COMMON ENDS OR COMMON MEANS? The Cold War is over and Sweden and Finland are starting to deal with the new security enviroment that has emerged. Grand Strategy in both countries is changing to meet the new Europe and surroundings. Both Sweden and Finland consider the risk of a direct attack in the near future to be highly unlikely and this has effects on the respective countries grand strategy. A broadened approach to security is applied and the military instrument is no longer the primary concern in the strategy. Both Sweden and Finland become members of the European Union in 1995 but neither is a member of NATO, the countries both consider themselves as military non-aligned, the only two countries with a coastline to the Baltic Sea with that stance. This makes for a logic choice to cooperate for the common security and a cooperation is formed to cover security policies to be relevant in peace, crisis and war. Even though the countries are existing in and interpret the new security enviroment in similar ways they approach the challanges in differing ways. This creates the differences that we identify and describe in this thesis. The purpose of this thesis is to identify and describe the differences between Sweden's and Finland's grand strategy, how this difference has changed from 1996 to 2018 and if these differences can have consequences for the cooperation between the two countries, mainly military and at the highest strategic level. The thesis is focused on the elements of the grand strategy that involves the armed forces of the respective countries. This comparative text analysis compares political policy documents within the grand strategy field from both Sweden and Finland. We will compare the period from 1996-2018. The comparison will be made by examining three occasions in the period, year 1996, Year 2004 and year 2018. The documents used have relevance against these years and are analyzed by applying Jacob Westberg's model; ends, means, ways and environment. The differences and the consequences that are the conclusions of this thesis are that cooperation are not always formed because it is the best possible option but sometimest the only possible options. Sweden and Finland's history differ in some parts and this has affected the respective country's security strategies. Finland has a history of coping for itself and has thus a national focus with focus on a stable national defense while Sweden has a history without war in modern times and a constant glance at military international engagement and the political benefits that can be achieved on the international scene.

Esta tese discute o entrelaçamento de três áreas de políticas sociais assistência social, segurança alimentar e nutricional e programas de transferência de renda na construção recente do Ministério do Desenvolvimento Social e Combate à Fome (MDS), no campo do desenvolvimento social brasileiro pós-Constituição Federal de 1988 (CF 88). Analiso como essas áreas e suas trajetórias se combinaram, interpenetraram e acabaram se reunindo sob o mesmo locus institucional ministerial e trouxeram à tona uma rediscussão sobre projetos de desenvolvimento social. Debati a suposição de que a criação do MDS teria propiciado o entrelaçamento de políticas estabelecendo um padrão de gerenciamento articulado com um projeto político de desenvolvimento social reconhecível, de tipo protetor e voltado à mitigação das condições de precariedade de vida da população. Adotei uma perspectiva longitudinal e o método de process tracing (COLLIER, 2011) na discussão das ocorrências e sua avaliação como evidências. Entendi que a criação e as mudanças institucionais são processos que passam por diferentes caminhos: da persistência de padrões com acréscimos incrementais até extinções e momentos ruptivos. No decurso argumentativo, examinei o desenvolvimento institucional das três áreas em estudo, discuti os caminhos paralelos de construção, suas sequências diferentes e condições que apresentaram quando se chegou à reconfiguração organizacional decorrente da criação do ministério de desenvolvimento social e combate à fome, em 2004. O MDS adquiriu um nível aceitável de autoridade para coordenação de planos e programas prioritários, dependente da agenda do executivo, e isso contribuiu para incentivos à integração, mesmo que apenas no plano normativo. Essa despretensiosa unificação acabou criando um corpo de coordenação diferenciado para conduzir a agenda social dos últimos governos. Assim, o MDS estruturou o espaço de rede de proteção no brasil, com primazia do estado, seja na mitigação de condições precárias de certos segmentos populacionais, seja no fortalecimento de serviços básicos na garantia de direitos. A cooperação entre as instâncias governamentais não se constitui em característica própria do funcionamento do aparelho estatal moderno, o que torna o entrelaçamento de políticas, apesar de um consenso discursivo, um processo inabitual/ incomum que requer maior esforço de articulação. / This dissertation discusses three intertwining areas of social policy social Assistance, food security, and income transfer programs in relation to the recently formed Ministry of Social Development and Fight against Hunger (MDS) in Brazils post-democratization period (1988-present). I analyze how these social policy programs combined, interpenetrated, and ultimately coalesced under the same ministerial institutional locus, bringing forth a renewed discussion on social development. I started the research with the assumption that the creation of the MDS would have promoted hybridization of the policies, thus establishing a consolidated management system with a recognizable social development project united in its focus on improving living conditions for the most precarious sectors of the population. The assumption was based on the idea that the merging of the institutional locus for social policies could increase their interdependence, open new possibilities for working together, require negotiation of existing resources and priorities, and thereby result in institutional changes for all three policy areas. I adopted a longitudinal perspective and the process tracing method (COLLIER, 2011) for events and their evaluation as evidence. I conceptualized the creation and evolution of institutions as processes that may follow different paths: from persistence of patterns with incremental additions to extinctions and ruptures. My findings challenge the prevailing literature that suggests that cooperation between government bodies is rarely observed in the modern state apparatus. The conditions under which disparate policy domains are interwoven was in need of greater scholarly attention. My findings show that the MDS acquired enough legitimacy to coordinate once-atomized plans and priority programs that aligned with the executive agenda. This authority contributed to the incentive to integrate, even if only in normative terms. This unification created a distinctive coordination body for recent administrations social agendas. Thus, through the actions of a strong and integrating state, the MDS strengthened the social safety net in Brazil, mitigating hardships for the most precarious segments of the population, and improving access to basic services as rights.

