本研究旨在比較台北市與上海市國中生英語學習動機。本研究為質性研究，藉由兩地國中生以及他們的師長與家長的訪談，以理解兩地國中生的英語學習動機及影響學習動機的因素與結果。研究發現，台北市學生英語學習較趨以興趣為導向， 雖然他們仍須面對升學考試。而上海市學生面對人口競爭，學習壓力大，英語學習動機強烈。 / This study tried to investigate the different motivation in English learning and the elements that influence the student's motivation between the junior high school students in Shanghai and Taipei. This study is conducted through social observation and qualitative research approaches. The scope of this study focuses on the investigation in Taipei and Shanghai. The subjects of this research will be the junior high school students in Taipei and the junior high school students in Shanghai, and the graduated or elder students, and the students' teachers and parents as well. After the research, there are some findings. The overpopulated pressure lead students in China must study harder to enter top prestigious universities. The interviewers in this study revealed that Taiwanese students do not totally study due to external stress and English learning is based on interests. Parents in Taiwan hope their kids not only learn English for good grades but also develop their interests in English learning. In Shanghai, parents urge their children to study all the time. Parents concern the school grades very much. In Taipei, teachers are willing to be students’ friends. Differently, teachers in Shanghai are more authoritative than in Taipei. Teachers emphasize the accuracy on English learning. China’s accession to WTO affects the model of English learning. Globalization accelerates the trend to learn English. These years China runs some world-class convention and exhibition which attract more international business and tourists and encourage Chinese to learn English. In the process in this study, we found the English learning motivation of students in Shanghai is stronger than Taiwan's students.

大抵面對一連串戰敗、不平等條約的陰霾，英法日德美各國殖民勢力的入侵，民初上海因為歷史造成地域血緣上的混雜性，掙扎於「華╱洋」夾縫內，注定要以邁向「現代化」作為自我建構身分和翻轉形象的策略。彼時一波波新政策、新思維和新文化景觀衝擊著上海，民初上海的文化歷史舞台，上演著政治性、戰鬥性和革命性等直截的激烈論爭，以及文學性、哲學性和藝術性等間接的表述詰疑。民初上海，因為其獨特的身世背景――租界空間、華洋文化、都市治理、建築形構和住民型態等――已構成一個豐富的文本；如今，再加上歷來研究者建立在這個文本上的批評研究――懷舊記憶、商品消費、新聞產製、建築美學和社會空間實踐等――使它構成一個更為多義和可解讀的龐大文本。 程小青（1893—1976）創作的《霍桑探案》，作為民初新興的偵探文類，交會著地理學、都市學、社會學、新聞學、犯罪學、心理學、科學和醫學等多方視域，確實值得加以探勘。本論文雖立基在前人對於上海學的研究基礎上，卻針對「偵探――文本――都市文化」之間的緊密關係，作一個更為清晰的分層處理。從《霍桑探案》泰半取材自上海市井民間的文化故事與社會平日的案件觀之，其以小博大之視野，呼應了近現代中國政潮起伏、社會局勢凌替，和民生人心動盪之圖景，則不容小覷。是而，本論文將聚焦於程小青的偵探小說，對其上海文化圖景之內蘊與意涵，作層層之釐析。論文主體分別由地理空間層面、文化記憶層面、傳媒消費層面和醫學科學層面，逐次地展開「街道的表情學」、「日常生活的實踐」、「跨時空之旅」和「從偵察路線圖探討民初上海的醫病關係」層層深入的剖析。 以地理空間層面言，《霍桑探案》不以考究學理和艱深詞彙的地理學介紹為目的，倒是反過來鑑照了民初上海的地理空間，鮮活地捕捉每個街道的表情──從馬路上的黃包車、馬車、汽車和電車，到街坊里弄的舊石庫門、新石庫門和洋房，均豐富了民初上海立體多層的歷史記憶。 就文化記憶層面言，《霍桑探案》透過「偵探」的日常生活以實踐一種與市民經常性、韻律性和對話式的互動關係，從而對老上海文化記憶與摩登上海文化風情進行建構。在建構過程中，「小食挑子、老虎灶、孵茶館」和「舞廳、戲院、西餐廳」不啻成為兩組強大的反差和對比，霍桑和包朗將第二組概念視為歧出，力圖拉近與第一組概念的距離，似乎想以此贖救上海文化逐漸掉失、歪斜、墮落的「本」。 在傳媒消費層面上，以《霍桑探案》作為探討的個案，文本中所展現的「新聞圖景」和「偵探遊戲」，所蘊涵著脈絡化的意義，可從傳媒和消費兩個層面來辨析。以傳媒角度言，新聞報紙不僅被挪用、編織、進入小說的偵探版圖，又成為偵探偵查時不可或缺的一個重要依據。 由醫學科學層面言，綜合「敘事層面」、「地理景觀」、「身體空間」三層面探討的「偵察路線圖」，可歸納出《霍桑探案》不只勾勒偵探個人的「探案歷程」，還過渡到對社會「醫／病關係」的想像。 本論文以文學研究為主，偵探理論和文化研究為輔，分為地理空間、文化記憶、傳媒消費和醫學科學等層面論述之，以此勾勒出一幅嶄新的民初上海文化圖景，豐富了偵探小說、上海都市和文化研究的區塊。

