Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-01T18:08:29Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 dissertacao_rosalia_andrade.pdf: 581457 bytes, checksum: 8f500c37fcd1582264221e0a054adb9e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-12-01 / The present paper analyses the theoretical framework that subsidizes the phallic-oedipal Freudian model in order to consider to what extent it reproduces sexual and binary divisions, with its hierarchical and asymmetrical implications. Initially, we have examined philosophical, scientific and political assumptions that permitted the invention of the sexual difference model, producing specific roles to feminine and masculine genders. Afterwards, we have evaluated repercussions from the sexual and phallic monism on the reinvention of sexed bodies. And, finally, we have focused on the construction of the phallic-oedipal model, searching for approximations with monism and sexual dimorphism, as well as its imbrications on subjectivities production. To do so, we have carried out a bibliographical research and analysis of Freudian work and contemporary psychoanalysis by authors who seek to question the implications of the phallicoedipal model utilization as a central axis for subjectivity and eroticization, such as Joel Birman, Márcia Arán, Regina Néri and Silvia Nunes. In the same way, we have established a productive dialogue with authors such as Thomas Laqueur, Michel Foucault and Judith Butler with regards to the creation of sex and gender categories. We expect our work to broaden discussion and knowledge on questions related to sex and gender problematic in contemporaneity, offering support to professionals who deal with those themes directly or indirectly / O presente trabalho analisa o arcabouço teórico que fundamenta o modelo fálico-edípico freudiano, a fim de refletir em que medida reproduz a divisão sexual e binária, com suas implicações hierarquizantes e assimétricas. Inicialmente, examinamos os pressupostos filosóficos, científicos e políticos que possibilitaram a invenção do modelo da diferença sexual, produzindo lugares específicos para o gênero feminino e masculino. Em seguida, avaliamos as repercussões oriundas do monismo sexual e fálico na reinvenção dos corpos sexuados. E, por fim, nos debruçamos sobre a construção do modelo fálico-edípico, buscando aproximações com o monismo e o dimorfismo sexual, bem como suas imbricações na produção das subjetividades. Para tanto, realizamos uma pesquisa e análise bibliográfica da obra de Freud, bem como da Psicanálise contemporânea a partir de autores que procuram problematizar as implicações da utilização do referencial fálico-edípico como eixo central de subjetivação e de erotização, tais como: Joel Birman, Márcia Arán, Regina Néri e Silvia Nunes. Da mesma forma, estabelecemos um diálogo profícuo com os autores Thomas Laqueur, Michel Foucault e Judith Butler no que concerne à criação das categorias de sexo e gênero. Esperamos que nosso trabalho amplie a discussão e o conhecimento sobre as questões referentes à problemática de sexo e gênero, na contemporaneidade, oferecendo subsídios aos profissionais que lidam direta ou indiretamente com o tema

Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-01T18:08:56Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 roberta_caldas_domingues_meneses.pdf: 1522161 bytes, checksum: b06eb4485fcb80a803281caef7ea82b3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-03-23 / The present study is aimed to problematize teenager's stand in regard to gender and sexuality emerged from the context of a private school located at the city of João Pessoa. Many aspects were analyzed such as school context and its mechanisms of adolescent's body discipline; the meanings given to the body by these teenagers and their relations with Regimes of truth; the meanings and significance given to sexuality and it's perceptions of gender differences in relation with sexual practices. Research was a qualitative one and it used the ethnographic method where the researcher is supposed to be inserted in the environment investigated. According to the ethnographic method, the instrument utilized was the Field Diary, associated with the Focus Group, technique which favors debate, exchange of experiences, and allows interventions among participants; and, a social-demographic list of questions. Were considered as participants on this network of enunciation, all of those observed, since all of them produced data. In this perspective, even the researcher was considered a source of data, along with the students who composed the Focal Groups, teachers and all school staff observed. The students participants composed two Focal Groups. The first was composed by seven students, one male and six females, all aged between fourteen and fifteen. The second group was composed by nine female students aged between fifteen and sixteen. The analysis of the data produced looked for analyzing speech from a foulcauldian perspective. Results have shown that discipline mechanisms utilized in school context, primarily based on constant vigilance and behavior control of the students, lead to their classification and standardization. The speeches pointed to a necessity of adaptation of the figure to beauty standards featured in a healthy body. Sexuality was associated to speeches about sexual initiation, precautions and adolescent pregnancy. It was also observed that understanding of differences among gender is marked by female subjection as a given state, that is, naturalized. We conclude that the adolescent's speech expressed the predominance of a morally accepted stand, filled, however, with rupture and contradiction. / O presente estudo teve como objetivo problematizar os posicionamentos de adolescentes quanto às questões de sexualidade e gênero emergentes no contexto de uma escola da rede particular de ensino da cidade de João Pessoa. Foram analisados o contexto escolar e seus mecanismos de disciplinarização e regulação dos corpos adolescentes; os sentidos atribuídos ao corpo por esses adolescentes e suas relações com os regimes de verdade; os sentidos e significados que atribuem à sexualidade e a percepção das diferenças entre os gêneros e suas relações com as práticas sexuais. Trata-se de uma pesquisa qualitativa, usando o método etnográfico, que supõe a inserção do/da pesquisador/a no ambiente da investigação. Conforme a modalidade etnográfica, utilizou-se como instrumento a Observação Participante com registros no Diário de Campo, associado ao Grupo Focal, técnica que favorece o debate, trocas de experiências, e possibilita intervenções entre os/as participantes; e um Questionário Sociodemográfico. Tomou-se como participantes que compuseram a rede enunciativa da investigação, todos aqueles que foram alvo das observações, uma vez que produziram dados; nessa perspectiva, a própria pesquisadora foi incluída como produtora de dados, além dos alunos que compuseram os grupos focais, professores e demais funcionários da instituição, que foram observados. A técnica do Grupo Focal foi aplicada em dois grupos de alunos/as. O primeiro, composto por sete alunos/as, sendo um do sexo masculino e seis do sexo feminino, com idade entre quatorze e quinze anos. O segundo grupo foi composto por nove alunas, com idade entre quinze e dezesseis anos. A apreciação dos dados produzidos se deu a partir de uma análise do discurso numa perspectiva foucaultiana. Os resultados mostraram que os mecanismos de disciplinarização utilizados no contexto escolar, baseados prioritariamente na vigilância constante e no controle sobre as condutas dos alunos/as, atuam de modo a classificá-los/as e normatizá-los/as. Os discursos apontaram para uma necessidade de conformação corporal aos padrões de beleza vigentes sob a égide de um corpo saudável. A sexualidade foi associada aos discursos sobre a iniciação sexual, prevenção e gravidez na adolescência. Observou-se, também, que a apreensão das diferenças entre os sexos é marcada por um assujeitamento do feminino como algo já dado, isto é, naturalizado. Concluímos que os discursos dos/das adolescentes expressaram o predomínio de um posicionamento moralmente aceito, porém permeado de contradições e rupturas.