La réunification ne transforma pas uniquement l’Allemagne sur le plan intérieur, mais eut également d’importantes répercussions sur sa place en Europe et dans le monde. Le nouveau contexte général ainsi que le changement générationnel au sein de la classe politique dans les années qui suivirent, entraînèrent aussi une évolution de l’autoreprésentation de la République fédérale. Tout cela ne resta pas sans conséquences sur sa perception à l’étranger. L’objectif de la présente thèse est d’analyser l’autoreprésentation de la jeune « République de Berlin » et sa réception en France de 1990 à nos jours. La question centrale est de savoir quelle image l’Etat allemand cherche à donner de lui-même et quelle image de l’Allemagne domine en France. Il s’agira de mettre en évidence les évolutions concrètes que l’on peut observer en la matière depuis la réunification, les facteurs permettant de les expliquer ainsi que de déterminer dans quelle mesure il existe une corrélation entre l’autoreprésentation de l’Allemagne et sa réception. / Reunification not only changed Germany domestically, but also had an important impact on its position in Europe and in the world. The new general framework as well as the generational change in politics in the following years also led to a change in the self-representation of the Federal Republic. All this did not remain without consequences on the perception of the country abroad. The aim of this thesis is to analyse the self-representation of the young “Berlin Republic” and its reception in France from 1990 to the present. The key question is which public image does the German state promote of itself and which image of Germany prevails in France. It will be highlighted how this has changed concretely since reunification, by which factors this development can be explained, and to what extent a correlation exists between Germany’s self-representation and its reception.

This dissertation scrutinises two related claims that were particularly heightened in 2009 as the European Union (EU) was celebrating the first tenth anniversary of its European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP), the implementing arm of its Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). First, the two policy frameworks allegedly embodied sufficient added value for bettering EU intervention for human protection purposes in third places. Second, the ESDP supposedly enabled the EU to make a difference in its response to two bloody wars that broke out in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DR Congo) successively in 1996 and 1998. This thesis argues that the alleged added value and difference have been overstated at best. While various studies have taken a similar position, they have important shortcomings for at least four reasons: lack of a comprehensive account of the CFSP motives, capacities, and response; exclusive focus on civil and military operations; focus on the post-Second Congo War period; and a lack of conceptual clarity regarding two key terms – ‘conflict resolution’ and ‘peacebuilding’. This thesis goes beyond generalisation and undertakes a forensic examination of the CFSP statements, decisions, and actions precisely through the lens of Conflict Resolution (CR): a specific subject area of study with its own normative, theoretical, and practical advantages and shortcomings; and with a more comprehensive and indeed seminal conceptualisation of peacebuilding. The outcome is a far more nuanced assessment of failure and success of the EU’s peace endeavours in this context than can be obtained through a broad-brush approach to analysis.

