Esta tese discute o entrelaçamento de três áreas de políticas sociais assistência social, segurança alimentar e nutricional e programas de transferência de renda na construção recente do Ministério do Desenvolvimento Social e Combate à Fome (MDS), no campo do desenvolvimento social brasileiro pós-Constituição Federal de 1988 (CF 88). Analiso como essas áreas e suas trajetórias se combinaram, interpenetraram e acabaram se reunindo sob o mesmo locus institucional ministerial e trouxeram à tona uma rediscussão sobre projetos de desenvolvimento social. Debati a suposição de que a criação do MDS teria propiciado o entrelaçamento de políticas estabelecendo um padrão de gerenciamento articulado com um projeto político de desenvolvimento social reconhecível, de tipo protetor e voltado à mitigação das condições de precariedade de vida da população. Adotei uma perspectiva longitudinal e o método de process tracing (COLLIER, 2011) na discussão das ocorrências e sua avaliação como evidências. Entendi que a criação e as mudanças institucionais são processos que passam por diferentes caminhos: da persistência de padrões com acréscimos incrementais até extinções e momentos ruptivos. No decurso argumentativo, examinei o desenvolvimento institucional das três áreas em estudo, discuti os caminhos paralelos de construção, suas sequências diferentes e condições que apresentaram quando se chegou à reconfiguração organizacional decorrente da criação do ministério de desenvolvimento social e combate à fome, em 2004. O MDS adquiriu um nível aceitável de autoridade para coordenação de planos e programas prioritários, dependente da agenda do executivo, e isso contribuiu para incentivos à integração, mesmo que apenas no plano normativo. Essa despretensiosa unificação acabou criando um corpo de coordenação diferenciado para conduzir a agenda social dos últimos governos. Assim, o MDS estruturou o espaço de rede de proteção no brasil, com primazia do estado, seja na mitigação de condições precárias de certos segmentos populacionais, seja no fortalecimento de serviços básicos na garantia de direitos. A cooperação entre as instâncias governamentais não se constitui em característica própria do funcionamento do aparelho estatal moderno, o que torna o entrelaçamento de políticas, apesar de um consenso discursivo, um processo inabitual/ incomum que requer maior esforço de articulação. / This dissertation discusses three intertwining areas of social policy social Assistance, food security, and income transfer programs in relation to the recently formed Ministry of Social Development and Fight against Hunger (MDS) in Brazils post-democratization period (1988-present). I analyze how these social policy programs combined, interpenetrated, and ultimately coalesced under the same ministerial institutional locus, bringing forth a renewed discussion on social development. I started the research with the assumption that the creation of the MDS would have promoted hybridization of the policies, thus establishing a consolidated management system with a recognizable social development project united in its focus on improving living conditions for the most precarious sectors of the population. The assumption was based on the idea that the merging of the institutional locus for social policies could increase their interdependence, open new possibilities for working together, require negotiation of existing resources and priorities, and thereby result in institutional changes for all three policy areas. I adopted a longitudinal perspective and the process tracing method (COLLIER, 2011) for events and their evaluation as evidence. I conceptualized the creation and evolution of institutions as processes that may follow different paths: from persistence of patterns with incremental additions to extinctions and ruptures. My findings challenge the prevailing literature that suggests that cooperation between government bodies is rarely observed in the modern state apparatus. The conditions under which disparate policy domains are interwoven was in need of greater scholarly attention. My findings show that the MDS acquired enough legitimacy to coordinate once-atomized plans and priority programs that aligned with the executive agenda. This authority contributed to the incentive to integrate, even if only in normative terms. This unification created a distinctive coordination body for recent administrations social agendas. Thus, through the actions of a strong and integrating state, the MDS strengthened the social safety net in Brazil, mitigating hardships for the most precarious segments of the population, and improving access to basic services as rights.