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-01T18:29:27Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 ricardo_delgado_marques_lima.pdf: 1508002 bytes, checksum: cce65ea22a2c4422bf2647297d6d1f91 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-05-18 / This qualitative study problematized processes of subjectivation on people living with HIV/AIDS in the contemporaneity; it aimed to question the naturalized and universalised conceptions on the phenomena of HIV/AIDS, highlighting their historical and political nuances. Therefore, general objective was to investigate the experience of living with HIV/AIDS. It was also to analyse discovery of the HIV status, to investigate the affective-sexual lives of those people post HIV and problematize the meaning given by them to adherence to the treatment and use of medication. A post-structuralism theoretical approach was used, based on Michel Foucault´s thought. We conducted 6 semi-structured interviews with HIV/AIDS people attending a SAE (special care service for STD´s and AIDS) in Recife-PE, where subjects were accidental and deliberately chosen. The study on experience revealed HIV/Aids people facing a perspective of illness or death, regardless all time elapsed and advances acquired. As for the affective-sexual experiences, we were able to see they were mediated by matters of contamination and how AIDS as a Discourse was used by dispositif of surveillance and control for the sexuality, directly interfering on sexual practices. It is under the insignia of prevention that a sanitation order intervene engagements on love or sexual relationships, where predominates a concern of oneself or towards the others through some Techniques of the self and Ethics of Care. Finally, the issue of medication and adherence seem to work as a dispositif controlling life where medical prescriptions guided them with their health care and the population caring; those discourses seem to set foundations for a biopolitics oriented society whereas the body is transformed into a field of battles. / Este estudo qualitativo problematizou os processos de subjetivação das pessoas vivendo com HIV e Aids (PVHA) na contemporaneidade, buscando questionar as concepções naturalizadas e universais sobre o fenômeno do HIV/Aids, ressaltando suas nuances históricas e políticas. O objetivo geral foi de investigar a experiência de se viver com HIV/Aids, analisar as questões da descoberta da soropositividade, investigar a vida afetivo-sexual dessas PVHA após a descoberta do HIV e problematizar sobre o significado que atribuem à adesão e ao uso da medicação. Utilizou-se de um referencial teórico pós-estruturalista, baseado no pensamento de Michel Foucault. Seis entrevistas semiestruturadas foram realizadas com PVHA que são atendidas em um SAE (Serviço de Atendimento Especializado em DST e Aids) de Recife-PE. Os sujeitos foram selecionados através de uma amostra acidental e intencional. Problematizou-se a existência de um método em Foucault, não sendo possível falar em método a partir deste pensador, mas em metodologias. Seu objeto de estudo foi sempre o sujeito, assim, seu caminho foi problematizá-lo, considerando sua contingência histórica, tensionada pelos jogos de verdade e pela dimensão ética da relação consigo e com o outro. Trabalhou-se com o conceito de experiência, como central a esta pesquisa, tomando-o como parte dos processos de subjetivações. O estudo sobre a experiência de viver com HIV/Aids mostrou que os sujeitos da Aids vivenciam, ainda muito de perto, a perspectiva de doença e morte, apesar do tempo passado e dos avanços conseguidos. Quanto às experiências afetivo-sexuais, evidenciou-se mediada pela questão da contaminação e prevenção do HIV, sendo possível apontar como a Aids como um discurso, funcionando dentro de dispositivos de vigilância e controle da sexualidade, interferindo diretamente nessas práticas sexuais. É sob a insígnia da prevenção que uma lógica sanitarista media os engajamentos numa relação amorosa e/ou sexual, onde predominam a preocupação consigo e com o outro, através das técnicas de si e de uma ética do cuidado. Finalmente, a experiência com uso da medicação e com a adesão ao tratamento, tomados como discursos enredados com o dispositivo de controle sobre a vida. Assim, sujeitos seguem prescrições médicas que lhes guiam num cuidado com sua saúde e com a da população, onde esses discursos parecem estabelecer pilares para uma sociedade orientada pelo biopoder e por biopolíticas onde o corpo transforma-se num campo de batalhas. A Aids parece circular como um dos discursos que servem ao dispositivo da biopolítica na sua vigilância sobre a preservação da vida.

Paul Adolf Näcke wird am 23. Januar 1851 als Sohn eines deutschen Musikers und dessen aus der Schweiz stammenden Ehefrau Elise, geb. Baillet in St. Petersburg geboren. Wie durch eine aufgefundene Familienchronik mit einem über 13 Generationen zurückreichenden Stammbaum belegt werden kann, entstammt er einem bäuerlichen Geschlecht aus dem sächsischen Erzgebirge. Nach dem Abitur schreibt sich Näcke an der Medizinischen Fakultät in Leipzig ein. 1872 wechselt er an die Universität Würzburg, wo er mit seiner Dissertation Über Darmperforation im Typhus abdominalis 1873 mit „summa cum laude“ promoviert wird. 1874 geht er zurück an die Leipziger Universität und besteht dort sein Staatsexamen 1874 mit „vorzüglich gut“. Daraufhin hospitiert der junge Arzt an verschiedenen Pariser Hospitälern, wahrscheinlich auch unter Charcot am Hôspital de la Salpêtrière. Nach Dresden zurückgekehrt, absolviert er 1874-1875 einen Weiterbildungsabschnitt als Assistenzarzt bei Franz von Winckel an der Königlichen Entbindungsanstalt in Dresden-Friedrichstad. Im Anschluss wird Näcke am städtischen Krankenhaus Danzig tätig und wechselt 1877 für ein halbes Jahr nach Königsberg. Dort arbeitet er unter der Leitung von Meschede, einem Verfechter des Griesingerschen Dogmas 'Geisteskrankheiten sind Gehirnkrankheiten' und betreut die Irrenabteilungen der städtischen Kliniken ärztlich mit. Später lässt sich Näcke mit wenig Erfolg erst in Dresden, später in Stolpen (Sächs. Schweiz) als praktischer Arzt und Geburtshelfer nieder. Notgedrungen bewirbt er sich daraufhin um eine Stelle als Anstaltsarzt im Sächsisch-Königlichen Irrendienst und wird 1880 als Hilfsarzt in der Irrenversorganstalt Colditz angestellt. Nach neun Jahren im Sächsischen Staatsdienst wird Näcke 1889 noch im Status eines einfachen Anstaltsarztes an die Landesanstalt Hubertusburg nach Wermsdorf versetzt, die in dieser Zeit auf ca. 1800 Kranke anwächst und damit zur größten in Sachsen wird. Hier beginnt er, inspiriert von den Veröffentlichungen Lombrosos, mit verschiedenen kriminalanthropologischen Untersuchungen. Mit seiner Teilnahme am 3. Kriminalanthropologie-Kongress in Brüssel betritt der Psychiater aus der sächsischen Provinz 1892 unter den Augen wissenschaftlicher Koryphäen wie Liszt oder Benedikt die internationale Bühne der Wissenschaft mit einem mutigen Statement gegen die Lombrososchen Thesen vom geborenen Verbrecher. 