September 11 terrorist attacks not only affect the United States but also the entire international community. Hundreds perished; most of them innocent citizens from over ninety different nations. It has changed the history of America, much like Japan’s strike against Pearl Harbor. The 9/11 attacks triggered the United States’ ongoing war against terrorism, starting with Afghanistan as the first target to overthrow Taliban, changing the course of world history. The significance of the incident and severity of that traumatic loss makes a case for a memorial on the UMass campus in tribute to those victims. It is worth mentioning that a UMass community member (computer research specialist) lost his life in that event. The intention of this design is to pay a well-deserved tribute to the victims of the September 11 tragedy, together with providing information about the whole story. The statistics of the event have a visceral interpretation. All different aspects and numbers are incorporated into the design: number of the flights, number of the people killed, nationality of the victims, each have their specific place in the design pattern.

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Using social contact and social identity theories, I seek to show how attitudes of mainstream American society toward individuals of Middle-Eastern descent (Arabs) have changed eight years after September 11, 2001 when compared to similar data from shortly after the terrorist attacks. I use data gathered from nationally representative opinion polls and the theoretical constructs of social contact theory and social identity theory to understand how attitudes have changed in the eight-year period. I first provide a firm grounding in the social contact and social identity literature, analyze the race/attitudinal data, and finally show how both social identity and social contact theories are useful when looking at attitudes toward Arabs post September 11, 2001. Initially, I expect that an inverse reaction to social contact will be observed leading to negative attitudes. At the same time, I expect that shared social identity will increase over time and positively affect attitudes toward Arabs. The results suggest that greater contact does not necessarily lead to positive attitudes about an out-group (in this case the Arab minority). In addition, the results show social identity's ability to affect attitudes decreases over time. I conclude that the ability to change attitudes is dependent on an individual developing greater understanding and knowledge of the out-group thereby expanding social identity. I argue that this is a useful method to decrease out-group prejudice. I conclude the two theories are useful as they both can inform public policy campaigns and public perception.

Studiens syfte är att studera vilken bild av muslimer som förmedlas i svensk tidningsmedia veckan efter terrorattacken mot World Trade Center i New York den 11 september 2001. Undersökningen tar sin teoretiska utgångspunkt i postkolonial teori och Saids ”orientalism”-begrepp. Jag har valt att använda mig av en riktad kvalitativ innehållsanalys för att undersöka vad källmaterialet förmedlar och har utifrån innehållet skapat kategorier som ska tydliggöra detta. Slutresultaten visar att den bild som tidningarna förmedlade av muslimer efter terrordådet den 11 september 2001 var präglad av stereotyper om Orienten, där muslimer bland annat beskrivs som känslostyrda, omoderna och religiösa. Däremot gick det inte att utläsa någon generell uppfattning bland tidningsmedia att det finns en koppling mellan islam och terrorism.

The primary aim of this thesis is to let Svante Grände’s letters from his time in Latin-American act as keyhole from which the political situation in Chile and Argentina is viewed. By grounding Grände as part of the left-wing radicalization process that was prominent in Sweden, in the third world, but also in large parts of the industrialized Western World, during the 1960’s and early 1970’s, an agent and structure model is used to examine how an aid worker, the son of a Swedish priest, ended up as a guerilla fighter in Northern Argentina, who was killed in battle in 1975. The main finding of the thesis is that Grände brought with him a radical set of values and norms, which were not deterred, but rather enhanced, by the political challenges of Salvador Allende’s struggle to bring forth a socialist society through democratic means. At the time of Augusto Pinochet’s coup d’état, Grände had already been in close contact with the revolutionary left and chose to stay with those he associated most with.

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