The letter to the Romans conveys a message of God's love and how through his grace, he has prepared a way to liberate mankind from a life of sin to a life of righteousness. But the way the message is presented, this grace may easily be misunderstood as an encouragement for people to live in sin. In Chapter 6:1-14, a concise but detailed outline of the message of the epistle unfolds into two main sections, namely, the Indicative and the Imperative. Key statements in these sections are: 'How can we who have died to sin, continue to live in it?' (6:2), and 'Consider yourselves dead to sin and alive to God' (6:11). Failure to distinguish the separate meanings of these statements may lead to the conclusion that the pericope encourages libertinism. In outlining the:meaning of this expression, 'We have died to sin ... ', I hope to make a contribution for a better understanding of the message of this pericope, namely: The grace of God that enables believers to live a righteous / Biblical and Ancient Studies / M.A. (Theology)

This dissertation attempts to integrate the household and children more fluidly into measures of well-being in the past. In part one, I develop a Monte Carlo simulation to test some of the assumptions of Allen’s welfare ratio methodology. These included his assumptions that family size was constant over time, that there were no female-headed households and that women and children did not participate in the labour force. After all of the adjustments, it appears that Allen’s welfare ratios underestimate the welfare ratios of a demographically representative group of families, especially if women and children’s labour force participation is included. However, the predicted distributions also highlight the struggles of agricultural labourers, who are given separate consideration. Even the average agricultural labourers’ family with women and children working would have had to rely of self- provisioning, gleaning, poor relief or the extension of the working year to make ends meet at the poorest point in their family life cycle. Part two adjusts Floud et al.’s estimates of calorie availability in the English economy from 1700 to 1909 for the costs of digestion, pregnancy and lactation. Taken together, these three additional costs reduced the amount calories available by around 15 per cent in 1700 but only by 5 per cent in 1909 because of the changing composition of the English diet. Part three presents a new adaptive framework for studying changes in children’s growth patterns over time and a new methodology, longitudinal growth studies, for measuring gender disparities in health in the past. An adaptive framework for understanding growth provides a more parsimonious explanation for the vast catch-up growth achieved by slave children in the antebellum American South. The slave children were only able to achieve this catch-up growth because they were programmed for a tall height trajectory by relatively good conditions in utero. Finally, impoverished girls experienced greater catch-up growth than boys in two schools in late-nineteenth century Boston, USA and early-twentieth century London, suggesting that girls were deprived relative to boys before entering these institutions.

The following essay examines the image of "Barbary piracy" created by two prominent political figures, Thomas Jefferson and William Eaton, and by the American public from 1784 to 1805, and how those images shaped the policy of the American-Barbary War. Eaton‟s Orientalist approach to describing piracy and the North African population limited his views of this region, thus reducing the American conflict to the annihilation of animalistic "brutes." Jefferson‟s practical approach to describing piracy and the North African population focused on emancipating the region from the corrupting influence of greed, allowing him the necessary flexibility to solve the conflict by either by military force or with peace treaties, whichever was necessary. I will show the impact that categorizing piracy as either the result of a depraved society or as a corrupting force had on both American perceptions of the North Africa people and on the outcome of the American-Barbary War.