14 Jahre nach Eintritt in den Sächsischen Irrendienst wird Näcke 1894 zum Oberarzt der Hubertusburger Männeranstalt A ernannt. 1901 erhält er den Titel eines Medizinalrats. 1902 wird er zum ärztlichen Vorstand der Anstalt A und Direktoriumsmitglied befördert. In Anerkennung seiner im Inn- und Ausland beach-teten wissenschaftlichen Arbeit wird ihm 1909 eine Titularprofessur verliehen, was für einen sächsischen Anstaltsarzt ungewöhnlich ist. Erst nach nochmaliger, nachdrücklicher persönlicher Intervention bei Geh. Rat Apelt im MDI erfüllt sich mit der Berufung zum Direktor der Landesanstalt Colditz im Juli 1912 Näckes sehnlichster Wunsch schließlich doch. Aber schon im Juni 1913 muss er sich wegen eines Herzleidens in das Sanatorium Oberschreiberhau (i. Riesengebirge) begeben. Die Kur scheint zunächst an-zuschlagen. Doch der genesende Näcke übernimmt sich bei einer mehrtägigen Kammwanderung. Völlig überanstrengt kehrt er heim und die Krankheit nimmt nun rasch ihren Lauf. Am 18. August 1913 stirbt Paul Adolf Näcke an einem Herzinfarkt im Kreise seiner Familie.Haupttriebkraft für Näckes Arbeiten auf kriminalanthropologischem Gebiet ist die offensiv geführte Auseinandersetzung mit Lombroso und dessen Anhängern der Scuola positiva di diritto penale. Dabei weist der Hubertusburger Irrenarzt wiederholt auf die methodischen Unzulänglichkeiten und die teils spekulativen Schluss-folgerungen des italienischen Professors bzgl. dessen Postulaten eines reo nato und einer prostitutia nate als (weibliche) Entsprechung des (männlichen) Verbrechertums hin. Näcke legt mit der 1894 erschienenen Monografie Verbrechen und Wahnsinn beim Weibe die erste Studie zur Frauenkriminalität in Deutschland vor. Darin betont er die Wichtigkeit, den Verbrecher nicht mehr nur fast ausschließlich als Objekt der Rechtspflege, sondern auch als Subjekt im medizinischen Sinne zu sehen. Aufgrund umfangreicher eigener Untersuchungen kommt er zum Ergebnis, dass sich weder die Existenz des geborenen Verbrechers noch ein spezieller Verbrechertypus beweisen lassen. Es ist ein Verdienst Näckes, immer wieder die entscheidende Bedeutung sozialer Faktoren bei der Entstehung des Verbrechens betont zu haben. Er fasst diese Kausalitäten in die Gleichung: „±individueller Faktor ± Milieu = Verbrecher“. Dies lässt Näcke eine Verbesserung der öffentlichen Hygiene und der Erwerbsverhältnisse fordern, worin er eine Aufgabe für die soziale Politik des Staates sieht. Er spricht sich für den Schutz von Schwangeren vor schwerer körperlicher Arbeit und im Kampf gegen die Trunksucht für eine Monopolisierung der Spirituosen und die Einrichtung von Trinkerasylen von Staats wegen aus. Dreh- und Angelpunkt aller Reformbestrebungen ist für ihn jedoch das Familienleben als bestem Schutz und Grundstein einer soliden Erziehung, womit der zunehmenden Vergnügungs-, Spiel- und Trinksucht entgegenzuarbeiten sei. Die rassenhygienischen Arbeiten und Schlussfolgerungen Näckes sind im Kontext der allgemeinen Entwicklungen in Wissenschaft und Gesellschaft mit den damals weit verbreiteten Untergangsszenarien und insbesondere im Zusammenhang mit der Entstehung des Sozialdarwinismus zu lesen. Der sächsische Anstaltsarzt ist überzeugter Anhänger der Auffassung, dass das Prinzip der Auslese im Kampf ums Dasein in der menschlichen Zivilisation genauso gilt wie in der Natur. Näcke jedoch aufgrund seiner rassenhygienischen Vorschläge als einen Vordenker und geistigen Wegbereiter der Euthanasieverbrechen im Dritten Reich zu bezeichnen wäre eine wissenschaftlich nicht haltbare Spekulation. Das Verdienst Näckes bei der Etablierung des neuen Fachgebietes der Sexualpsychologie und -pathologie besteht neben seinen Bemühungen um sexuelle Aufklärung in der Gesellschaft auch in seinem nachdrücklichen Eintreten für die Entkriminalisierung und -pathologisierung der Homosexualität, womit er seiner Zeit weit voraus ist. Zahlreich sind auch seine Beiträge auf dem Gebiet der forensischen Psychiatrie. Die Implikationen der Ergebnisse seiner kriminalanthropologischen Forschungen für die angestrebten Reformen des Strafrechts entsprechen den auch heute noch gültigen forensischen Kriterien. Näcke versteht sich nicht nur als Arzt sondern als Universalgelehrter und bearbeitet verschiedene Gebiete, neben seinem Hauptfach der Psychiatrie auch die Jurisprudenz, das Gefängniswesen, die Theologie, Religionsgeschichte, Pädagogik, Soziologie, Evolutionsbiologie u.a.. Das nötigt umso mehr Respekt ab, wenn man bedenkt, dass er sich diese Kenntnisse als Anstaltsarzt ohne universitäre Anbindung und zusätzlich zu seinen umfangreichen alltäglichen ärztlichen Aufgaben aneignen musste. Aufgrund seiner Vielsprachigkeit und seinen erfolgreichen Bemühungen, Publikationen in europäischen Fachzeitschriften zu platzieren, gehört er zu seinen Lebzeiten zu den bekanntesten und meistgelesenen deutschen Psychiatern weltweit. Näcke war ein vielsprachiger, belesener, allgemeingebildeter Arzt und Gelehrter. Von der Vielzahl der von ihm bearbeiteten Themen legen mehrere Monografien, ein von ihm anhand eigener Präparationen erstellter Hirnatlas und ca. 2000 Zeitschriftenartikel, kleinere Mitteilungen, Autoreferate und Besprechungen ebenso Zeugnis ab, wie seine umfangreiche Korrespondenz mit Kollegen auf der ganzen Welt. Als Schwerpunkte seines wissenschaftlichen Schaffens kristallisierten sich im Ergebnis der Recherchen zu dieser Arbeit die Gebiete von Kriminalanthropologie und Kriminologie und damit in enger Beziehung stehend die Degenerations- und „Entartungslehre“ sowie die Forensische Psychiatrie, die Sexualforschung unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Homosexualität, die Psychologie, hier mit dem Fokus auf der Traumdeutung und der Auseinandersetzung mit der aufkommenden Psychoanalyse und die Arbeiten zur progressiven Paralyse heraus. Paul Adolf Näcke zählt als Arzt und Universalgelehrter zweifellos zu den Protagonisten der Psychiatrie in der sächsischen, deutschen und europäischen Medizingeschichte in der Zeit der Wende vom 19. in das 20. Jahrhundert. In seinen Anschauungen, seiner praktischen Tätigkeit als Irren-Arzt und seinen unzähligen Publikationen brechen sich gleichsam wie in einem Prisma die zeitgenössigen Ent-wicklungen in Gesellschaft, Kultur, Wissenschaft, besonders jedoch der Psychiatrie als einer sich eigenständig entwickelnden medizinischen Fachdisziplin. Unbestreitbar hat Näcke den wissenschaftlich Diskurs seiner Zeit in vielfältiger Weise belebt und damit einen wertvollen Beitrag für die Entwicklung des psychiatrischen Faches und seiner Grenzgebiete geleistet.:Inhaltsverzeichnis Band I 4 1 Einleitung 7 1.1 Begründung des Themas 7 1.2 Stand der Forschung 7 1.3 Methodik und Quellenbeschreibung 10 2 Die Entstehung der wissenschaftlichen Psychiatrie 14 3 Biografische und berufliche Entwicklung Näckes 25 3.1 Familiäre Herkunft Paul Adolf Näckes 25 3.2 Kindheit und Jugend 31 3.3 Assistentenjahre und Niederlassung 36 3.3.1 Als junger Assistenzarzt in Frankreich 36 3.3.2 Als Externer am Königlichen Entbindungsinstitut in Dresden 37 3.3.3 Studienreise nach Italien 39 3.3.4 An städtischen Krankenhäusern in Ostpreußen 39 3.3.5 Zwei gescheiterte Niederlassungen 41 4 Exkurs zur sächsischen Psychiatriegeschichte 42 4.1 Entstehung der staatlichen Irrenfürsorge in Sachsen 42 4.2 Entwicklung der Anstaltspsychiatrie in Sachsen 1806-1880 46 4.2.1 Zucht-, Waisen- und Armenhaus Waldheim 1806 46 4.2.2 Heil- und Verpflegungsanstalt Sonnenstein 1811 47 4.2.3 Irren-Versorganstalt Colditz 49 4.2.4 Irren-Versorganstalt zu Hubertusburg 49 4.2.5 Weiterer Ausbau der stationären Versorgungsstrukturen