Submitted by Rafael Santana (rafael.silvasantana@ufpe.br) on 2017-08-31T19:26:08Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 811 bytes, checksum: e39d27027a6cc9cb039ad269a5db8e34 (MD5) Dissertação_Orlivaldo_Kléber_Ciência da Computação_UFPE_.pdf: 2557373 bytes, checksum: ce725c091789d262ff35ae1f87b18a37 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-08-31T19:26:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 811 bytes, checksum: e39d27027a6cc9cb039ad269a5db8e34 (MD5) Dissertação_Orlivaldo_Kléber_Ciência da Computação_UFPE_.pdf: 2557373 bytes, checksum: ce725c091789d262ff35ae1f87b18a37 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-11-30 / O Tribunal de Contas da União, por meio da Secretaria de Fiscalização de TI, publicou, em 2015, por meio do Acórdão 3117/2014-TCU-Plenário, o quadro crítico em que se encontravam os órgãos da Administração Pública Federal, direta e indireta, concernente aos processos de segurança da informação, onde apenas 51% daqueles órgãos utilizavam integralmente a Política de Segurança da Informação. Considerando que há recomendações e orientações do Governo Federal para a institucionalização da Política de Segurança da Informação e Comunicação em todos seus órgãos, essa pesquisa buscou identificar o cenário em que se encontram as Instituições Federais de Ensino Superior, quanto à existência e às práticas utilizadas para implantação de Política de Segurança da Informação, considerando que tais instituições estão inseridas nesse panorama de fiscalização do Tribunal de Contas da União. Como objetivo de pesquisa, buscou-se a elaboração de um guia de melhores práticas para implantação e revisão de Política de Segurança da Informação e Comunicação nas Instituições Federais de Ensino Superior. Como metodologia foram utilizadas as abordagens quantitativa e qualitativa, empregando procedimentos bibliográficos, com o uso da revisão sistemática, e o levantamento de campo com aplicação de questionário Survey. Ao final da pesquisa, percebeu-se que o fator humano é a maior criticidade para o sucesso da implantação da Política de Segurança da Informação e Comunicação, principalmente a participação da Alta Gestão, entretanto, a elaboração do guia promoverá ações estratégicas nos processos de segurança da informação das Instituições Federais de Ensino Superior, quanto à implantação e revisão de Política de Segurança da Informação e Comunicação. / The Court of Auditors of Unity, IT Supervisory Office, published in 2015, through Decision 3117/2014 - TCU-Plenary, the critical situation in which they found the agencies of the Federal Public Administration Office, both direct as indirectly, concerning the information security processes, where only 51% of those agencies fully used the Security Policy information. Whereas there are recommendations and guidelines of the Federal Government for the institutionalization of the Information and Communication Security Policy in all its agencies, this research sought to identify the scenario where the Federal Institutions of Higher Education are, regarding the existence and the practices adopted in the implementation of information security policy, considering that such institutions are inserted in this prospect of the Brazilian Federal Accountability Office surveillance. In this research we aimed to formulate the a Guide for the best practices to the implementation and revision of Information Security Policy in Federal Institutions of Higher Education. It were used both quantitative and qualitative approaches, employing, employing bibliographic procedures, with the use of a systematic review and also a field survey. At the end of this research it was realized that the human factor is the most critical aspect for the successful implementation of Security Policy information, especially the participation of the High Management. However, the formulation of a guidance will promote strategic actions in the information security processes of Federal Institutions of Higher Education, towards the implementation and revision of Information and Communication Security Policy.