Disputats, Göteborgs universitet, 2008. / Med litteraturhenvisninger.

published_or_final_version / Real Estate and Construction / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy

As China has moved towards sustainable development, policies for wind energy have undergone rapid changes over the past two decades in this country. However, although wind energy is capable of making a significant contribution to more sustainable energy systems, it has yet to reach its full potential. There remain significant gaps in knowledge about how and why public policies may effectively facilitate the achievement of sustainability in general and with regard to specific sector-based initiatives. The objective of this study is to bridge this knowledge gap by studying governance for sustainable development with particular reference to wind energy policies in China. This study focuses on the role of Chinese provinces in facilitating the sustainability transition. It proposes a conceptual framework that adopts a policy capacity approach to understanding the sustainability transition process. Policy capacity is defined in this study as the ability to identify, assimilate and utilize resources both inside and outside the formal state apparatus to facilitate the policy-making process. The conceptual framework, which comprises three building blocks – context, process and outcomes – suggests that the interactions between provinces and other stakeholders are the factors that facilitate or constrain policy capacity. A comparative study of the evolution of wind energy policies in three provinces, Xinjiang, Shanghai and Guangdong is presented. The aim of the analysis is to provide a better understanding of the mechanisms that explain whether – and how – provinces represent a key actor in the policy capacity building process. The key findings are first, that while the Chinese provinces may differ in their governing modes, a common feature was that they were in a unique position to strengthen policy capacity through their interactions with the wider society both within and outside the state. Second, the conceptualization of the conducive and inhibitive mechanisms of policy capacity building suggests that there were important conducive conditions for policy capacity building found in the provinces in the form of resources (such as local leadership and trust), structures (such as social ties and bridging structures) and dynamics (such as market dynamics and double-loop learning). However, the provinces’ potential to enhance policy capacity was not fully utilized because of the presence of a set of inhibitive conditions that constrained the efforts. Third, through the conceptualization of the embeddedness of the policy capacity building process, this study reveals that contextual factors, at both the local and national levels, were the key to explaining why provinces differed in their response to the sustainability transition. This study concludes by suggesting that the sustainability transition needs to envision a new governance approach that places more attention on the role of Chinese provinces, to release and activate the enormous capacity in provinces that could in turn strengthen the central government’s own policy capacity for the sustainability transition. / published_or_final_version / Kadoorie Institute / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy

The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) first came into being as a result of border negotiations between Russia and China but evolved shortly thereafter into more than this. A regional organization comprised of Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, and China the SCO’s mandate now encompasses trade and security. Most secondary literature on this organization tends to detail the interests of its constituent members, while overlooking the historical relationships underlying the SCO’s growth and evolution. This thesis argues that Russia’s long-standing relationships with the states of Central Asia created the conditions making the SCO a necessary tool of Russian foreign policy, while Moscow’s relations with China and the US have driven the development of the group. It concludes that the SCO has become the most viable of Central Asia’s regional organizations because it has effectively resolved contradictions and conflicts in Russia’s relationships with the other SCO members.