bis 1913 50 4.3 Anstaltspsychiatrie vs. Universitätspsychiatrie 52 5 Als Arzt im Königlich-Sächsischen Irrendienst 55 5.1 Näckes Bewerbung im Königlich-Sächsischen Irrendienst 56 5.2 Als Hilfsarzt an der Landesanstalt Colditz 58 5.3 Ausbildung als Irrenarzt auf dem Sonnenstein 59 5.4 Rückkehr nach Colditz 60 Inhaltsverzeichnis Band I 5 5.5 Aufstieg zum Anstaltsoberarzt in Hubertusburg 62 5.5.1 Die Heil- und Pflegeanstalt Hubertusburg 62 5.5.2 Anstaltsleben und Organisation der Beamten und Angestellten 66 5.5.3 Die Patienten 66 5.5.4 Therapiemethoden in der Anstalt 68 5.5.5 Näckes Leben und Wirken in Hubertusburg 71 5.6 Berufung als Direktor nach Colditz 107 5.6.1 Endlich am Ziel 107 5.6.2 Die Aufgaben eines Anstaltsdirektors 109 5.6.3 Kurze schwere Krankheit und Tod 109 6 Das wissenschaftliche Werk Näckes 114 6.1 Näcke als deutscher Protagonist der Kriminalanthropologie 115 6.1.1 Die Entstehung der Kriminalanthropologie 115 6.1.2 Erste kriminalanthropologische Untersuchungen 119 6.1.3 Näckes Selbstzeugnis als Kriminalanthropologe 119 6.1.4 Monografie „Verbrechen und Wahnsinn beim Weibe“ 121 6.1.5 Die Auseinandersetzung mit Lombrosos „geborenem Verbrecher“ 128 6.1.6 Die Diskussion um die moral insanity 138 6.1.7 Publizistische Tätigkeit auf kriminalanthropologischem Gebiet 144 6.2 Näcke und die Lehre von Degeneration und „Entartung“ 151 6.2.1 Die Degenerationstheorie Morels 151 6.2.2 Die Degenerationslehre in der deutschsprachigen Psychiatrie 153 6.2.3 Näckes Ausformung der Degenerations- und „Entartungslehre“ 156 6.2.4 Näckes Auseinandersetzung mit dem Kulturpessimismus 165 6.3 Näckes rassenhygienische Überlegungen 169 6.3.1 Die Degenerationslehre im Lichte Darwins Evolutionstheorie 170 6.3.2 Entstehung des Sozialdarwinismus 172 6.3.3 Rezeption des Darwinismus in Medizin und Psychiatrie 174 6.3.4 Monistenbund und gesellschaftliche Etablierung der Rassenhygiene 177 6.3.5 Näcke als Vertreter einer Entwicklungs-Ethik 179 6.3.6 Bevölkerungspolitik und soziale Hygiene 184 6.3.7 Die Frage der Rassenungleichheit 184 6.3.8 Bekämpfung der „Entartung“ zum Schutz des „Volkskörpers“ 190 6.4 Näcke und die Erforschung der progressiven Paralyse 209 6.4.1 Das klinische Bild der progressiven Paralyse bei Neurosyphilis 210 6.4.2 Historisches zur Syphilis resp. Progressiven Paralyse 211 6.4.3 Die progressive Paralyse in der Geschichte der Psychiatrie 212 6.4.4 Forschungsstand zur progressiven Paralyse um 1880 213 6.4.5 Näckes Arbeiten zur progressiven Paralyse 216 6.5 Näcke als Sexualforscher 231 6.5.1 Allgemeine sexualpsychologische und -pathologische Themen 233 6.5.2 Gesundheitliche Folgen sexueller Abstinenz 234 6.5.3 Schwangerschaft und Geisteskankheiten 236 Inhaltsverzeichnis Band I 6 6.5.4 Näckes Arbeiten zur Homosexualität 238 6.5.5 Inauguration des Narzissmusbegriffs durch Näcke 250 6.5.6 Näcke und die „Frauenfrage“ 253 6.6 Näckes Bearbeitung psychologischer Themen 256 6.6.1 Besprechungen im Archiv für Kriminalanthropologie 256 6.6.2 Religionspsychologische Themen 257 6.6.3 Näckes Traumdeutung 261 6.7 Auseinandersetzung mit der psychoanalytischen Bewegung 263 6.7.1 Die Kontroverse zur Traumdeutung zwischen Näcke und Freud 264 6.7.2 Briefwechsel Näcke - Freud 266 6.7.3 Die „Angelegenheit Näcke“ 267 6.7.4 Näckes Kritik an der modernen Übertreibung der Sexualität 268 6.8 Beiträge zur Entwicklung der forensischen Psychiatrie 272 6.8.1 Die forensische Beurteilung von Straftätern 272 6.8.2 Forderung nach Entkriminalisierung der Homosexualität 273 6.8.3 Die forensische Beurteilung des Schwangerschaftsabbruchs 274 6.8.4 Forensische Sachverständigentätigkeit 275 6.8.5 Näckes Eintreten für Gefängnisreformen 275 6.8.6 Die Begriffsschöpfung des „erweiterten Suizids“ 278 6.8.7 Plädoyer für die Todesstrafe in Ausnahmefällen 279 6.8.8 Sonstige forensische Arbeiten Näckes 281 6.9 Ethnologische und mediko-historische Beiträge 282 6.10 Näcke als Wissenschaftsjournalist und sonstige Themen 284 7 Reputation Näckes und Rezeption seiner Arbeiten 291 7.1 Mitgliedschaften in wissenschaftlichen Gesellschaften 291 7.2 Rezeption und Reichweite von Näckes Werk 291 7.3 Verankerung in der deutschen Psychiatrieszene 295 7.4 Nekrologe 296 8 Würdigung und Auseinandersetzung mit Leben und Werk Näckes 300 9 Ausblick und künftige Forschungsaufgaben 313 10 Zusammenfassung 314 / Paul Adolf Näcke, the son of a German musician and his Swiss wife, was born in 01.23.1851 in St. Petersburg. The family moved to Dresden in Saxony (Germany) when Näcke is five years old. After graduating from High school in 1870, he studied medicine in Leipzig and Würzburg. Afterwards he worked as a medical assistant in various Paris-ian clinics. After different internships and two failed attempts to establish his own medical office, he applied out of necessity as doctor to the Royal-Saxonian Psychiatry. In 1880 Näcke was employed as assistant at the mental institution “Irrenversorganstalt Colditz.” After one year, he is transferred to “Sonnenstein.” Näcke returns to Colditz in 1883. In 1886 he marries the barely twenty-year-old Helene. From the very beginning their mar-riage proves to be difficult. Despite severe disappointments, Helene stays loyal towards her husband and turns out to be a congenial partner. After having been working for the state of Saxony for nine years, Näcke was transferred to the Saxonian state institute “Hubertusburg” in Wermsdorf, which inhabits approximately 1800 mental patients, and thus, was becoming the largest mental hospital in Saxony. At “Hubertusburg,” Näcke started miscellaneous criminal-anthropological examinations, whose results he presented at the 3rd Congress of Criminal-Anthropology in Brussels in 1892. This congress also marks the beginning of his international reputation and carrier. Not until after 14 years of working for the Saxonian State, Näcke is promoted to be a chief resident, receives the title of a medical officer of health in 1901. In 1902 he becomes a member of the medical board of the mental institution “Hubertusburg” and the director of the clinic’s psychiatric ward A. In recognition of his scholarly work, which had gained attention both within Germany and abroad, he is granted a titular professorship in 1909. In July 1912, Näcke is appointed medical director of the clinic “Irrenversorganstalt Colditz.” Shortly after, in August 1813, Näcke dies from a heart condition. During his lifetime, Näcke published various monographs, an atlas of the brain, consist-ing of his own preparations, about 2000 scholarly articles in the field of criminology and criminal-anthropology, as well as forensic psychiatry, sexology, and psychology. The scholarly dispute with Lombroso and his Scuola positiva di diritto penale was the driving force for Näcke to pursue work in the field of criminal-anthropology. Näcke openly criticized Lombroso’s methodological inadequacies and his conclusions concerning the reo nato and the prostitutia nate. Näcke was the first one in Germany to publish on female crime. In his monograph Verbrechen und Wahnsinn beim Weibe, he suggests that the criminal is not only subject to jurisdiction, but also has to be acknowledged as a patient and concludes that something like a ‘natal criminal’ does not exist. On the contrary, Näcke consistently stresses the significance of social factors and develops the following equation: „±individual factor ± milieu = criminal.” This assumption leads Näcke to demand improvement of public hygiene and working conditions, which, according to Näcke, is the duty of the state and its social politics. Next to Lombroso, Krafft-Ebing and Ellis, Näcke was one of the leading European theorists on degeneration in his