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The memory of expulsions among the expelling groups has been fairly studied, and has potential to create new conflicts. This qualitative study uses in-depth interviews to describe the memory of the 6-7 September events and the Greek minority in Istanbul among a group of Turkish descent people living in Beyoglu, Istanbul. Further the study compares the memory with the written history and explains why the memories of the past are shaped according to the present. The Greek minority of Istanbul are remembered in words of friendship and neighbourliness, but these memories are rather a nostalgia of the past for present needs than an image of the past itself. The memories of the events among the studied group are dominated by the general destruction occasioned by the riots but tend to contradict the violence towards the Greek minority. There exists a discrepancy between the memory and the written history concerning the acts of violence during the riots, the underlying causes of the riots and the period after the events. This article explains the reconstructed memory as a product of strategies for avoiding the experience of collective guilt.

It has been more than ten years since the 9/11 attacks in 2001, but the events related to the attacks are still a focus for the whole world. This study examined the news coverage of the 9/11 tenth anniversary from Phoenix TV and CNN, which are among the most influential news media in China and the U.S., respectively. A systematic content analysis was performed using latest news, opinion articles, photographs, and videos as classified by CNN and Phoenix TV on their commemorative 9/11 tenth anniversary websites. Framing theory guided this thesis project. The results offer some evidence regarding differences in the selection and use of frames in the U.S. and Chinese media. Results also suggest that global media share news resources for global events. / Master of Arts

In releasing the songs "Courtesy of the Red, White and Blue (The Angry American)" and "American Soldier" in the aftermath of September 11, country artist Toby Keith enacts a tradition that has been established in the world of country music since the Civil War, that of producing wartime songs of patriotism. I conducted an organic analysis of both songs as rhetorical acts produced and consumed within a particular rhetorical context. Because country music is fundamentally a discourse that celebrates the attitudes, values and experiences of its audience, I first analyzed these two songs as instances of epideictic rhetoric. As an epideictic rhetor, Keith reinforces the traditional values of the country music audience, uniting them in celebration of the communal identity that renders them a rhetorical community. That shared identity enables Keith to advance a rhetorical vision of a post-September 11 reality, attributing meaning to the events of September 11 and the ensuing conflicts in Afghanistan and Iraq. I use pentadic analysis to illuminate the vision presented in each song, and I utilize both media coverage and the Billboard charts to determine how well this vision "chained out" amongst the country music audience. Lastly, I utilize media coverage to explore the rhetorical context in which these songs were written and consumed. / Master of Arts

Die Philosophie der Postmoderne sieht sich als eine Bewegung der Befreiung und der kulturellen Emanzipation. Von ihrer anti-totalitären Inspiration her ist die postmoderne Philosophie mit der Hoffnung auf ein Nachkriegs-Zeitalter verbunden, weil sie mit der Zeit der Totalitäten auch die Zeit des Krieges hinter sich bringen zu können glaubt. Hingegen zeigt eine Diskursanalyse der Schriften von drei Philosophen, die für das Gedankengebäude der philosophischen Postmoderne von zentraler Bedeutung sind - Jean-Francois Lyotard, Jean Baudrillard und Paul Virilio - zwei besondere Widersprüche auf, welche die pluralistische Option der postmodernen Philosophie in Frage stellen und damit auch ihren Anspruch, mit dem Zeitalter der Totalisierungen die Versuche zur gewaltsamen Assimilation des Anderen zu beenden und eine Rehabilitation der Anerkennung kultureller Unterschiede herbeizuführen. Zum einen beinhaltet der postmoderne philosophische Diskurs keine Ausbildung einer "positiven Barbarei" (Lyotard), sondern eine negativ konnotierte, anarchische Regellosigkeit. Zum anderen ist auch die Idee von der Differenz als der "ontologischen Dignität" der Postmoderne in sich inkohärent; vielmehr ist in postmodernem Gedankengut ein fundamentaler Entdifferenzierungsprozess angelegt. Aufgrund dieser inhärenten Widersprüche können postmoderne Theoretiker zu einer Ausbreitung eben jenes Gedankenguts und jenes Gewaltpotentials beitragen, dessen Verschwinden sie ursprünglich beabsichtigten. Wo immer heute, im Zeitalter eines entstehenden Welt-Innenraums und der vielfältigen interkulturellen Kontakte, das Konzept von Postmodernität als ein Programm zur besseren Akzeptanz des kulturell Anderen und zur Erziehung der verschiedenen Akteure im Geist der Toleranz ins Gespräch gebracht werden sollte, ist daher Skepsis angebracht. / The philosophy of the postmodern regards itself as a movement of liberation and cultural emancipation. In view of its anti-totalitarian inspiration postmodern philosophy is linked with the hope of a post-war age, because it believes it can put the times of war behind it together with the times of totalities. A discourse analysis of the writings of three philosophers who are of central importance for the body of ideas of the philosophical postmodern - Jean-Francois Lyotard, Jean Baudrillard und Paul Virilio - however reveals two particular contradictions which place a question mark against the pluralistic option of postmodern philosophy and hence against its claim to end the attempts at violent assimilation of the other together with the end of the age of totalization and to bring about a rehabilitation of the recognition of cultural differences. On the one hand the postmodern philosophical discourse does not comprise the evolution of a "positive barbarity" (Lyotard) but an anarchical lack of rules with negative connotations. On the other hand the idea of difference as the "ontological dignity" of the postmodern is in itself incoherent; it is rather the case that postmodern thought involves a fundamental process of de-differentiation. Because of these inherent contradictions in postmodern discourse postmodern theoreticians can contribute to the spread of precisely those ideas and that potential for violence whose disappearance they originally intended. Wherever today, in the age of a developing world inner space and of a multiplicity of intercultural contacts, attempts are made to propose the concept of postmodernity as a programme for the better acceptance of the cultural other and for the education of the various actors in a spirit of tolerance, these must be encountered with scepticism.