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2016-09-23T13:47:58Z No. of bitstreams: 1 mariavivianadefreitascabral.pdf: 1518709 bytes, checksum: 45ae2add71844fef3522958570ca30c6 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Diamantino Mayra (mayra.diamantino@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-09-26T20:30:51Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 mariavivianadefreitascabral.pdf: 1518709 bytes, checksum: 45ae2add71844fef3522958570ca30c6 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-26T20:30:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 mariavivianadefreitascabral.pdf: 1518709 bytes, checksum: 45ae2add71844fef3522958570ca30c6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016 / A reversão dos índices de crime no estado de São Paulo tem despertado o interesse dos pesquisadores em verificar as possíveis causas para a redução de 67,1% nas taxas de homicídios no período de 2000 a 2010. Diversos fatores têm sido apontados para explicar esse fenômeno, porém não foi encontrado na literatura, até o momento, estudos que avaliassem o Sistema de Informações Criminais – INFOCRIM, adotado por 67 municípios paulistas até o ano de 2010. Desse modo, este trabalho tem o objetivo de testar a hipótese de que o INFOCRIM tenha contribuído para a redução das taxas de homicídios entre 2000 e 2010, controlando por diversos determinantes do crime e por outras iniciativas de segurança pública. Para isso, foi realizada uma avaliação de tratamento por meio da abordagem das diferenças-em-diferenças espacial (SDID), método pioneiro capaz de modelar a migração do crime das regiões tratadas para regiões vizinhas. O grupo de tratamento foi definido como os 67 municípios contemplados pelo INFOCRIM, ao passo que o grupo de controle foi definido como os 548 municípios paulistas remanescentes na amostra. Por meio de um painel de dados de dois períodos (2000 e 2010), o modelo de defasagem espacial (SDID-SAR) evidenciou a existência de transbordamentos espaciais (migração de crime) entre os municípios paulistas e um efeito redutor do crime devido ao INFOCRIM. Em termos de efeitos totais, o INFOCRIM reduziu a taxa de homicídios em 6,183 entre 2000 e 2010. Quanto aos efeitos diretos, o Programa reduziu a taxa de homicídios em 3,745, enquanto, em termos de efeitos indiretos, o INFOCRIM diminuiu a taxa de homicídios em 2,437 durante esse período. Isso implica que a interação espacial existente entre os agentes reforçou o efeito médio do INFOCRIM. Os resultados corroboraram a relação positiva entre crime e desemprego e a relação inversa entre crime e educação. A melhoria da equidade social contribuiu para a redução da criminalidade violenta enquanto o adensamento populacional apresentou sinal contrário ao esperado. Há um efeito dissuasor indireto sobre as taxas de homicídios decorrente da existência de guarda municipal armada. Em termos de vidas poupadas, o Estado de São Paulo foi capaz de minimizar os prejuízos sociais decorrentes da criminalidade, uma vez que a implementação do INFOCRIM evitou 2.546 homicídios de 2000 até 2010. Portanto, o INFOCRIM pode ser considerado um Programa exitoso no combate à criminalidade letal. / The reversal of the trend of crime rates in the state of São Paulo has arisen the interest of researchers to verify the possible causes for the reduction of 67.1% in homicide rate from 2000 to 2010. Several factors have been suggested to explain this phenomenon, but it was not found in the literature, so far, researches to evaluate the Criminal Information System – INFOCRIM, adopted by 67 municipalities in São Paulo until 2010. Thus this work is aimed at testing the hypothesis that INFOCRIM has contributed to the reduction in homicide rate between 2000 and 2010, controlling for determinants of crime and other public security actions. To do so, a treatment evaluation is performed using the spatial difference-in- differences (SDID) approach, a pioneering method able to model the crime migration from the treated regions to their neighboring regions. The treatment group is defined as being the 67 municipalities with INFOCRIM whereas the control group is defined as being 548 municipalities remaining in the sample. Using two-period panel data (2000 and 2010), the spatial lag model (SDID-SAR) indicated the existence of spatial spillovers (crime migration) among municipalities in the São Paulo state and a crime reducing effect of INFOCRIM. As to total effects, INFOCRIM reduced homicide rate by 6.183 over the period 2000-2010. In terms of direct terms, the program decreased homicide rate by 3.745, while, in terms of indirect effects, INFOCRIM reduced homicide rate by 2.437 during this period. . This implies that the spatial interaction between agents enhanced the average effect of INFOCRIM. These findings confirmed the positive relation between crime and unemployment and the inverse relation between crime and education. The improvement of social equity contributed to the reduction of violent crime while the population density showed a sign contrary to theoretically expected. There is an indirect effect on homicide rate due to the existence of municipal guard. In terms of lives saved, the Government of the State of São Paulo was able to minimize the social loss from offenses, since the implementation of INFOCRIM has avoided 2,546 homicides over the period 2000-2010. Therefore, the INFOCRIM can be considered successful in fighting lethal crime.