day. In accordance with the zeitgeist, Näcke considered malformation a pathological intermediate state be-tween health and sickness, as a deficient physiologic-psychological function. The Saxonian psychiatrist believes his own comprehensive test results to confirm the degenerative origin of the progressive paralysis and held on to his hypothesis that the ab ovo damaged brain is a conditio sine qua non for the emergence of paralysis. The eugenic work of Näcke has to be located in the context of the emergence of social Darwinism. The fatal synthesis between a social darwinistic view on society and the pos-tulate of Spencers evolutionary ethic was linked by Näcke to his degeneration hypothesis. This leads him to predict serious consequences. So he advocated castration and sterilization to stop the phenomenon of degeneration. His view is strengthened by the reception of the eugenic movement in both the U.S. and Europe around the turn of the century. To categorize Näcke as a pioneer and precursor of the euthanasia crimes of the National socialist regime is, however, unsustainable, in particular since he opposed eugenically justified homicide. Näcke contributes to the new emerging field of sexual psychology and pathology by attempting to introduce sex education to larger parts of society and decriminalize and depathologize homosexuality. In addition, Näcke concerned himself with the emerging psychoanalytical movement. He appreciated various writings by Sigmund Freud, in particular, Freud’s contribution to research on the unconscious. However, Näcke opposed the tendencies to exaggerate the sexual. Due to his early death, Näcke’s monograph on dream interpretation remains incomplete. Concerning the field of forensic psychiatry, Näcke advocated new forensic criteria as part of the penal reform, which are in place up until now: People suffering from mental illness should legally considered to be not responsible for their actions. However, the majority of criminals have been corrupted by their social milieu, and thus should be considered responsible for their actions. Furthermore, Näcke requested that mentally ill criminals are placed into special institutions outside of penitentiaries, similar to forensic clinics nowadays. Innocuous, wrongly sentenced mentally ill persons should be rehabilitated and if possible released from prison. During his lifetime Näcke was wellknown and one of the most widely read German psy-chiatrists across the globe. His polemical disputes and his unsystematical, sometimes superficial or even speculative approach towards research, however, led to him being controversially debated among his contemporaries. Since 1930 Näcke has been fallen into oblivion. Parts of Näcke’s work, however, are retained until today in the field of crim-inology, forensic psychiatry and sexology. An example is the coinage of the well-estab-lished terms “narcissism” and “murder-suicide” in these fields. Näcke undeniably stimu-lated the academic discourse and the research community in various ways. He provided a significant contribution not only in the field of psychiatry, but also to several newly emerging fields around the turn of the century.:Inhaltsverzeichnis Band I 4 1 Einleitung 7 1.1 Begründung des Themas 7 1.2 Stand der Forschung 7 1.3 Methodik und Quellenbeschreibung 10 2 Die Entstehung der wissenschaftlichen Psychiatrie 14 3 Biografische und berufliche Entwicklung Näckes 25 3.1 Familiäre Herkunft Paul Adolf Näckes 25 3.2 Kindheit und Jugend 31 3.3 Assistentenjahre und Niederlassung 36 3.3.1 Als junger Assistenzarzt in Frankreich 36 3.3.2 Als Externer am Königlichen Entbindungsinstitut in Dresden 37 3.3.3 Studienreise nach Italien 39 3.3.4 An städtischen Krankenhäusern in Ostpreußen 39 3.3.5 Zwei gescheiterte Niederlassungen 41 4 Exkurs zur sächsischen Psychiatriegeschichte 42 4.1 Entstehung der staatlichen Irrenfürsorge in Sachsen 42 4.2 Entwicklung der Anstaltspsychiatrie in Sachsen 1806-1880 46 4.2.1 Zucht-, Waisen- und Armenhaus Waldheim 1806 46 4.2.2 Heil- und Verpflegungsanstalt Sonnenstein 1811 47 4.2.3 Irren-Versorganstalt Colditz 49 4.2.4 Irren-Versorganstalt zu Hubertusburg 49 4.2.5 Weiterer Ausbau der stationären Versorgungsstrukturen bis 1913 50 4.3 Anstaltspsychiatrie vs. Universitätspsychiatrie 52 5 Als Arzt im Königlich-Sächsischen Irrendienst 55 5.1 Näckes Bewerbung im Königlich-Sächsischen Irrendienst 56 5.2 Als Hilfsarzt an der Landesanstalt Colditz 58 5.3 Ausbildung als Irrenarzt auf dem Sonnenstein 59 5.4 Rückkehr nach Colditz 60 Inhaltsverzeichnis Band I 5 5.5 Aufstieg zum Anstaltsoberarzt in Hubertusburg 62 5.5.1 Die Heil- und Pflegeanstalt Hubertusburg 62 5.5.2 Anstaltsleben und Organisation der Beamten und Angestellten 66 5.5.3 Die Patienten 66 5.5.4 Therapiemethoden in der Anstalt 68 5.5.5 Näckes Leben und Wirken in Hubertusburg 71 5.6 Berufung als Direktor nach Colditz 107 5.6.1 Endlich am Ziel 107 5.6.2 Die Aufgaben eines Anstaltsdirektors 109 5.6.3 Kurze schwere Krankheit und Tod 109 6 Das wissenschaftliche Werk Näckes 114 6.1 Näcke als deutscher Protagonist der Kriminalanthropologie 115 6.1.1 Die Entstehung der Kriminalanthropologie 115 6.1.2 Erste kriminalanthropologische Untersuchungen 119 6.1.3 Näckes Selbstzeugnis als Kriminalanthropologe 119 6.1.4 Monografie „Verbrechen und Wahnsinn beim Weibe“ 121 6.1.5 Die Auseinandersetzung mit Lombrosos „geborenem Verbrecher“ 128 6.1.6 Die Diskussion um die moral insanity 138 6.1.7 Publizistische Tätigkeit auf kriminalanthropologischem Gebiet 144 6.2 Näcke und die Lehre von Degeneration und „Entartung“ 151 6.2.1 Die Degenerationstheorie Morels 151 6.2.2 Die Degenerationslehre in der deutschsprachigen Psychiatrie 153 6.2.3 Näckes Ausformung der Degenerations- und „Entartungslehre“ 156 6.2.4 Näckes Auseinandersetzung mit dem Kulturpessimismus 165 6.3 Näckes rassenhygienische Überlegungen 169 6.3.1 Die Degenerationslehre im Lichte Darwins Evolutionstheorie 170 6.3.2 Entstehung des Sozialdarwinismus 172 6.3.3 Rezeption des Darwinismus in Medizin und Psychiatrie 174 6.3.4 Monistenbund und gesellschaftliche Etablierung der Rassenhygiene 177 6.3.5 Näcke als Vertreter einer Entwicklungs-Ethik 179 6.3.6 Bevölkerungspolitik und soziale Hygiene 184 6.3.7 Die Frage der Rassenungleichheit 184 6.3.8 Bekämpfung der „Entartung“ zum Schutz des „Volkskörpers“ 190 6.4 Näcke und die Erforschung der progressiven Paralyse 209 6.4.1 Das klinische Bild der progressiven Paralyse bei Neurosyphilis 210 6.4.2 Historisches zur Syphilis resp. Progressiven Paralyse 211 6.4.3 Die progressive Paralyse in der Geschichte der Psychiatrie 212 6.4.4 Forschungsstand zur progressiven Paralyse um 1880 213 6.4.5 Näckes Arbeiten zur progressiven Paralyse 216 6.5 Näcke als Sexualforscher 231 6.5.1 Allgemeine sexualpsychologische und -pathologische Themen 233 6.5.2 Gesundheitliche Folgen sexueller Abstinenz 234 6.5.3 Schwangerschaft und Geisteskankheiten 236 Inhaltsverzeichnis Band I 6 6.5.4 Näckes Arbeiten zur Homosexualität 238 6.5.5 Inauguration des Narzissmusbegriffs durch Näcke 250 6.5.6 Näcke und die „Frauenfrage“ 253 6.6 Näckes Bearbeitung psychologischer Themen 256 6.6.1 Besprechungen im Archiv für Kriminalanthropologie 256 6.6.2 Religionspsychologische Themen 257 6.6.3 Näckes Traumdeutung 261 6.7 Auseinandersetzung mit der psychoanalytischen Bewegung 263 6.7.1 Die Kontroverse zur Traumdeutung zwischen Näcke und Freud 264 6.7.2 Briefwechsel Näcke - Freud 266 6.7.3 Die „Angelegenheit Näcke“ 267 6.7.4 Näckes Kritik an der modernen Übertreibung der Sexualität 268 6.8 Beiträge zur Entwicklung der forensischen Psychiatrie 272 6.8.1 Die forensische Beurteilung von Straftätern 272 6.8.2 Forderung nach Entkriminalisierung der Homosexualität 273 6.8.3 Die forensische Beurteilung des Schwangerschaftsabbruchs 274 6.8.4 Forensische Sachverständigentätigkeit 275 6.8.5 Näckes Eintreten für Gefängnisreformen 275 6.8.6 Die Begriffsschöpfung des „erweiterten Suizids“ 278 6.8.7 Plädoyer für die Todesstrafe in Ausnahmefällen 279 6.8.8 Sonstige forensische Arbeiten Näckes 281 6.9 Ethnologische und mediko-historische Beiträge 282 6.10 Näcke als Wissenschaftsjournalist und sonstige Themen 284 7 Reputation Näckes und Rezeption seiner Arbeiten 291 7.1 Mitgliedschaften in wissenschaftlichen Gesellschaften 291 7.2 Rezeption und Reichweite von Näckes Werk 291 7.3 Verankerung in der deutschen Psychiatrieszene 295 7.4 Nekrologe 296 8 Würdigung und Auseinandersetzung mit Leben und Werk Näckes 300 9 Ausblick und künftige Forschungsaufgaben 313 10 Zusammenfassung 314

