This study mainly investigates the reason of living in civil society, the motives of people to live under the government and necessity of commonwealth by design to live in peace based on modern social contract theories of Hobbes and Locke. Hobbes has a decisive role for developing a western political thought and Locke goes a step further to put superiority of the community and latitude of thought in his theory. In order to examine these topics, similarities of both philosophers in terms of their effort on setting free political thoughts from medieval world view, and their differentiations regarding considerations on human nature, desires and rights of men, formation of the society and the role of government are focused on.

The aim of this study is to make a comparison between Rousseau&rsquo / s and Kant&rsquo / s theory of justice. This thesis defends the arguments of Rousseau&rsquo / s democratic political theory against the claims raised by Kant. Rousseau and Kant formulate how to relieve the tension between individual and society. This tension is the one between individual and political freedom. Rousseau calls it the tension between moral and political freedom and Kant terms it as internal and external freedom. However, Rousseau ensures continuity between two concepts of freedom, whereas Kant seems inconsistent. The main argument of this thesis is that the critical potential of Rousseau&rsquo / s notion of the social contract is jeopardized by Kant&rsquo / s Idea of original contract in which the sovereign authority is taken away from people since Rousseau&rsquo / s notion of the social contract turns into Idea of original contract in Kant&rsquo / s theory of justice. In this regard, this thesis particularly seeks to answer the question of what constitutes the legitimacy of the contract in their theory of justice.

No description available.

I use a brand of social contract theory derived from David Gauthier to delimit precisely what might be permissible in the methods of conception and gestation of a child. More specifically, Gauthier posits a rule that is supposed to govern behavior among individuals prior to but in anticipation of the rise of social interaction. I argue that this rule can be appropriately applied to the interactions between a parent and her unborn child. I review other social contract models in an effort to show that Gauthier's is preferable to these. I also address other accounts concerned with parental obligations to the unborn, to see how these fare against Gauthier's. I conclude that, because of its breadth of applicability, as well as its plausibility, Gauthier's model is a powerful force for guiding us through these issues.

This thesis will try to combine shareholder ownership of a company with the notion of viewing thecompany as a social contract.Even if viewing the company as a social contract is usually considered to be part of the stakeholdertheory this view is not incompatible with the shareholder centred approaches.Through motivating the social contract view of businesses and discussion the advantages ofadopting a shareholder centred approach to company ownership this thesis will form the basis of asocial contract that would be agreed by the shareholders of the company. A part of this paper will also be dedicated to discussing how the shareholders could change the current companies to reflectmore closely on the contract they would initially have agreed on.

This thesis mainly concerns the concept of social contract with the selected authors. First, I deal with various authors and their concepts, then focuses on their comparison. This thesis has a politico-ethical character. The selected authors are Thomas Hobbes and his "Leviathan, or substance, form and power of the state ecclesiastical and political," and John Locke "Second Treatise on Government", Baruch Spinoza and his "Political debate" and "Theological-political treatise," and finally, Jean-Jacques Rousseau and his work "The social contract."

The present dissertation takes as object of its central study the liberty theme based on the work of the philosopher Jean-Jacques Rousseau. The dissertation tackles it from the descriptions the author undertakes from the natural liberty, that is to say, the man considered toward himself and his fellows , the man toward social ties, and considered under the perspective of an ideal society of free citizens, just as it is presented in the social contract. The dissertation demonstrates the undertaken research in three moments: the first clarifies the thesis of Rousseau according to what it says the men is born free end the liberty is distinctive from the human being, and of that the man can ever dispose, the second demonstrates the descriptions of Rousseau about the conflicts between the natural liberty and the relation into the societies that were constituted in the line of the sociability, finally, it demonstrates the reflections of Rousseau about the conventional liberty , that is to say, the way that the author solves , at least from a normative point of view, the conflict between nature and society through an contract that preserves the individual as well as the public liberty. The matter is to know the author justify the institutionalization of this liberty and the presumption is that it is ensured by law. Even though the liberty theme is in the Rousseau work as a whole, the examined main texts in this search were: Speech about the origin and the fundaments of inequality among men, Emilio and From The Social contract. / A presente dissertação toma como objeto de estudo central o tema da liberdade na obra do pensador Jean-Jacques Rousseau. Aborda-o a partir das descrições que o autor empreende da liberdade natural, ou seja, o homem considerado em relação a si mesmo e aos seus semelhantes ; o homem em relação aos vínculos sociais, e considerado sob a perspectiva de uma sociedade ideal de cidadãos livres, tal qual é apresentada no Contrato social. A dissertação expõe a pesquisa empreendida em três momentos: o primeiro esclarece a tese de Rousseau segundo a qual o homem nasce livre e a liberdade é distintiva do humano e dela ele jamais pode abrir mão; o segundo expõe as descrições de Rousseau dos conflitos entre a liberdade natural e as relações presentes nas sociedades que se constituíram nos percursos da sociabilidade; por fim, apresenta as considerações de Rousseau acerca da liberdade convencional , ou seja, o modo com que o autor resolve , pelo menos de um ponto de vista normativo, o conflito entre natureza e sociedade através de um pacto que preserve tanto a liberdade individual quanto pública. A questão está em saber como o autor justifica a institucionalização desta liberdade e a suposição é que ela é assegurada pela lei. Embora o tema da liberdade esteja presente no conjunto da obra de Rousseau, os textos principais examinados nessa investigação foram: Discurso sobre a origem e os fundamentos da desigualdade entre os homens, Emílio e Do Contrato social.