美國柯林頓總統於1995、1996年所提出《擴大與交往的國家安全戰略》報告指出：「美國國家安全戰略基礎在於擴大市場、民主社群，同時嚇阻與圍堵對我們國家、盟邦與我們利益的廣泛威脅。」。為了這一廣泛目的，美國須維持一個強大的防衛力量與運用有效的外交政策，以提升合作性的安全措施；致力打開外國市場與激勵全球成長；助長海外的民主並促進區域的合作安全等。 　　小布希總統2002年《美國國家安全戰略》報告也將「透過自由市場和自由貿易開啟全球經濟發展的新時期」列為國家安全戰略的一環。2006年的「美國國家安全戰略」重申自由且公平的貿易政策是第一支柱的一部份，透過自由市場和自由貿易來啟動一個全球經濟成長的新時代是其整體戰略之一；另一方面為了終結暴政和促進有效率的民主，工具之一就是締結自由貿易協定，鼓勵各國加強法治、打擊腐敗、落實民主責任。 　　美國的東亞政策可說重回「新現實主義」與「新自由主義」的雙軌路線。東亞經貿的發展與區域經濟的整合，更是讓美國看到延長霸權經濟命脈的新金礦。未來區域內的主導地位，將會取決於中國與美國相互競爭，這個競爭也許會是良性的，各取所需、各有所獲，但是過程中將會顯示這兩個大國經濟發展將在區域內的產生權力消長。 　　美國認為，中國在地緣戰略上是具有實力引起國際權力分配產生重大轉變，因此美國政策必須調和改變去掌控中國，以便維持及促進美國重大利益。但是隨著國際局勢變化，美國對中國的態度趨於務實，摒除與中國聯盟對抗蘇聯的思維，轉為全面性交往，但是強化其與日本等國的軍事同盟關係。 　　推展民主制度雖然不一定是美國的優先要務，但只要機會，美國總是鼓勵各國走向民主，因為美國人普遍認為，民主政體有能力抵擋極權擴張、便於美國行使權利、減少軍事衝突的風險。此論點乃基於民主國家比非民主國家更不願意發動戰爭之想法。在某些菁英人士心目中，保障及推展民主乃是美國重要的道德目標。 　　美國為確保國家利益及國家安全戰略總體指導，後冷戰時期美國在東亞區域經濟、軍事、政治安全等領域維護將更為重視，並力求主導區域安全相關議題制定、運作機制和秩序規範。 / US president Clinton points out a topic “Enlargement and Engagement” in the National Security Strategy Report, it says “United States National Security Strategy is based on enlargement the market and diplomatic social groups, simultaneously deter and stop any threat that will disadvantage out nation and allied nations.” For this general purpose, United States has to sustain a strong defense power and utilize diplomatic to improve the cooperation of security measures, endeavor in open foreign market, incentive global economic growth, diplomatic nations growth, and area security cooperation, etc. 　　President George Bush also point out “use free market and free trading to open the new growth of global economic era” from the National Security Strategy Report in 2002. It restated free and fair trading policy plays a big portion in 2006. Through free market and free trading to initiate a new era of global economic growth is part of the plan. The tool of terminating tyranny and effective the diplomatic is making a trade policy to encourage other nations stop crime and corruption. Play the role of democracy country. 　　United States Eastern Asia policy is back to theory of “neo-realism” and “neo-liberalism” two axis. The development of Eastern Asia Trade and Integration of Area Economic are the new vault for United States to prolong his sovereign rule in economic. The future leading nation of the area depends on China and United States competition. It maybe positive, each gains his own benefits, but the process will show the grow or diminish of these two nations economic growth within the area. 　　United States think that China’s regional strategy is very powerful which makes the change of international power distribution, so that U.S. has to adjust the policy to facilitate the U.S. key interests. But, along the change of international situation, the U.S. attitude with China turns out to be more practical. It changes the idea of allied with China against Soviet to fully engage with China in all perspectives. In addition, it strengths the military allied relationship with Japan and eastern Asia countries. 　　To popularize the democracy is not the first priority of United States. If there is a chance, U.S. will always encourage all countries toward democracy. American think that democratic system can stop the extremity system expand, which ease U.S. use his privilege and reduce military conflict risk. This is based on democratic nation is more unwilling to start a war than any other nations. In certain elites’ mind, that the goal of U.S. ethics is to ensure and improve democratic. 　　After cold war era based on U.S. interest, United States is more emphasize on the Eastern Asia’s economic, military, and political security, and endeavor on leading the area security.