Este trabalho de pesquisa tem como objetivo fundamental a análise relacional nos estudos de casais violentos, propondo-se a interpretar especificamente as construções discursivas de mulheres de classe média, com ensino superior e autonomia financeira que, mesmo sendo alvo de violência física e psicológica, permanecem por longos anos convivendo com seus parceiros íntimos. Optou-se por esta categoria de mulheres, pelo vácuo existente nos trabalhos que investigam este tipo de população, já que a maioria dos estudos sobre o fenômeno enfoca mulheres de baixa renda, justificando que a dependência econômica feminina como resultante da vinculação ao poder patriarcal. Quanto ao corpus de pesquisa, esse advém dos relatos de mulheres alocados no site eletrônico <wwwgilbertoresponde.com>. Trata-se de relatos sob forma de perguntas que procuram uma saída para o sofrimento amoroso. O site eletrônico é concebido pelas usuárias como uma plataforma de autoajuda. Também foram acrescentadas ao corpus, duas outras análises. O estudo de caso da autobiografia de Oliveira (2011) e uma entrevista com sete participantes do grupo de “Mulheres que Amam Demais Anônimas” (MADA), de 2016. Com o propósito de produzir conhecimento para a aplicação prática, dirigida à solução de problemas encontrados na realidade cotidiana, optou-se pela modalidade de trabalho denominada de Pesquisa Aplicada (BARROS; LEHFELD, 2000; GIL, 2002). Foi usado como método e referencial teórico a Análise de Discurso segundo Foucault (2012; 1986). Em relação ao escopo teórico, esta pesquisa guiou-se pelo diálogo entre a Antropologia, a Filosofia da Linguagem, a História, a Sociologia e contribuições da Psicanálise. A violência dos casais é analisada pela perspectiva dialógica-relacional de Santos e Izumino (2005), tendo como um dos objetivos problematizar o dualismo de certos discursos feministas que concebem a violência como sendo um produto originário e exclusivo da masculinidade. As antropólogas Gregori (1993) e Machado (1998), por exemplo, substituem a polarização da violência até então unilateralmente atribuída aos homens para uma forma relacional de se compreender o fenômeno, por intermédio do estudo de “casais violentos”. Sobre o machismo, adotamos a premissa da psicóloga Castañeda (2006) de que nem o machismo é um discurso exclusivamente dos homens e nem a violência um produto exclusivamente de um dos polos da relação ou do indivíduo particularizado. Violência e machismo não são apenas práticas concretas. Trata-se de um longo processo de socialização microscópica da “dominação simbólica” do homem Bourdieu (2009, p. 138). A violência entre casais não está localizada em um único lugar e/ou indivíduo, mas sim endentada no que Foucault (1982, p. 244) define como “dispositivos”. Selecionamos do corpus de pesquisa três dispositivos que alimentam a violência. São eles, o dispositivo de “amor-paixão” em Rougemont (1988), de sexualidade e de machismo. Esses dispositivos encontram uma fértil reverberação na seara de uma sociedade tremendamente violenta, emotiva, hierárquica e paradoxal como é o Brasil (DAMATTA (1987; 1990; 1993). Partimos também das contribuições teórico-políticas de Foucault (1982) sobre o poder para entendermos a violência enquanto uma “microfísica da violência” (FANINI, 1992; FOUCAULT, 1982;1984). Alguns dos resultados deste trabalho dão conta de que os argumentos da baixa renda e da falta de conscientização política das mulheres vítimas de violência orientaram boa parte das pesquisas feministas nos anos de 1970 e 1980. No entanto, atualmente, sabe-se que a violência contra a mulher “não se origina exclusivamente das desigualdades de classe” econômica, conforme Heilborn e Sorj (1999), nem da falta de consciência política e tampouco da sua condição financeira, considerando os intensos avanços da mulher no campo do trabalho e da vida pública. Pesquisas como Grossi (1991), Gregori (1993), Santos e Izumino (2005) relativizam as práticas de atendimento a mulheres espancadas nos anos de 1980, pois alguns grupos feministas da época que atendiam a mulheres vítimas de agressão, concebiam a violência, restringindo-a muitas vezes à uma produção masculina, quando ela é na realidade um fenômeno macroscópico da cultura da agressão. Outro aspecto a salientar sobre o atendimento a vítimas da violência e sobre as pesquisas feministas é a pouca importância dada ao discurso do amor-paixão (ROUGEMONT, 1998). As mulheres esperam muito do amor (BOURDIEU, 2011, p. 82-83) e dependem mais dele do que esperam os homens. Se elas são prisioneiras da lei do amor, eles estão presos à virilidade e à violência como uma “carga” nos termos de Bourdieu (2011, p. 64) destinados a carregá-la. Entende-se que, entre casais violentos, é tão difícil para a mulher desocupar o lugar da vítima, como é para o homem, sair do lugar da violência. / This research work has as main objective the relational analysis in the studies of violent couples, proposing to interpret specifically the discursive constructions of middle-class women, with higher education and financial autonomy that, although being the target of physical and psychological violence, remain for long years living with their intimate partners. This category of women was chosen because of the vacuum that exists in the studies that investigate this type of population, since most of the studies on the phenomenon focus on low-income women, justifying that women's economic dependence as a result of their attachment to patriarchal power. As for the corpus of research, this comes from the reports of women allocated on the electronic website <wwwgilbertoresponde.com>. These are stories in the form of questions that seek a way out of the suffering of love. The website is designed by users as a self-help platform. Two other analyzes were also added to the corpus. The case study of Oliveira's autobiography (2011) and an interview with seven participants from the 2016 group of "Women Who Love Too Much Anonymous" (MADA). With the purpose of producing knowledge for practical application, aimed at solving problems Found in the daily reality, we opted for the modality of work called Applied Research (BARROS; LEHFELD, 2000; GIL, 2002). The Discourse Analysis according to Foucault (2012, 1986) was used as method and theoretical reference. In relation to the theoretical scope, this research was guided by the dialogue between Anthropology, Philosophy of Language, History, Sociology and contributions of Psychoanalysis. The violence of the couples is analyzed by the dialogical-relational perspective of Santos and Izumino (2005). One of the objectives is to problematize the dualism of certain feminist discourses that conceive of violence as an original and exclusive product of masculinity. The anthropologists Gregori (1993) and Machado (1998), for example, replace the polarization of violence hitherto unilaterally attributed to men to a relational form of understanding the phenomenon, through the study of "violent couples." On machismo, we adopt the premise of the psychologist Castañeda (2006) that neither machismo is a discourse exclusively of men nor violence a product exclusively of one of the poles of the relationship or individualized individual. Violence and machismo are not just concrete practices. It is a long process of microscopic socialization of Bourdieu's "symbolic domination" (2009: 138). Violence between couples is not located in a single place and/or individual, but is indented in what Foucault (1982, p244) defines as "devices." We select from the research corpus three devices that fuel violence. They are the device of "love-passion" in Rougemont (1988), of sexuality and machismo. These devices find fertile reverberation in the heart of a tremendously violent, emotional, hierarchical and paradoxical society such as Brazil (DAMATTA (1987; 1990; 1993). We also draw on Foucault's (1982) theoretical-political contributions on the power to understand violence as a "microphysics of violence" (FANINI, 1992; FOUCAULT, 1982;1984). Some of the results of this study indicate that the arguments of low income and lack of political awareness of women victims of violence have guided much of feminist research in the 1970s and 1980s. However, it is now known that violence against women. The woman "does not originate exclusively from economic class inequalities," according to Heilborn and Sorj (1999), neither of the lack of political awareness nor of its financial condition, considering the intense advances of women in the field of work and public life. Researches such as Grossi (1991), Gregori (1993), Santos and Izumino (2005) refer to practices of care for women beaten in the 1980s, since some feminist groups of the time attended to women victims of aggression conceived violence, often to a male production, when it is in reality a macroscopic phenomenon of the culture of aggression. Another aspect to emphasize regarding the care of victims of violence and feminist research is the little importance given to the discourse of passion-love (ROUGEMONT, 1998). Women expect much of the love (BOURDIEU, 2011, pp. 82-83) and depend more on it than men expect. If they are prisoners of the law of love, they are bound to virility and violence as a "burden" in Bourdieu's terms (2011, 64) intended to carry it. It is understood that between violent couples, it is as difficult for the woman to vacate the victim's place, as it is for the man, to leave the place of violence.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-01T18:29:28Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 virginia_cavalcanti_pinto.pdf: 1069106 bytes, checksum: f6f00d97cd306ee345a04d5bb77a30f0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-03-08 / According to Foucault, sexuality is an historical device, which means that it has been composed through the history as a social invention of a particular time. The establishment of sexuality starts from the development in the discursive field about sex that includes the knowledge about it, as well its regulation through real productions. This work seeks to question the discourse of students, parents and teachers of high school, about the treatment of the issues of sexuality in school. The participants in this qualitative research study were mothers, teachers and students in a state public high school in Recife-PE, who were observed and interviewed. They received a visual stimulus with images of people and symbols, with different possibilities of interpretation on the theme sexuality and then heard a prompt question: how are the sexuality issues circulating in the school? Discussions were filmed only for analysis purposes, protecting the participant s identity. The construction of the data indicated, among other things, that the speeches about this topic surroundedbythe participants in the school environment prioritize a sexuality crossed by the medical discourse, especially regarding to the preventive aspects. In addition, sex is treated as something that brings predominantly negative consequences to the young people and not a healthy part of life, especially in adolescence discoveries period. Although the discussion about sexuality has been considered by the National Curriculum Parameters (PCNs) as a cross-cutting issue, when questioned about who should deal with the topic in schools, teachers tend to delegate this task to a professional outside the school environment, especially the psychologist. At school these discussions take place predominantly in Biology classes and students emphasize the importance of this space to ask questions. They state that they don t have the opportunity to talk about it at home openly. The low frequency of parents/guardians in this school initially hindered the composition of the groups. In addition, only the mothers participated in this study, although the invitation was made also to other guardians. The discussion about sexuality and its consequences at school aims to contribute to new perspectives on the topic, as well as closer the dialogue between parents, teachers and students. Therefore, their speeches would not present themselves as isolated truths of each group, but interact opening the debate to a field of possibilities that contribute positively to the experience of sexuality of the students. / Para Foucault a sexualidade é um dispositivo histórico , ou seja, se constitui no movimento da história, sendo uma invenção social de um determinado tempo. Sua constituição se dá a partir das construções no campo discursivo sobre o sexo que abarca os saberes sobre ele, bem como sua normatização e regulação social através das produções de verdade. Este trabalho busca problematizar os discursos de alunos, mães e professores do Ensino Médio, acerca do tratamento dado às questões de sexualidade na escola. Para isto, tomou para participantes mães, professores e alunos de uma escola pública da rede estadual de ensino de nível médio da cidade do Recife. Trata-se de uma pesquisa de natureza qualitativa que utiliza como técnicas a observação participante e a entrevista de grupo focal. Os grupos foram formados por professores, mães e alunos da referida escola. Os participantes receberam um estímulo visual de imagens, de pessoas e símbolos, com variadas possibilidades de interpretação sobre o tema sexualidade e em seguida ouviram uma pergunta disparadora: como as questões sobre sexualidade circulam na escola? As discussões foram filmadas apenas para fins de análise, resguardando-se o sigilo total sobre a identidade dos participantes. A riqueza da discussão desse grupo heterogêneo possibilitou a aproximação do assunto com a realidade vivenciada pelos participantes. A construção dos dados indicou, entre outras questões, que os discursos de saber sobre a temática que perpassam os participantes no ambiente escolar priorizam uma sexualidade atravessada pelo discurso médico biologizante, especialmente no que diz respeito aos aspectos preventivos. Além disto, o sexo é tratado como algo que traz consequências predominantemente nocivas ao jovem e não como algo saudável que faz parte da vida, sobretudo no período de descobertas da adolescência. Os participantes referem que os discursos que circulam na escola sobre a temática são contraditórios: ora são incentivadores de uma prática da sexualidade, pois entendem que falar sobre o assunto é estimular a prática sexual, ora visam apenas à prevenção de