Title from first page of PDF document. Includes bibliographical references (p. 104-110).

Jack Heggie's 2011 song cycle Pieces of 9/11: Memories from Houston is a collection of six songs with texts by Gene Scheer. Commissioned by the Houston Grand Opera, it was premiered on September 11, 2011 at the Rothko Chapel in Houston, TX. Based on interviews with people from Houston by Gene Scheer, this cycle tells stories and experiences by those affected by the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center in New York City, The Pentagon in Washington DC, and those aboard United Flight 93 that crashed in Shanksville, Pennsylvania. Scheer's acclaimed storytelling in each song is beautifully set to varying styles of music composed by Heggie, with the familiar theme from Bach's Cello Suite No. 1 in G Major, BWV 1007 woven throughout the cycle. This document is an in-depth look at the cycle to be used by vocal coaches and singers in their preparation and performance. The first introductory chapter is followed by a chapter detailing the song cycle from concept to fruition. The third chapter concentrates on the uses of Bach's Cello Suite No. 1 in G Major, BWV 1007. The fourth chapter discusses the six individual songs first by discussing the background of each text, then an analysis of the music, and concluding with the relevance to 9/11. Chapter 5 includes performance notes, gathered from interviews with Heggie, Scheer, and one of the girl sopranos, Ashley Traughber. Appendices include a timeline of events on 9/11, the three interviews, a chronology of Jake Heggie's vocal works to date, and the author's personal 9/11 story as I was just a few blocks away from the World Trade Center on 9/11.

Technological, political and economical developments have fostered the spread of transnational media since the latter part of the 20th century. Despite that, most studies of media effects are still nationally bound. This dissertation discusses some of the effects that both national and transnational news media can have on people’s thoughts and feelings. It explores the particular effect of consensus building as a consequence of second level agenda-setting. The main focus of this dissertation is how national and transnational news media can bring different demographic groups closer in their perceptions of major topics in the news. This dissertation analyzes consensus building effects through the European Union’s reaction to the attacks of September 11, 2001 in the United States. It analyzes how the use of national and transnational media brought EU demographic groups in closer agreement regarding the attributes of the terrorism issue and of the Muslim and Arab communities, as they related to the events of 9-11 and its aftermaths for the EU community. This study is based on a secondary data analysis of a survey conducted in the close aftermath of 9-11. It is an extensive replication of Shaw and Martin’s (1992) consensus model based on a cross-national analysis of 15 European Union nations and their patterns of national and transnational news media use among four demographic groups in relation to the substantive and affective dimensions of attribute agendas regarding the aftermath of 9-11. This study found evidence that national media bring the segments of society to closer agreement regarding the attributes of terrorism and the attributes of the Muslim and Arab communities. This was especially true for those indicating they used national television. Transnational media also have some potential for similar effects, though less than for national media. Borders still matter but it will be interesting in the future to see if the increasing availability of transnational media translates into increased influence as well. / text