Fondée sur les ordres de Jules César peu de temps avant les Ides de Mars, la colonie de Dion (Piérie, Macédoine) fait partie d’un vaste programme de colonisation qui a touché tout l’empire à l’époque césaro-augustéenne. Les données épigraphiques, rassemblées en un corpus des inscriptions latines et grecques de Dion et de son territoire, permettent d’analyser, dans le temps et dans l’espace, les évolutions d’une société mixte, constituée des colons romains, de leurs descendants et des anciens habitants grecs. Dans cette société qui s’hellénise peu à peu, se met en place un panthéon original qui mêle les divinités romaines aux divinités grecques et orientales. Les éléments de romanité, dominant au début de la période, s’atténuent progressivement, alors que les institutions perdurent jusqu’à une date avancée du Bas-Empire. / Founded on Julius Cesar's orders, shortly before the Ides of March, the Dion colony (Pieria, Macedonia) was part of a large colonization program that involved the whole empire at the Caesar and Augustan time period. The epigraphic data, in the form of a corpus collecting the Latin and Greek inscriptions from Dion and its territory, make it possible to analyse, in time and space, the evolution of a mixed society constituted of Roman settlers and their descendants, as well as native Greeks. In this progressively hellenising society, a distinctive pantheon arises, mixing Roman gods to Greek and Oriental ones. The roman elements, while dominating in the early era, will progressively fade although, the institutions will remain much later during the Late Empire.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-04-16T12:55:37Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Adelson Florêncio de Barros.pdf: 3160192 bytes, checksum: 3d5a8238eccbae5665c7432dab1c2a9c (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-04-16T12:55:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Adelson Florêncio de Barros.pdf: 3160192 bytes, checksum: 3d5a8238eccbae5665c7432dab1c2a9c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-03-12 / This dissertation, based on the Critical Discourse Analysis, thematizes the social roles of the masters and their slaves in Casa Grande & Senzala. It is justified, for this work is studied and criticized by social scientists and not by a critical vision of the discourse. It is a textual-discursive analysis of this work. There are several published works, about this work, with sociological, anthropological, among others. The research is justified, because it aims to answer: Is the author of Casa Grande & Senzala a conservative enslaver or revolutionary abolitionist? The general objective is to contribute to the discursive studies of the work in question and to specific ones: 1. To verify, in Brazilian historiographical texts, which and how many social roles the black slaves did represent socially; 2. To ascertain which and how many social roles the slaves represent in the said work, comparing them with those of historiography, multimodal texts and newspaper advertisements; 3. Analyze the point of view projected by the author when focusing on slavery in the sugar zone of Pernambuco. The proposed research is qualitative and documental, with theoretical-analytical procedure. The results indicate that the ideological and cultural values that guide Freyre in writing this work result from the patron saint values of sugar planter from Pernambuco, aiming to construct the miscegenated origins of Brazilian culture and are those that are archived in his social memory, from the family institution. Therefore, they are conservative and enslaved values. The hypothesis of the investigation proved to be adequate, since Freyre is guided by an ideology of Pernambuco sugarcane rural power, canceling the cruelty, sadism and excessive exploitation of the slave labor force and privileges the role of the female slave, transmitter of Afro Brazilian cultural miscegenation, in order to build the myth of the sensuality of the black woman / Esta tese, fundamentada na Análise Crítica do Discurso, tematiza os papéis sociais dos senhores e seus escravos em Casa-Grande & senzala. Justifica-se, pois essa obra é estudada e criticada por cientistas sociais e não por uma visão crítica do discurso. Trata-se de uma análise textual-discursiva da referida obra. Há vários trabalhos publicados, sobre essa obra, com enfoque sociológico, antropológico, entre outros. A pesquisa justifica-se, pois busca responder: o autor de Casa-grande & Senzala é um conservador escravocrata ou revolucionário abolicionista? O objetivo geral é contribuir com os estudos discursivos da obra em questão e específicos: 1. Verificar, em textos historiográficos brasileiros, quais e quantos papéis sociais os escravos negros representaram socialmente; 2. Averiguar quais e quantos papéis sociais os escravos representam na referida obra, confrontando-os com os da historiografia, textos multimodais e anúncios de jornal; 3. Analisar o ponto de vista projetado pelo autor ao focalizar a escravidão na zona açucareira pernambucana. A investigação proposta é qualitativa e documental, com procedimento teórico-analítico. Os resultados indicam que os valores ideológicos e culturais que guiam Freyre, ao escrever essa obra, resultam dos valores patronais do senhor de engenho açucareiro pernambucano, objetivando a construção das origens miscigenadas da cultura brasileira e são esses que estão arquivados em sua memória social, a partir da instituição familiar. Logo, são valores conservadores e escravocratas. A hipótese da investigação mostrou-se adequada, pois Freyre é guiado por uma ideologia do poder patronal rural açucareiro pernambucano, cancelando a crueldade, o sadismo e a exploração excessiva da mão de obra escrava e privilegia o papel da escrava, transmissora da cultura afro na miscigenação cultural brasileira, de forma a construir o mito da sensualidade da negra