doenças. Apesar da discussão sobre sexualidade ser considerada pelos Parâmetros Curriculares Nacionais (PCNs) como um tema transversal, quando questionados a respeito de quem deveria tratar o tema nas escolas, os professores tendem a delegar esta tarefa a um profissional exterior ao ambiente escolar, sobretudo ao psicólogo. Na escola estas discussões acontecem, predominantemente, nas aulas de biologia e os alunos reforçam a importância deste espaço para tirar dúvidas, pois afirmam não conseguir dialogar abertamente sobre o assunto em casa. Não é comum a frequência dos pais/responsáveis nesta escola, fato que dificultou inicialmente a composição dos grupos. Além disso, em sua formação, contamos apenas com a participação de mães, apesar do convite ter sido feito, também, aos pais. A discussão sobre a sexualidade e seus desdobramentos na escola visa contribuir para novas perspectivas de trato sobre o tema, além de aproximar o diálogo entre pais, professores e alunos de modo que seus discursos não se apresentem como verdades isoladas de cada grupo, mas que possam interagir abrindo o debate para um campo de possibilidades que contribua positivamente para a vivência da sexualidade dos alunos.

MGS / Institute for Gender and Youth Studies / Masculinity forms are identified as forms that perpetuate gender-based violence. This study analyzed and challenged the entire cultural and patriarchal attributes that constructively create current male roles and identities that play a significant part in gender discrimination and oppression around the world. The way masculinities shape gender role stereotypes have left a legacy whereby women are disadvantaged in relation to men. Masculinities continue to define power dynamics between men and women. Women have less access to resources, benefits, information and are also denied access to decision making processes, both within and beyond household realms. The major objective of the study is to explore the connection between masculinity and gender-based violence. This study described the importance of using Participatory Action Research Design and the use of qualitative methodological process which is followed by the study’s location and population, sampling and data collection methods. The researcher explains the reasons for using qualitative methods for both data collection and analysis. Face to face semi structured interviews was used as data collection instruments with open-ended questions. Purposive and snowball sampling were adopted with a total of 10 research participants including both women and men (young and old). Furthermore, this study explored the researcher’s reflexivity or positionality, and epistemic privilege. This study also outlined the ethical issues that have been taken into consideration which include informed consent, confidentiality, and privacy. Data was analyzed thematically by identifying and expanding significant themes that emerged from respondents’ responses. The findings of this study entail that unemployment and alcohol abuse are among the factors that lead to gender-based violence. The findings had it that cultural practices such as polygamy in families, initiation schools, media are among models of masculinities that had imparted the notion or belief that a man is a provider, decision-maker, and head of the family and no other member of the family should contest that responsibility. This study concludes that the cultural and social norms socialize males to be aggressive, powerful, unemotional and controlling and contribute to a social acceptance of men as dominant. Lastly, this study also looked at the limitations of the study as well as the conclusion. This study recommended that both men and women should collectively diagnose masculine relationships that are borne out of the system of patriarchy, to usher in a non- sexist society devoid of gender discrimination. / NRF

This study investigated coercive and high risk sexual practices in South African adolescent dating relationships. Quantitative and qualitative information was collected from secondary school learners in a community near Johannesburg. Of 928 learners surveyed, 23.5% of females and 53.7% of males ever had sex. Of these, 57.8% of females and 44.2% of males reported sexual victimisation, and 46.8% of females and 50% of males reported perpetrating sexual coercion in a relationship. Significantly more males engaged in risky sex than females. Among females, sexual coercion was significantly linked to risky sexual behaviour. Among males, alcohol and perpetration of sexual coercion were significantly associated with risky sexual behaviour. Focus group data reveal how dominant constructions of gender normalise male coercion and contribute to risky sexual practices. Recommendations for sexual health initiatives include introducing alternative discourses of female sexual desire and male sexual responsibility as a means for building healthier adolescent dating relationships. / Psychology / M.A. (Psychology)

This study investigated coercive and high risk sexual practices in South African adolescent dating relationships. Quantitative and qualitative information was collected from secondary school learners in a community near Johannesburg. Of 928 learners surveyed, 23.5% of females and 53.7% of males ever had sex. Of these, 57.8% of females and 44.2% of males reported sexual victimisation, and 46.8% of females and 50% of males reported perpetrating sexual coercion in a relationship. Significantly more males engaged in risky sex than females. Among females, sexual coercion was significantly linked to risky sexual behaviour. Among males, alcohol and perpetration of sexual coercion were significantly associated with risky sexual behaviour. Focus group data reveal how dominant constructions of gender normalise male coercion and contribute to risky sexual practices. Recommendations for sexual health initiatives include introducing alternative discourses of female sexual desire and male sexual responsibility as a means for building healthier adolescent dating relationships. / Psychology / M.A. (Psychology)

Indianapolis / This thesis examines the evolution of the adolescent sex education during from 1907 to 1975, from the perspective of Indiana and highlights the contingencies, continuities, and discontinuities across place and time. This period represents the establishment of the defining characteristics of sex education in Indiana as locally controlled and school-based, as well as the Social Health Association’s transformation from one of a number of local social hygiene organizations to the nation’s only school based social health agency. Indiana was not a local exception to the American sex education movement, but SHA was exceptional for SHA its organizational longevity, adaptation, innovation in school-based curriculum, and national leadership in sex education. Indiana sex education leadership seems, at first glance, incongruous due to Indiana’s conservative politics. SHA’s efforts to adapt the message, curriculum, and operation in Indiana’s conservative climate helped it endure and take leadership role on a national stage. By 1975, sex education came to be defined as school based, locally controlled and based on the medicalization of health, yet this growing national consensus belied deep internal contradictions where sex education was not part of the regular school health curriculum and outside of the schools’ control. Underlying this story is fundamental difference between social hygiene and health, that hygiene is a set of practices to prevent disease, while health is an internal state to promote wellness.