The objective of this thesis is to analyze whether the EU can be considered as a &lsquo / limited&rsquo / military/strategic actor or as a civilian actor in the Post-Cold War international security architecture. In this framework, the impacts of the September 11 terrorist attacks and the US-led war in Iraq on the EU crisis management capabilities are analyzed more specifically. In this framework, firstly, the historical dynamics of European foreign and security policy from the Post-World War II period to the Post-September 11 period are analyzed. Secondly, the EU&rsquo / s changing role in the international arena together with its crisis management capability is evaluated. Thirdly, the EU&rsquo / s international actorness in the Post-September 11 era is discussed with a special reference to the US-led war in Iraq. In this general framework, following a brief analysis on reactions of the US and the EU against global terrorism, crisis management strategy of the EU during and after US-led war in Iraq is analyzed in detail. The last part allocated to, a critical analysis of the security actorness of the EU is made in order to conceptualize it and to draw a more theoretical framework. Moreover, it is mentioned in this thesis that while having triggering effect on the CFSP and ESDP, the 9/11 events and the US-led war in Iraq provides the emergence of new methods for crisis management and the European Security Strategy. Accordingly, considering the new international security context beginning with the end of Cold War period and transforming to another dimension by means of September 11 attacks, the main argument of this thesis is that the EU still tends to be a civilian actor as it was before and it is envisaged to be so in the foreseeable future despite its latest attempts to develop its common security and defence policies.

<p>In today’s society, serious organizations need protection against both internal and external attacks. There are many different technologies available that organizations can incorporate into their organization in order to enhance security for their networking applications. Unfortunately, security is way to often considered as an afterthought and therefore implemented as an external part of the applications. This is usually performed by introducing general security models and technologies.</p><p>However, an already developed, well structured and considered security approach – with proper implementation of security services and mechanisms – different security models can be used to apply security</p><p>within the security perimeter of an organization. It can range from built into the application to the edge of a private network, e.g. an appliance. No matter the choice, the involved people must possess security expertise to deploy the proposed security models in this paper, that have the soul purpose to secure applications.</p><p>By using the Recommendation X.800 as a comparison framework, the proposed models will be analyzed in detail and evaluated of how they provide the security services concerned in X.800. By reasoning about what security services that ought to be implemented in order to prevent or detect diverse security attacks, the organization needs to carry out a security plan and have a common understanding of the defined security policies.</p><p>An interesting finding during our work was that, using a methodology that leads to low KLOC-values results in high security, though low KLOC-values and high security go hand-in-hand.</p>

Η χρήση των Πληροφοριακών Συστημάτων συνεχώς αυξάνεται. Πλέον οι περισσότεροι οργανισμοί βασίζονται στην λειτουργία τους. Αχίλλειος πτέρνα αυτών είναι η ασφάλεια τους. Στη παρούσα μελέτη παρουσιάζονται τα βασικά θέματα που αφορούν την διαχείριση προσωπικών δεδομένων αναλύοντας την πολιτική ασφαλείας μιας εταιρείας του ελληνικού τραπεζικού τομέα . Αρχικά εντάσσεται η έννοια των Πληροφοριακών Συστημάτων. Ακολουθεί η έννοια της Πολιτικής Ασφάλειας στον ευρύτερο τομέα της Διαχείρισης της Ασφάλειας των Πληροφοριακών Συστημάτων καθώς και οι κατηγοριοποιήσεις των κινδύνων και των ζημιογόνων γεγονότων. Έπειτα προσδιορίζονται οι βασικές αρχές για την ανάπτυξη Πολιτικών Ασφάλειας των Πληροφοριακών Συστημάτων, διευκρινίζοντας το νομικό πλαίσιο προστασίας τραπεζικών δεδομένων και το απόρρητο τους. Η επόμενη ενότητα αφορά την εφαρμογή των Πολιτικών Ασφάλειας στο πλαίσιο της εταιρείας και καταγράφει τα απαραίτητα μέτρα για την επιτυχή και αποτελεσματική εφαρμογή τους. Ακολουθούν τα αποτελέσματα της μελέτης και οι προτάσεις για την βελτιστοποίηση της παρούσας κατάστασης και την αποφυγή μελλοντικών κινδύνων. / The use of Information Systems is constantly increasing. Now most of the organizations rely on them for their operation. Their vulnerable spot is their security. This study presents the main issues related to the management of personal data by analyzing the security policy of a company of Greek banking sector. Firstly, the concept of Information Systems is presented.Then a part of the concept of security policy in the broader field of Safety Management Information Systems and classifications of risks and loss events is presented. Afterwards identifying the key principles for the development of Rules of Security of Information Systems, specifying the legal framework for the protection of bank data and their privacy. The next section involves the implementation of security policies within the company and record the necessary steps for the successful and effective implementation. Then are the results of the study presented and recommendations for optimization of this situation and avoiding future risks.