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:22:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Tereza Martins Godinho.pdf: 4770122 bytes, checksum: 29ec984f8e5f09abab58b9055bd3587a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-06-17 / Fundação Carlos Chagas / This research was done at, located at the cities of Cavalcante, Teresina and Monte Alegre, northeast of the State of Goiás. As from references of Anthropological Theory, tried to describe this Hiding-place of fugitive Negro Slaves and its people considering their caracteristics of identity, of culture, social, economical and historical. Investigated and analyzed above all the role of women, through their cultural atitudes and routine, foccusing the relations they have with themselves, with their partners, with their group and with their past, trying to understand the meaning of " being a woman" in this context. The method used was open country work, preceded of bibliographical survey associated to research of documents / Esta pesquisa foi realizada no quilombo kalunga, localizado nos municípios de Cavalcante, Teresina e Monte Alegre, nordeste do Estado de Goiás. A partir de referenciais da teoria antropológica, buscou descrever este quilombo e sua gente nas suas características identitárias, culturais, sociais, econômicas e históricas. Investigou e analisou sobretudo o lugar da mulher, através de suas práticas culturais e sua rotina, enfocando as relações que estabelecem entre si, com seus parceiros, com seu grupo e com seu passado procurando compreender o sentido do ser mulher nesse contexto. O método utilizado foi o trabalho de campo, precedido de levantamento bibliográfico e associado à pesquisa de documentos

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:57:10Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Tereza Martins Godinho.pdf: 4770122 bytes, checksum: 29ec984f8e5f09abab58b9055bd3587a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-06-17 / Fundação Carlos Chagas / This research was done at, located at the cities of Cavalcante, Teresina and Monte Alegre, northeast of the State of Goiás. As from references of Anthropological Theory, tried to describe this Hiding-place of fugitive Negro Slaves and its people considering their caracteristics of identity, of culture, social, economical and historical. Investigated and analyzed above all the role of women, through their cultural atitudes and routine, foccusing the relations they have with themselves, with their partners, with their group and with their past, trying to understand the meaning of " being a woman" in this context. The method used was open country work, preceded of bibliographical survey associated to research of documents / Esta pesquisa foi realizada no quilombo kalunga, localizado nos municípios de Cavalcante, Teresina e Monte Alegre, nordeste do Estado de Goiás. A partir de referenciais da teoria antropológica, buscou descrever este quilombo e sua gente nas suas características identitárias, culturais, sociais, econômicas e históricas. Investigou e analisou sobretudo o lugar da mulher, através de suas práticas culturais e sua rotina, enfocando as relações que estabelecem entre si, com seus parceiros, com seu grupo e com seu passado procurando compreender o sentido do ser mulher nesse contexto. O método utilizado foi o trabalho de campo, precedido de levantamento bibliográfico e associado à pesquisa de documentos

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:32:22Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jacinto da Silva.pdf: 2149944 bytes, checksum: 6a27ccfbb8796acad507957c18522df3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-06-05 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / This work intends contributing the Brazilian Historiography on the slavery favouring a still little studied region. That is to remind that the region of Bragança Paulista was an important area producing staple-commodities (such as corn, beans plus pig breeding), and only in the last quarter of the 19th century coffee reaches the status of main product of the local economy. Perhaps, by this reason the Bragança region was − in that period − characterized by the predominance of small and medium plains of slaves. The city of Bragança Paulista still has another peculiarity i.e. the Club of the Slaves − an association formed by the slaves that had a school to teach the slaved partners. The research was based on several source-types such as the statistical notes of 1836, the census of 1872, the newspaper O Guaripocaba , official correspondence from the Common Council, forensic documents (post-mortem inventories, wills, criminal law, summary of fault, reporting crime, legal actions, actions of freedom, freedom of self, self maintenance of freedom, slaves value arbitration, cells for slaves, examinations of body of the crime, self-explanatory embargo, file of questions, interrogation, slaves purchasing and selling roll, slaves roll on half conveyance taxes). The conjoined analysis of such sources has enlarged the reach of expectations by helping us to amplify the understanding of that society which was permeated with the slaving regime / Este trabalho pretende contribuir com a historiografia brasileira da escravidão privilegiando uma região ainda muito pouco estudada. Vale lembrar que a região de Bragança Paulista era uma importante área produtora de alimentos de subsistência (milho, feijão e criação de porcos) e que somente no último quartel do século XIX o café alcança o status de primeiro produto da economia local. Talvez, por essa razão, a região Bragantina era naquele período caracterizada pelo predomínio de pequenos e médios plantéis de escravos. A cidade de Bragança Paulista possui ainda outra peculiaridade o Club dos Escravos uma associação constituída por escravos que inclusive contava com uma escola para alfabetizar os sócios cativos. A pesquisa baseou-se em variados tipos de fontes, tais como: os apontamentos estatísticos de 1836, o censo de 1872, o jornal O Guaripocaba, ofícios da câmara local, documentos judiciais (inventários post-mortem, testamentos, processos criminais sumários de culpa, denúncia crime, queixa crime, inquérito policial , ações de liberdade auto de liberdade, auto de manutenção de liberdade, arbitramento de valor de escravo, depósito de escravo , exames de corpo de delito, auto de justificação de embargo, autos de perguntas interrogatórios , lista de compra e venda de escravos, relação de meias sisas de escravos). A análise conjunta dessas fontes ampliou o alcance de expectativa e ajudou-nos a ampliar o entendimento daquela sociedade permeada pelo regime escravista