Is the credibility of today's Swedish security policy under question? Through two world wars and the years that followed Sweden has invoked a policy of neutrality and military nonalignment. This policy has come to be perceived as an integral part of the Swedish national identity. Is it possible then that Sweden’s past and present strategic narratives could be contested? This thesis investigates whether or not there is consistency in the narratives expressed by both right wing Swedish governments and socialist Swedish governments. The narratives of both parties are examined during two separate eras of history; the Cold War era of the 1980s is compared with the current more globalized era of the 2010s. A constructivist perspective is utilized in the analysis and a narrative analysis is applied. The results show that there has been significant consistency in the narratives of Swedish security policy from both right wing and socialist governments. There is much greater variation shown between the two eras than there is between the two parties themselves. / Är dagens svenska säkerhetspolitik trovärdig eller omstridd? Allt sedan världskrigen har svenska regeringar förhållit sig till en grundläggande idé om svensk neutralitet och alliansfrihet. Denna politik har kommit att betraktas som en väsentlig del av svensk nationell identitet. Samtidigt har inriktningen för den svenska säkerhetspolitiken förändrats vid ett antal tillfällen under de senaste decennierna och gått från neutralitet till solidaritet. Är det då möjligt att gångna som nutida svenska strategiska narrativ är omstridda? Denna uppsats undersöker hur konsekventa svenska säkerhetspolitiska narrativ har varit. Detta genom att granska de narrativ som konstruerats av respektive socialdemokratiska och borgerliga regeringskoalitioner. Dessa narrativ jämförs både inom och mellan två historiska epoker; det kalla krigets 1980-tal och det nutida globaliserade 2010-talet, med specifika nedslag för åren 1982, 1987, 2009 och 2015. Uppsatsen tar utgångspunkt i ett konstruktivistiskt perspektiv och en narrativanalys tillämpas i analysen. Resultatet indikerar en betydande samstämmighet inom svensk säkerhetspolitik mellan borgerliga och socialdemokratiska regeringar. En betydligt större variation framträder i en jämförelse emellan de olika tidsepokerna än emellan samtida regeringar av olika politiska färger.

Att bedriva startups i ett informationsbaserat samhälle medför idag flera utmaningar. För att nå framgång måste företagets resurser användas på rätt sätt. I en tid där informationssäkerhet spelar en allt större roll ska det här till en avvägning mellan att uppnå en bra säkerhetsnivå, samtidigt som de affärsmässiga aspekterna måste prioriteras. I arbetet undersöks hur svenska startups hanterar sin informationssäkerhet. Arbetet syftar även till att undersöka hur utbredd medvetenheten är inom sex svenska startups gällande informationssäkerhet samt hur mycket det prioriteras. Arbetet resultat visar att medvetenheten kring informationssäkerheten är hög men att det fortfarande är brister när det gäller att omsätta denna medvetenhet till praktisk handling och att det är de affärsorienterade målen som prioriteras högst inom en svensk startup. / To run a startup in an information based society can cause a lot of challenges. To reach success, the company’s resources must be used in a proper way. In a time where information security has a big role, there must be a balance between keeping a high level of security meanwhile the business orientated expectations must be prioritized. This thesis will examine how a startup manages its information security. It does also focus on the awareness of information security within six swedish startups considering information security and also it’s priority. The results of the study shows that awareness of information security is high, but there are still shortcomings in putting this awareness into practice. The study also shows that the business-orientated goals are the highest priority within a swedish startup.