Qualifiées d’ « actes de guerre », les attaques du 11 septembre 2001 ont permis au Président George W. BUSH de justifier ses interventions militaires déclenchées contre les Etats qu’il désignait comme étant l’ « Axe du Mal » en référence à l’ « Empire du Mal » dénoncé par Ronald REAGAN. Le 18 septembre 2001, le Congrès américain confortait cette militarisation de la lutte contre le terrorisme en votant presque unanimement l’ « Authorization for Use of Military Force ». La réaction des Etats-Unis se résume en quatre mots bien précis : « guerre contre le terrorisme » (« War on Terrorism ») ou « guerre contre la terreur » (« War on terror »). Dès le 6 octobre 2001, cette « guerre » prend la forme d’un conflit armé international en Afghanistan et en Irak. L’objectif principal des Etats-Unis était d’éradiquer le terrorisme en détruisant l’organisation terroriste Al-Qaïda dont son leader Oussama BEN LADEN, que George W. BUSH voulait « mort ou vif » (« Wanted dead or Alive ») en référence à la justice expéditive du Far West. Ces conflits armés ont conduit à la capture des combattants taliban et membres d’Al-Qaïda sur de différents champs de bataille. C’est sur la base du Military Order du Président américain, qu’ils seront pour la plupart d’entres eux détenus à la base navale américaine de Guantanamo bay, qualifiés de « combattants illégaux », puis privés du statut de prisonnier de guerre. La pratique quotidienne de la torture par des soldats américains fera de Guantanamo une véritable « zone de non-droit ». Les détenus se sont retrouvés dans un « trou noir juridique » du fait de l’incertitude créée autour de leur statut juridique. Pourtant, la guerre est réglementée par le droit international humanitaire à travers les règles du jus ad bellum déterminant les situations dans lesquelles il est licite de recourir à la force, et le jus in bello réglementant la conduite d’une guerre. Ce corpus juridique est aujourd’hui largement codifié par les Conventions de Genève de 1949 et leurs Protocoles additionnels de 1977. Mais, la « guerre contre le terrorisme » est incontestablement une nouvelle forme de « guerre » qui n’avait pas été envisagée lors de l’adoption des Conventions de Genève. Une lecture attentive de ces conventions peut laisser penser que ces dispositions ne s’appliquent pas aux terroristes qui s’engagent dans des activités totalement contradictoires au droit de Genève. Si bien que, l’applicabilité et l’application de ce droit dans cette « guerre » semblent controversées, notamment en ce qui concerne le statut des personnes arrêtées puis détenues par les Etats-Unis. Toutefois, la constante du droit international humanitaire veut qu’il soit applicable dès qu’une situation de violence se transforme en conflit armé / Described as "acts of war", the attacks of 11 September 2001 enabled President George W. BUSH to justify his military interventions against the states he designated as the "Axis of Evil" "Empire of Evil" denounced by Ronald REAGAN. On September 18, 2001, the US Congress reinforced the militarization of the fight against terrorism by almost unanimously voting the "Authorization for Use of Military Force". The reaction of the United States can be summed up in four very specific words: "War on Terrorism" or "War on Terror". As early as 6 October 2001, this "war" took the form of an international armed conflict in Afghanistan and Iraq. The main objective of the United States was to eradicate terrorism by destroying the terrorist organization al-Qaeda, including its leader Oussama BEN LADEN, whom George W. BUSH wanted "dead or alive" Reference to the expeditious justice of the Far West. These armed conflicts have led to the capture of Taliban fighters and al-Qaeda members on different battlefields. It is on the basis of the US President's Military Order that most of them will be detained at the US naval base in Guantanamo bay, described as "illegal combatants", and then deprived of prisoner-of-war status. The daily practice of torture by American soldiers will make Guantanamo a true "no-law zone". The detainees found themselves in a "legal black hole" due to the uncertainty created around their legal status. Yet war is regulated by international humanitarian law through the rules of jus ad bellum, which determine the situations in which it is lawful to resort to force, and jus in bello regulating the conduct of a war. This corpus of law is today largely codified by the Geneva Conventions of 1949 and their Additional Protocols of 1977. But the "war on terror" is undoubtedly a new form of "war" which was not envisaged The adoption of the Geneva Conventions. A careful reading of these conventions may suggest that these provisions do not apply to terrorists who engage in activities that are totally contradictory to Geneva law. Thus, the applicability and application of this right in this "war" seem controversial, particularly with regard to the status of those arrested and then detained by the United States. However, the constant of international humanitarian law is that it should be applicable as soon as a situation of violence turns into an armed conflict.