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:32:43Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jose Maia Bezerra Neto.pdf: 33896770 bytes, checksum: c5af6578d1daedfc08a928469dcb3e2b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-10-27 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Between the decades of 1850 and 1880, in the province of Pará, Empire of Brazil, several antislavery and emancipationist societies were founded. At that time, antislavery societies proclaimed themselves against slavery, not necessarily encompassing an abolitionist or emancipationist thought. Emancipationist societies were characterized by the proposition of a gradual emancipation of slavery, and the recognition of slave owners property rights. From the 1880s onwards, however, several abolitionists groups were founded, which proposed an immediate abolition of slave work, even objecting any property right over the slaves. That does not mean that emancipationist and abolitionist were clearly distinct. On the contrary, this dissertation explores the connections between both trends, even if they represented different solutions for the so called Questão Servil . This dissertation considers both emancipationist and abolitionist societies as a place of political struggle, including different viewpoints and conflicts within these two perspectives, as well as those shared by different groups of free men and slaves. This was because the limit of the abolition of the slavery in Brazil was gradualism, which blurred the distinctions between emancipationists and abolitionist. Moreover, the strength of gradualism as part of a conservative mentality was not restricted to the elites. Therefore, even if on 13 May 1888 slavery was unconditionally abolished and without any financial compensation, abolitionism did not prevail as a wide social reforms program / Durante as décadas de 1850 a 1880, na província do Pará, Império do Brasil, existiram sociedades antiescravistas e emancipadoras. As primeiras em oposição à escravidão, sem necessariamente adotar uma postura emancipacionista ou abolicionista; as últimas com práticas e propostas de emancipação gradual da escravidão, caracterizadas pelo respeito ao direito de propriedade dos senhores. Na década de 1880, para além das sociedades emancipadoras, já aparecem algumas sociedades autodenominadas abolicionistas cujas práticas e propostas visavam abolir de imediato o trabalho escravo questionando o direito de propriedade senhorial. O que não quer dizer que as práticas emancipadoras e abolicionistas fossem feito água e óleo, pelo contrário. Nesta tese demonstramos os seus imbricamentos, ainda que encaminhamentos distintos da chamada Questão Servil. Nesta tese, a partir do estudo das práticas e propostas das diversas sociedades emancipadoras e abolicionistas percebo o emancipacionismo e abolicionismo como espaços de luta, compreendendo as diversas posições em disputa no interior desses movimentos, inclusive aquelas compartilhadas por diversos segmentos livres e escravos. E que, apesar das diferenças, o gradualismo foi o limite da abolição da escravidão no Brasil, o que muitas vezes torna confuso a distinção entre emancipadores e abolicionistas, da mesma forma que a força do gradualismo como parte de uma mentalidade conservadora não necessariamente se limitava ao universo das elites. Daí, mesmo quando em 13 de Maio de 1888 fora abolida a escravidão sem condições e nem indenização aos senhores, sendo extinto o regime jurídico da escravidão, não se consumou o abolicionismo como um amplo programa de reformas sociais

The trials of a comfort woman was never revealed after the conclusion of WWII. More than half a century has passed before the name was uttered on the international stage. Why the sudden break of silence? What is the response of the Japanese government. In this paper, we discuss the issue of the comfort women and the the political implications it holds on Japan. Japan's failure to accept wartime reparation, largely due to Allied intervention, has resulted in the widening gap between Japan and Asia. This paper focuses on the combination of increased US influence as a result of the San Francisco Treaty of 1951 and Japan’s fervent nationalistic identity served to widen the gap between Japan and other East and Southeast Asian nations, making reconciliation over the issue of comfort women a problem that remains unresolved to this day.