O objetivo deste trabalho é conduzir um estudo sobre o tema da legitimidade do Estado civil no Contrato Social de Jean-Jacques Rousseau, por meio da análise da construção e do desenvolvimento de sua teoria política, bem como dos principais conceitos a ela inerentes. / The objective of this work is to focus the theme of legitimacy of the civil State on Jean-Jacques Rousseau´s Social Contract, analyzing the construction and development of his political theory, as well as his most important concepts related with it.

A proposta da tese é explorar como a interação entre abertura política, redemocratização e mudança no contrato social contribuíram para o aumento do tamanho do governo e do gasto no Brasil. Dessa forma, a tese sugere a persistência de um padrão de política fiscal que prevaleceu após a Constituição Federal de 1988, encontrado no governo central e nos governos subnacionais, cujo padrão é formado por: i) pressão pelo aumento do tamanho do governo; ii) crescimento da despesa corrente em relação ao investimento; iii) comportamento pró-cíclico do gasto e presença do efeito voracidade. A hipótese explorada na tese é que o padrão de política fiscal possui como origem o equilíbrio que emergiu com a abertura política e a redemocratização na década de 1980, onde foram incorporadas as demandas por bens públicos (educação, saúde, proteção social, por exemplo) e a maior ênfase pelas políticas redistributivas, oriundas do aprofundamento da democracia e da presença do sufrágio universal. Ao mesmo tempo, o equilíbrio sugere a necessidade de acomodar os grupos de interesse (elites empresariais e do funcionalismo público, por exemplo) que aparelham o estado e buscam defender e ampliar seus privilégios, especialmente em relação aos benefícios tributários, acesso aos recursos orçamentários e prioridade no direcionamento do gasto do governo. Assim, a viabilidade do equilíbrio depende do crescimento do tamanho do governo que serve para minimizar os conflitos entre grupos de interesse, também preservar a paz social e a estabilidade política. No entanto, o equilíbrio contribui para fortalecer a percepção de ilusão fiscal sobre as limitações e as restrições de curto e longo prazo que a política fiscal está submetida, eclipsando como são distribuídos os custos e os benefícios das ações do governo. A contribuição da tese é aprofundar a discussão sobre como o funcionamento de uma democracia iliberal (nova democracia ou democracia não consolidada) e a alteração no contrato social em um ambiente de instituições frágeis são capazes de influir sobre o tamanho do governo e o comportamento do gasto no curto e longo prazo. Além disso, a tese busca explorar quais seriam os problemas fiscais, as potenciais fragilidades, os canais e mecanismos de transmissão que relacionam uma democracia não consolidada e os problemas fiscais, tomando como estudo de caso a experiência brasileira. / The main objective of this thesis is to explore the interaction between the democratization process and change of social contract on government size and public spending in Brazil. The hypothesis of the thesis is the persistence of a fiscal policy pattern, present in both central government and subnational governments, composed of the following characteristics: i) increased pressure for increasing government size; ii) growth of current expenditure in relation to investment; and iii) procyclical and voracity effect. This fiscal policy pattern has its origin in the democratization process in the 1980s, with demands of society for public goods (education, health, social security, for example) and redistribution policies, stemming from the deepening of democracy and the presence of universal suffrage. Alongside, the emerging equilibrium suggests the need to accommodate interest groups (business elites and civil servant, for example) that equip the state and seek to defend and expand their privileges, especially in relation to tax benefits, access to budgetary resources and defense of priority in spending. So, the viability of this balance depends on the growth of government size that serves to minimize conflicts between interest groups, also preserving social and politics stability. However, the equilibrium contributes to strengthening the fiscal illusion about the short and long-term limitation of the budget and fiscal policy. The contribution of the thesis is to deepen the discussion about how the functioning of an illiberal democracy (or new democracy) and the change in the social contract in an environment of weak institutions can influence government size and the behavior of spending in the short and long term. In addition, the thesis seeks to explore what the fiscal problems, potential weaknesses and channels of transmission that relate to illiberal democracy and fiscal problems are, taking Brazil as a case study.