This thesis examines the development of Asian cultural modernity in the cities of Singapore, Hong Kong and Shanghai through their fashion magazines. These three cities have positioned themselves as aspirants to global city status, concurrently facilitating their ambitions by relaxing media laws and emphasising cultural production. One outcome is a growth in the production and consumption of fashion magazines. There has been a parallel growth in the consumption of and interest in fashion and self-adornment in these cities, particularly through global brand names. This thesis investigates these cultural transformations by examining the production of fashion texts in the context of their cities. It does this by utilising the concept of fashion journalism (as a product of fashion, journalism and the city) as a means of identifying the contemporary social, cultural and political articulations of these fashion texts. To do so, this research draws together a framework that takes into account different fields (fashion, journalism, modernity, city, Asia) that contribute to the concept of fashion journalism, thereby approaching fashion texts through a multi-disciplinary perspective anchored by establishing the contexts of each city and its specific magazine. The subsequent analyses of Vision (Shanghai), WestEast (Hong Kong) and Harper's Bazaar Singapore reflect and capture an evolution of these cities coming into their own. With particular emphasis on the cultural assertions of global Chinese identities in WestEast, an escape from national discourses through participating in cosmopolitanism in Harper's, and the emphasis on popular visual culture as a form of popular literacy and knowledge formation in Vision. These findings contribute firstly, towards an understanding of the issues occurring in the cultural modernisation of these cities and secondly, of fashion journalism as a promoter of the experiences of cultural modernity in Asia.

The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) first came into being as a result of border negotiations between Russia and China but evolved shortly thereafter into more than this. A regional organization comprised of Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, and China the SCO’s mandate now encompasses trade and security. Most secondary literature on this organization tends to detail the interests of its constituent members, while overlooking the historical relationships underlying the SCO’s growth and evolution. This thesis argues that Russia’s long-standing relationships with the states of Central Asia created the conditions making the SCO a necessary tool of Russian foreign policy, while Moscow’s relations with China and the US have driven the development of the group. It concludes that the SCO has become the most viable of Central Asia’s regional organizations because it has effectively resolved contradictions and conflicts in Russia’s relationships with the other SCO members.

