs genom en argumentationsanalys, där de båda partiernas respektive argument struktureras och kategoriseras på ett överskådligt sätt. Resultatet från undersökningen är inte entydigt, men argument som tydligt anknyter till konkreta rationella vinster för Sverige används av båda partierna sparsamt. Istället ligger tyngdpunkten vid argument som har en närmare koppling till Sveriges nationella identitet och strategiska kultur. / Many of the peace supporting operations conducted today are undertaken in areas of operations with seemingly little geopolitical or economical interest to the intervening parties. From a Swedish perspective the contribution to the operations in for instance Afghanistan is sometimes motivated by stating that the terrorism and drug production that originates in Afghanistan threatens and effects even people living in Sweden. The risk of a potential expansion of the area of conflict is another plausible motivation to intervene for participating states. But how are the motives of the Swedish government to engage the Swedish Armed Forces in peace supporting operations depicted in Swedish Parliament debate? Is the argumentation rational and do the motives that are brought forward show that Sweden actually benefits from participating, or is the willingness to contribute derived from a sense of being morally obliged to take action, if capable, whenever human rights are violated? The essay in hand is intended to make clear how the two largest, policy divided, parties of the Swedish Parliament have motivated the decisions to participate in the international operations conducted in Afghanistan and Libya. This is accomplished through an argumentation analysis, in which the arguments of the two parties are structured and categorised in a perspicuous way. The results from the study are not unambiguous, but arguments that in a clear way are connected to rational Swedish benefits are sparsely used by both parties. The emphasis of the debate is rather on arguments with a close connection to the Swedish national identity and strategic culture.

The aim of this paper is to explain how the European Union’s common strategy for theCommon Foreign- and Security Policy (CFSP) will change with the implementation of the Treaty of Lisbon. A comparative case study and qualitative method is used. On the basis of Smith’s theory of institutionalization we will analyze two member states: France and Denmark. Our aim is to see which standpoints these countries have taken concerning the CFSP. We have chosen, in order to analyse the inner and outer factors, to use the liberal intergovernmental “two level game” theory as a theoretical approach. The purpose of the CFSP is to gradually increase the sovereign states’ foreign policy cooperation. The aim of the CFSP is to become an international visible and active player that represents the people of the European Union. At the moment the CFSP is an intergovernmental part of the EU, however there are presentiments that this will change and that CFSP will achieve supranationality. In conclusion, the results of the case study shows that Denmark is aiming for the CFSP cooperation to remain on an intergovernmental platform. France is aiming toward supranationality and a stronger cooperation within the CFSP. In time, with the full implementation of the CFSP, the EU will be able to compete on a global platform.

The purpose of the thesis is to analyze the role of the EU as a foreign and security policy actor in the post-9/11 international security environment. The thesis investigates the congruity between the role that the EU aspires to play as a foreign and security actor (role conception) and its actual foreign and security policy actions and decisions (role performance) in a specific case of the Middle East Peace Process (MEPP) in the post-9/11 era. The role conceptions of the EU are identified by analyzing the content of the general foreign policy speeches delivered by the principal EU foreign policy officials and the EU official documents concerning foreign and security policy of the EU. The congruity between EU&rsquo / s self-defined role conceptions and its actual role performance is tested in the case-study of the MEPP. As a result of the analysis, it is concluded that although the EU encountered some constraints when performing some of its self-proclaimed roles, this moderately weakened its effectiveness and international credibility as a foreign and security policy actor in the post-9/11 era, all in all, as observed in the case of the MEPP, the decisions and actions carried out by the EU while enacting its self-identified roles outweighed its deficiencies in its role performance. Despite some inconsistency problems the EU has encountered while performing its self-identified roles, its overall balance sheet as a foreign and security policy actor in the post-9/11 era is fairly positive.

This essay conducts a descriptive analysis of the ideas expressed by NATO´s official security strategy "Strategic Concept" from 2010 and the European Union’s security strategy "A Secure Europe in a Better World" from 2003. The purpose of this analysis is to examine whether the ESDP and NATO are compatible with each other when it comes to the role of security policy actor. To do so, I´ve chosen to analyse the actors' security strategies based on three dimensions. These dimensions are: Their view of the international scene, their views on cooperation and their views on how to reach security. As sorting tools I´ve used two different ideal types, based on the theoretical perspectives of liberalism and realism. The results show that ESDP and NATO are compatible with each other as both ESDP and NATO´s security strategies are characterised by liberal values. However, there are a few traits of realism regarding NATO's treatment of international threats which can be seen to some extent as being in opposition to the ESDP´s practices regarding the treatment of threats. / Syftet med denna uppsats är att studera huruvida NATO och ESFP är kompatibla med varandra eller inte när det kommer till rollen som säkerhetspolitiskt aktör. Detta eftersom jag vill undersöka vad det finns för eventuell potential till politiska spänningar och intressekonflikter emellan dessa aktörer då de har en stor världsomfattande påverkan när det kommer till den globala säkerhetspolitiken. Den övergripande forskningsfrågan lyder:  Är den Europeiska säkerhets- och försvarspolitiken (ESFP) och NATO kompatibla med varandra när det kommer till rollen som internationell säkerhetspolitisk aktör? Mitt tillvägagångssätt för att svara på min övergripande forskningsfråga har varit att studera aktörernas säkerhetspolitiska policydokument. Detta har jag gjort genom att göra en idéanalys av aktörernas respektive försvarsdokument. I denna uppsats används idealtyper från de teoretiska perspektiven liberalism och realism för att på så sätt operationalisera och undersöka min övergripande forskningsfråga.  Uppsatsens slutsats visar att NATO och ESFP är kompatibla med varandra där båda aktörernas säkerhetsstrategier är präglade av liberala värderingar. Mycket lutar åt att samarbetet mellan aktörerna kan ses ett ömsesidigt beroende där respektive aktör kompletterar den andra. Dock finns det ett fåtal drag av realism kring NATO:s metoder för bemötandet av internationella hot där dessa i viss mån kan ses som stående till ESFP:s metoder kring samma bemötande.