In 1995, the Palestinian Authority (PA) was established as an interim Palestinian government on shreds of land within the West Bank and Gaza. One of the new authority’s lesser-known administrative mandates is protection of the environment from pollution. Though the PA was to have a semblance of “self-rule,” the Oslo Accords that established the PA also stipulated that the latter seek Israeli approval when building most large-scale infrastructures—including those designed to manage waste. Meanwhile, emergent ideas about the environment defined it as a limitless expanse. The environment projected out from PA enclaves on thirty percent of the land in all directions—including into the air above and into the subterrain below. The Accords projected environmental responsibility into Israel proper as well as into areas it “shares” with Palestinians in the occupied territories. As a consequence, Palestinian waste infrastructures are objects of concern not only to the Palestinian communities they are designed to serve but also to the Israeli state, to Israeli settlements, to regional neighbors and to foreign donors in far-flung offices who are concerned with “environmental security.” This dissertation investigates a series of multimillion dollar PA projects aimed at protecting what came to be called the “shared” environment through management of Palestinian wastes. In doing so it analyzes the tension between the insistence, on the one hand, that the PA govern “its” population within strictly defined borders as part of a hierarchical system of nested sovereignties in which Israel’s is the superior form, and the imperative, on the other hand, that this territorially-defined, officially interim government perform care for the territory’s longterm ecological future. It tends to be taken for granted that Oslo produced a period of separation by enclosing the West Bank and Gaza and cleaving them off from Israel proper. Millions of West Bank Palestinians are no longer permitted to work in, travel through or even visit Jerusalem or Israel. Israel has prohibited Israeli citizens’ entry into PA areas of the West Bank. This allows PA areas to appear relatively autonomous—insofar as they are viewed as separate from Israel. But in a number of significant ways, Israel continues to control and to direct the daily experiences and future possibilities of West Bank Palestinians. Separation and control are thus equally accurate characterizations of Palestinians’ experiences post-Oslo. This dissertation contends that their particular combination in the post-Oslo period has allowed people living in the West Bank to experience PA governance as what, borrowing a term I heard there, I call a phantom state (shibih dowlah). Palestinians see the limits of PA autonomy vis-a-vis Israel and the PA’s many donors. The PA is specter-like: an appearance without stable material follow-through. People nevertheless treat the PA as a matter-of-fact, tangible part of their lives: as an address for appeal, requests and complaints, as a distinct entity upon which responsibility, blame and, very occasionally, even praise is bestowed. Studies of garbage at the turn of the twenty-first century show that modern waste has the capacity to destabilize and to undermine political systems because of the risks it is perceived to pose and because of the difficulty of keeping it stable and contained. Unlike water, oil and electricity, waste is an infrastructural substrate whose flows should move out from inhabited areas rather than into them. As mobile, abject matter that perpetually threatens the environment, it requires constant monitoring. It is managed at regional scales. In the Palestinian context, waste therefore reveals some of the spatial-geographical complexities that render the treatment of separation and control as an either/or dynamic impossible to sustain. It also reveals the ways in which believing both separation and control to be true for the people experiencing them in combination means living, working and planning within a logic of constant contradiction. Waste is not the only infrastructural substrate that reveals the Mobius strip of separation and connectedness of the post-Oslo period. But waste and its infrastructures are uniquely useful for showing the impossibility and the partialness of a politics of separation more broadly in an emergent era of environmental securitization. This dissertation thus analyzes an incommensurable tension in what Achille Mbembe has called a “late-modern colonial occupation” that operates in the style of older forms of indirect colonial rule. That tension renders governance of people and territory both difficult and incoherent. It produces environmental hazards while seeking to eliminate them. And it performs major political displacements among colonized and colonizers alike.