張羣(1889-1990),是蔣中正幕僚群中的關鍵人物,歷任上海市市長、湖 北省主席、外交部長、四川省主席及行政院長等職。但涉及張羣的相關歷史研究 並不多。 本文聚焦張羣任上海市市長時期(1929 年 4 月至 1932 年 1 月)。對於張羣 的著述、蔣中正相關資料、檔案、當時的報刊等史料,加以分析比對並分類歸納。 通過厘清張羣任上海市市長期間相關行事,筆者認為張羣本欲在市政上有所作為, 也初步解決了市政上面臨的困難。但蔣中正對上海的政治期望並非市政建設,而 是上海的治安問題;當國家有難,蔣中正需要張羣運用他善於遊說地方勢力的縱 橫捭闔的政治手腕為他掃清屏障。張羣被要求頻繁奔波在非市政的領域,最終導 致了他在上海市市長任內的市政建設成果慘澹。 筆者試圖以此為基礎,探討張羣之政治才幹、張羣與蔣中正之關係、市長 張羣和中央執行委員張羣雙重身份下的張力等議題,以期能對理解張羣其人及訓 政初期的國民政府政治生態有所貢獻。 / Chang Chun(1889-1990) was one of the most important lieutenants of Chiang Kai-shek. He followed Chiang’s political path and took the position as Shanghai Mayor, the Chairman of Hupei Province, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, the Chairman of Sichuan Province and the Premier of the country. Even though he played an important role in modern China, the study of Chang Chun is not sufficient today. This dissertation will focus on Chang’s Shanghai Mayor period (From April 1929 to January 1932). By collecting Chang’s works, the archive of Chiang Kai-shek and newspapers at that time, a most comprehensive viewing of what Chang did in and outside his mayor duty could be made. This dissertation makes clear that Chang wanted to do something on municipal administration on his position as Shanghai Mayor, and he preliminarily succeed to conquer the problems met. However, Chiang paid more attention on public order than municipal construction, which Chang focused on, in Shanghai. When the nation were in trouble,Chiang needed Chang to use his powerful social ability on lobbying the local power. As Chang was always forced to do some tasks outside Shanghai, his municipal construction was always not on the plan. On the basis of these arguments, I want to discuss Chang’s intelligence in politics, the relationship of Chang and Chiang and the roles of Chang as mayor and central executive committee at the same time, in order to learn more about Chang Chun, as well as the political circumstance of early national government.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Esta dissertação trata do que se entende como terrorismo após os atentados de setembro de 2001, seja como lógica de ação ou como método de ação. A partir desta data, o terrorismo alcançou enorme projeção e passou a figurar como tema central tanto na imprensa cotidiana quanto em reuniões internacionais de cúpula. O fenômeno era, muitas vezes, historicamente circunscrito às nações que enfrentavam esse problema. Após o Onze de Setembro, o debate expandiu-se e as políticas, e a propaganda, antiterroristas incidiram sobre a sociedade, modificando comportamentos individuais e coletivos. A associação entre Islamismo e terrorismo foi frequente e a Guerra Contra ao Terror (GCT), promovida pela política externa norte-americana de George W. Bush, contribuiu para difundir uma percepção do terrorismo como uma lógica de ação afeita à violência em si. Isso contrasta com a percepção quanto a grupos terroristas de momentos históricos anteriores, cujo recurso ao terrorismo era compreendido como método de ação com valor instrumental para alcançar objetivos políticos diversos, como a emancipação nacional e a desestabilização de regimes políticos estabelecidos. O estudo de caso da Organização de Xangai (OCX) visa demonstrar que a identificação entre terrorismo e Islã leva ao equívoco de compreender os grupos terroristas contemporâneos islâmicos, com lógicas próprias, como uma fenômeno só o que leva à imprecisão de atribuir ao terrorismo o caráter de primeiro fenômeno macro-securitizado. Este breve histórico da ascensão do terrorismo na agenda política contemporânea, mediante a análise do processo securitizador tanto na GCT quanto na Organização de Cooperação de Xangai, serve como referência para as análises contidas no trabalho que o leitor tem em mãos, uma vez que o sentido atribuído ao terrorismo só pode ser entendido em termos dos atores políticos envolvidos na sua definição e no contexto em qual o fazem. Na OCX, o verificou-se o entendimento do terrorismo como método de ação de grupos separatistas, o que não corresponde à ideia do terrorismo como lógica de ação contida na GCT. / We wrote about our understanding what terrorism, after the September 2001 attacks, is liking as a logic and a method of action. After September 2001, terrorism has achieved a huge projection and has been integrated as a central theme in both the daily press and in international summit meetings. The phenomena was often historically confined to nations facing this problem. After 9/11, the debate has expanded and the political counter-terrorism propaganda was focused on society changing individual and collective behavior. The association between Islam and terrorism was common and the War on Terror (WOT), promoted by the American foreign policy of George W. Bush, helped to spread a perception of terrorism as an logic action of pure violence itself. The contrast between perception of the terrorist groups in previous historical periods, whose thinking to practice to terrorism was understood as an method of action with instrumental value to achieve different policy objectives, such as national emancipation and the destabilization of established political regimes. This study of Shanghai Organization (SCO) seeks to demonstrate the identification between terrorism and Islam leads to misunderstanding of understanding (a lack of comprehension) between the contemporary Islamic terrorist groups, with their own logic, and as a phenomenon only - which leads inaccurate to attribute terrorism to an first macro-securitized phenomenon character. This brief history of the rise of terrorism in contemporary political agenda has been analyzing the securitizer process both in WOT and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. This study serves as a reference about our thinking and analyzes terrorism not only can be understood in terms of the political actors involved in its definition but in the context in which they do. The SCO has a understanding about terrorism like a method of action of separatist groups, which does not correspond to the idea of terrorism as an logic of action contained in the WOT doctrine.