本論文研究的主題是泰國為維護其邊界安全作出的國家安全政策。泰國位在印度支那半島的中心點，當周邊國家發生動亂時，泰國就成為政治難民逃難的目的地，而且入侵的人數非常多。先後進入泰國的政治難民有泰北孤軍、馬來亞共產黨及柬埔寨難民。本文探討他們進入泰國的原因、在泰國的行為、及泰國政府處置政治難民的政策及最後的歸屬。當時泰國國內也深受共產主義的迫害，使得泰國政府除了要消除來自國外的威脅，還要利用這些難民來協助阻止泰共的活動，或者利用這些難民團體構建其邊疆的防衛圈，成為防衛泰國邊界的前沿軍隊。最後泰國政府以其維護邊境安全有功的理由給予泰北孤軍和馬來亞共產黨人泰國籍，對柬埔寨難民則採取遣返回國或送至第三國安置的辦法。總之，泰國政府以包容性的政策，容納週鄰政治難民，藉以防衛其邊境並開發其邊疆荒蕪之地，是乃泰國邊境安全政策成功之道。 / This paper focuses on Thailand’s national security policy for its boundary issue. Due to the central position in Indo-Chinese Peninsular, when there happened the political turmoil of the surrounding countries, territory of Thailand has been used as a shelter for a large number of political refugees. Those political refugee groups include the Chinese Nationalist troops (KMT), Communist Party of Malaya (CPM), and Cambodian refugees. The reasons of political refugees entering into Thailand, activities and Thai government policy towards them, would be discussed in this paper. Since the 1950s, Thailand suffered from rebel activities of the Communist Party of Thailand, so Thai government took advantage of combating experience of political refugees to fight against those Thai Communists in bordering area. Thai government even gave them the land and agricultural instruments to cultivate in bordering area and encouraged them stay by giving Thailand nationality to KMT troops and members of CPM, but repatriated those Cambodia refugees to back to Cambodia or to resettle in the third country. Thai government adopted an accommodate policy towards those political refugee groups, by using them to defence its border area and develop the economy, successfully to maitain its border security.

This dissertation traces military integration in Europe from the 1940s to the early 2000s in order to reveal the growth of a common European defence identity. Four factors characterize its approach. First, European defence identity is analyzed in relation to the broader path of European integration and its historical context, showing connections with key turning points in European integration, with the evolution of Franco-German relations and European-American relations, with the Cold War and subsequent Collapse of Communism, etc. Second, the dissertation applies theories of identity formation to guide the historical analysis. This approach draws attention, for example, to the important roles that borders and symbols played in European defence identity formation. Third, the thesis adopts a hybrid “top-down” and “bottom-up” approach; one side considers formal programs, policies, and institutions that promoted a European defence identity, while the other takes stock of public perceptions, actions by “rank and file” soldiers, etc. This dual approach helps to reveal more fully the complex, negotiated character of European defence identity formation. Finally, this thesis traces the growth of a European defence identity as a path of ideological and emotional change, growing commitment, and trust-building that spanned decades.