I denne studien analyseres sikkerhetspolitiske utviklingstrekk i USA fra Bush til Obama. Fokuset rettes mot betydningsfulle kontinuiteter og endringer i overordnede syn på maktmidler, interesser og samarbeidstilnærminger. Empirisk materiale utgjøres hovedsakelig av ulike utgaver av amerikansk “National Security Strategy”. Slike strategier inneholder brede budskap, og som hjelp til å identifisere spesielt viktige momenter utarbeides først en teoretisk analyseramme basert på perspektiver til de samtidsaktuelle forskerne John J. Mearsheimer og Joseph S. Nye. Studiens resultater viser at militærmakten har en stabil posisjon som det høyest prioriterte maktmiddel i USA, men ny regjering satser mer på myke maktmidler og mindre på militærmakt ved fremming av egne verdier. Vedrørende interesser finner vi kontinuitet i at forsvar av nasjonen og håndtering av militære trusler er styrende for sikkerhetspolitikken, og USA har intensjoner om å opprettholde militær overlegenhet. Videre er også spredning av demokrati, respekt for menneskerettigheter og åpen markedsøkonomi konstante interesser, men en endring er at nasjonens økonomi er oppjustert på den sikkerhetspolitiske agenda. I et samarbeids-perspektiv synes unilateral militær agering mindre aktuelt for ny regjering, og internasjonale institusjoner er mer vektlagt. USA har imidlertid et videreført siktemål om å inneha en tydelig lederrolle og få stort gjennomslag for egeninteresser i internasjonalt samarbeid. Totalt sett indikerer de to regjeringenes sikkerhetsstrategier at styrende interesser er uendret, men den nye regjeringen har intensjoner om en mer balansert anvendelse av maktmidler og kommuniserer en mindre unilateral samarbeidsprofil. Forekomsten av vektige stabile trekk har imidlertid en dempende effekt på endringene, og bidrar til å gi inntrykk av at USA for tiden ikke staker ut en ny kurs, men justerer eksisterende kurs. / This study analyzes the development of the United States security policy from the administrations of Bush to Obama. Its focus is directed towards significant continuities and changes in the context of political means, interests and approaches to international cooperation. The empirical data mainly consists of U.S. National Security Strategies issued in 2002, 2006 and 2010. Such strategies contain broad messages and, therefore, to help identify issues of special significance, a theoretical framework based on the perspectives of the international relations scholars John J. Mearsheimer and Joseph S. Nye is first developed.  The findings of the study show that the position of military power as the most prioritized political instrument in the U.S. remains stable. However, in an effort to promote the nation’s values, the new administration intends to make more use of soft power and less use of military power. Regarding its interests, defending the nation and handling military threats are still top priorities, and an important aspect is that the U.S. intends to maintain its global military superiority. Spreading democracy, respect for human rights and free trade in an open international economic system are also constant interests, but one notable development is that the national economy figures more prominently on the security agenda. Looking at the approaches for cooperation, it seems that unilateral military action is an option which is less likely to be used by the new administration. Furthermore, this administration places greater emphasis on the value of international institutions than the previous administration. Still, an important continuity is the intention of maintaining a clear leadership role and strongly advancing U.S. interests when cooperating internationally. To summarize, the two administrations security strategies indicate that governing interests are unchanged, but the new administration is aiming for a better balance of the tools of American power, and is communicating a less unilateral profile. Still, the presence of significant stable aspects reduces the level of change, and contributes to the impression that the U.S. is not developing a new course, but rather adjusting the current one.

No description available.