O diálogo Críton de Platão é uma excelente demonstração da conduta filosófica de Sócrates, num momento decisivo de sua vida, em que preso recebe a proposta de Críton para a fuga da cidade, e, portanto, pôr-se a salvo da execução final: a morte pela cicuta. Sócrates, com a serenidade de sempre, põe-se a argumentar com o amigo sobre a pertinência de aceitar o seu pedido de fuga, propondo-lhe uma reflexão da sua proposta e das conseqüências decorrentes no caso de aceitá-la. Nesse exame, Sócrates defende princípios essenciais de sua filosofia e de sua própria história de vida, uma vez que elas não se separam, constantes na sua ética: nunca pagar o mal com o mal, pois isso seria cometer uma injustiça, algo impensável para uma alma filosófica que anseia o caminho do bem e o contato com o divino; na sua missão divina: de nada aceitar de pronto sem que se faça uma investigação de sua pertinência, portanto, procurando saber se aquilo que se diz corresponde à verdade ou à aparência, neste caso, um pré-conceito aceito sem a devida análise; na sua idéia política: Sócrates, cidadão ateniense, com aproximadamente 70 anos de idade, sempre aceitou as leis da cidade que regem o nascimento, a alimentação, a educação, o casamento, a criação dos filhos, o jogo da cidadania que permite a participação política nas Assembléias a todos os cidadãos, podendo-lhes propor leis, discuti-las e votá-las para que façam parte da Constituição da cidade de Atenas. Nesse princípio de cidadania, cabe ao cidadão que não se agrade por determinada lei, em vez de afrontá-la, rompendo um pacto, acordo, tratado, firmado com as Leis da cidade, portanto, cometendo uma injustiça, persuadi-las para que ela seja alterada. Sócrates, fiel a esse compromisso aceito durante a sua trajetória de vida, não pode, em aceitando a fuga, ferir as Leis da cidade, colocando em risco o contrato social estabelecido pelos cidadãos, pois a sua afronta é o mesmo que causar uma doença à cidade. O filósofo ateniense aceita a sua execução, não como vítima das Leis, mas do mau julgamento realizado pelos homens, porque esse é o caminho que lhe aponta a divindade. Acima das leis humanas, que devem ser respeitadas, existem as leis venerandas divinas, que julgarão os atos humanos. / Plato Criton dialogue is an excellent demonstration of Socrates\' philosophical conduct, his life decisive moment, when arrested it receives Critons proposal to leave the city, therefore, being safe of the final execution: hemlock death. Socrates, serenity as always, begins a discussion with a friend in accepting his escape request, proposing to reflect under his proposal and the current consequences in the case of accepting it. In that exam, Socrates defends essential his philosophy and life history principles, in constant ethics: never paying back evil for evil, because it would be an injustice, something unthinkable for a philosophical soul that goes on the good road and the divine contact; in his divine mission: not accepting nothing promptly without a pertinent investigation, therefore, trying to discover if it corresponds to the truth or the appearance, in this case, accepting a pre-concept with no analysis; on its political idea: Socrates, Athenian citizen, about 70 years old, he always accepted the city laws that govern birth, feeding, education, marriage, and children\'s creation, the citizenship game that allows political participation in the Assemblies for all the citizens, it could propose them laws, discussing it to vote it in order to be part in the Athens Constitution. In that citizenships principle, the citizen that dislikes such law, instead of confronting it, breaking a pact, negotiation, agreement, in city Laws, therefore, making an injustice, persuading it to be altered. Socrates, loyal to that commitment during his life path, it is not possible in accepting the escape, to hurt the city Laws, letting in social contract established by the citizens in risk, because its insult may cause a disease in city. The Athenian philosopher accepts its execution, not as the Laws victim, but by men badly judgment, because it is the divinity way. Above human laws, that must be respected, the divine laws exist, that will judge human acts.