In 2005 the Swedish social democratic government settled a defense treaty with Saudi Arabia. Ten years later, a new Social democratic government ends the treaty. This thesis will study the Social democratic party’s motives behind their actions regarding the treaty. Kjell Goldmanns theory regarding the three fields of interest concerning state’s foreign policy, security policy, economy and international values, will serve as the theory and operationalization of this thesis. The thesis will operate an analysis of motives to study the main motives of the party’s actions during four events. After examining the actions of the Social democrats in media and the parliament, the thesis found that the party had changed their main motives between 2005 and 2015. Their main motives in 2005 were economical and in 2015 were their main motives international values, which reaches the conclusion that the Social democrats have changed their motives regarding the treaty.

La Politique étrangère et de sécurité commune (PESC) est la politique de l'Union Européenne qui suscite le moins d'intérêt et le moins d'attention dans la doctrine de droit de l'Union Européenne. Ce statut d'enfant-perdu de la doctrine s'explique aisément : la Politique étrangère et de sécurité commune multiplie les singularités, et en tout premier lieu celle d'être généralement présentée comme étant la politique intergouvernementale par excellence de l'Union européenne. La PESC présente également la singularité d'être une politique opérationnelle. Plus de trente opérations civiles et militaires ont ainsi été menées au-delà des frontières de l'Union européenne. La PESC présente également la singularité d'être une politique opérationnelle. Plus de trente opérations civiles et militaires ont ainsi été menées au-delà des frontières de l'Union européenne depuis 2003 et le recours aux mesures restrictives ne faiblit pas. De la même manière, la conduite et la réussite de telles opérations a nécessité tant la mise sur pied d'institutions, d'organes et d'agences que l'établissement d'une base industrielle et technologique de défense et d'un marché intérieur de la défense. Le développement et l'affermissement de cette politique opérationnelle de l'Union européenne ne se sont cependant pas faits sans l'intervention des institutions européennes. Le Parlement, la Commission européenne et la Cour de justice de l'Union européenne exercent, au contraire, un contrôle politique, financier et juridictionnel toujours plus poussé sur cette politique. C'est alors la fin de la singularité de la Politique étrangère et de sécurité commune, laquelle tend à devenir comme les autres et à s'inscrire en cohérence avec le modèle d'intégration de l'Union européenne. / The Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) is the EU policy, that arouses the least interest and attention in the doctrine of law of the European Union. This lack of consideration can easily be explained : the Common Foreign and Security Policy is peculiar is numerous ways, and first and foremost it is specific for being the quintessential intergovernmental policy of the European union. CFSP also presents the difference of being an operational policy. More than thirty civil and military operations have been carried out beyond the borders of the European Union since 2003 and the use of restrictive measures is not weakening. In the samie vein, the conduct and success of such operations required the development of institutions, bodies and agencies as well as the establishment of an European Defence Technological and Industrial Base and the creation of an internal market of defense. However, this operational policy of the European Union could not have been developed and strengthened without intervention of European institutions. The Parliament, the European Commission and the Court of justice of the European Union exercise more and more elaborate political, financial and judicial control over this policy. On this las aspect, the Common Foreign and Security Policy tends to become an European policy like any other and be consistent with the model of integration of the European Union.

This dissertation traces military integration in Europe from the 1940s to the early 2000s in order to reveal the growth of a common European defence identity. Four factors characterize its approach. First, European defence identity is analyzed in relation to the broader path of European integration and its historical context, showing connections with key turning points in European integration, with the evolution of Franco-German relations and European-American relations, with the Cold War and subsequent Collapse of Communism, etc. Second, the dissertation applies theories of identity formation to guide the historical analysis. This approach draws attention, for example, to the important roles that borders and symbols played in European defence identity formation. Third, the thesis adopts a hybrid “top-down” and “bottom-up” approach; one side considers formal programs, policies, and institutions that promoted a European defence identity, while the other takes stock of public perceptions, actions by “rank and file” soldiers, etc. This dual approach helps to reveal more fully the complex, negotiated character of European defence identity formation. Finally, this thesis traces the growth of a European defence identity as a path of ideological and emotional change, growing commitment, and trust-building that spanned decades.