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Trata-se, nesta tese, de analisar a relação entre política e religião na obra de Jean- Jacques Rousseau. Como fio condutor das discussões aqui apresentadas, toma-se o conceito de religião civil, definido no capítulo 8 do quarto livro do Contrato Social. A análise busca reconstituir a gênese desse conceito e apontar seus desdobramentos, mostrando em que sentido ele supera o conflito histórico entre poder secular e poder eclesiástico. O aspecto decisivo da pesquisa está em comparar aquilo que Rousseau denomina o essencial da religião com o princípio de sociabilidade verificado em seus escritos políticos, ressalvando-se que tal aproximação não implica em afirmar um fundamento religioso da sociedade. Com este trabalho, pretende-se não apenas compreender um aspecto fundamental do pensamento rousseauniano, mas também refletir acerca da dicotomia entre religião e política no âmbito da filosofia política moderna. / The purpose of this thesis is to analyze the relation between Politics and Religion in the work of Jean-Jacques Rousseau. The main theme of the discussion presented here is the concept of civil religion, as defined in the Social Contract (book IV, chapter 8). The analysis seeks to reconstruct the genesis of this concept and point out its consequences, showing in what sense it overcomes the historic conflict between ecclesiastical power and secular power. The decisive aspect of the research is to compare what Rousseau called the essence of religion with the principle of sociability found in his political writings, pointing out that such an approach does not mean to say that society has a religious foundation. With this work, we intend to not only understand a fundamental aspect of Rousseau\'s thought, but also reflect on the dichotomy between Religion and Politics in the context of modern political philosophy.

Over time, news about Africa has not been encouraging, whether in relation to poverty; incessant and sporadic conflicts; ineffective leadership; or in relation to the failure of the continent to develop in spite of the vast natural resources with which it is endowed. The failure of good governance in Africa epitomises the plight of the continent, and is the result of many factors including; diverse ethnic divisions across the continent, imposition of foreign systems through colonialisation, to name a few. This thesis also identifies an important factor which is the challenge to the rule of law on the continent. For the rule of law to be established in a society, the law first has to be an integral part of the society, and has to be legitimate, and internalised by the society. For laws and the law-making processes to be legitimate, there needs to be the consent and participation of the people which the law seeks to bind. This is lacking in most African countries where laws are often vestiges of the colonial era, and where the post-colonial law-making mechanisms have not induced confidence. These situations have led to a deficit in the legitimacy of the law in Africa, and the inability of such laws to structure and govern the people; because the people have more often than not been excluded from the law-making process, nor given their consent to be bound by the laws. The resultant effect of these realities is that the laws generally lack legitimacy and are adhered to only when sanctions are attached. This thesis investigates the Constitution as the foundational law in two former British colonies in Africa, namely Nigeria and South Africa and in particular, the way in which it is made; the resultant legitimacy, and the effects on the peoples’ response and interaction with the law. This is in order to draw a nexus between the lack of legitimacy of laws in Africa (as evidenced in the constitution making processes), and the challenges faced by the rule of law on the continent, using the cases of Nigeria and South Africa. / Thesis (LLD)--University of Pretoria, 2011. / Public Law / unrestricted

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The thesis attempts at investigating a state-driven radicalization process as it is incited by an ideological system and utilized in the context of hybrid warfare. Contemporary Russia is taken as a concrete case study, with the research questions focused on: i) presenting the Russian World as an ideological system consistent of varying individual claims and tenets; ii) analysing the radicalization potential of said claims and tenets; and iii) tracing the process of radicalization by presenting a plausible causal mechanism based on the respective concepts and theories employed. The findings indicate a certain evolution of the Russian World ideology, while the practice of hybrid warfare is argued to serve the ideology as its actualizing component if the context is considered. Conclusively, it is also identified that the claims and tenets of Russian World are challenged ever more often, raising concerns with regards to the ideology's sustainable future, and in turn, the likelihood of social and political turbulence in Russia itself or a repetition of a radicalization instance comparable in its scale to that of Crimean Annexation in 2014. Mykola Lysenko Master thesis

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[pt] A presente dissertação expressa e narra meu processo de compreensão do meu desejo de saber, suas impossibilidades, e as conexões entre poder e reivindicações à verdade nas narrativas e sujeitos autorizados por tais reivindicações. Eu escolhi particularmente o processo de formação do sujeito como compreendido pela teoria psicanalítica desenvolvida por Jacques Lacan – em seu “retorno a Freud” – e pela teoria contratualista como desenvolvida por Thomas Hobbes. Esse processo de formação do sujeito é um que eu entendo, como Judith Butler, como co-constitutivo e codependente com o poder que o forma numa relação em que não há emergência de um sujeito a não ser que autorizado por alguma instância de poder, ao mesmo tempo que não há poder senão como efeito sobre e através dos sujeitos a quem sujeita. O caminho em particular que eu consegui traçar em minha exploração, primeiro, foi entendendo um certo caráter ou papel estruturante da linguagem na teoria de ambos Lacan e Hobbes. Isso me permitiu dar um passo além, na análise de como o sujeito neurótico e o sujeito do contrato social emergem não só dos mesmos contextos, mas, sendo assim, talvez sejam um e o mesmo sujeito. Para, então, seguir o processo de formação do sujeito como colocada por Lacan até o mecanismo do Nome-do-Pai, procurando entender nossos investimentos políticos em uma certa forma paternalista de autoridade. No último e final passo deste processo ao invés de se fechar e confirmar-se a si mesma, eu busco partilhar uma crítica de um certo modelo heteronormativo e falocêntrico no qual muito da teoria psicanalítica está baseada, seus efeitos danosos nos mecanismos de exclusão e autorização de determinados sujeitos na nossa sociedade, baseados em uma diferenciação sexual. Eu emerjo desta dissertação não só mais capaz de engajar livros, autores e literaturas, mas compreendendo melhor e sendo mais atenta ao meu próprio desejo de saber e os mecanismos de exclusão vigentes no nosso mundo. / [en] This dissertation expresses and narrates my struggle to grapple with my own desire of knowing, its impossibility, and the connections between power and claims to truth in those – people and narratives – authorized by claims to know. I chose the particular process of subject formation as understood by the psychoanalytical theory developed by Jacques Lacan – in his return to Freud – and the social contract theory of Thomas Hobbes. This process of subject formation is one I understand, rooted in the thought of Judith Butler, as a co-constitutive and codependent relationship, where no subject can emerge unless subjected by power, and power can only exist as the effects of authorization of certain subjects. The particular path through which I have been able to do this has been through the exploration, first, of a certain structuring character language has both in lacanian psychoanalytical theory and in the hobbesian political treatise. This allowed me to take one step further into analyzing how the neurotic subject and the social contract subject emerge and understand them as one and the same. So then I could be able to follow Lacan s exploration of subject formation in the device of the Name-of-the-Father, hoping it would make me understand a particular investment of the social contract theory subject in paternal authority. I chose to close this dissertation, then, not confirming and reiterating the movement I have been able to find and develop, but with a critique of the heteronormative, phallocentric model in which much of psychoanalytical theory is rooted in, and its damaging effects on the mechanisms of exclusion and authorization of subjects in our society, as based on sexual difference. I have emerged from this dissertation not only smarter from the books I have read and literature I have engaged with, but wiser in my own inquiries and desire to have access and know how the world works.

In this dissertation research, I try to deepen the understanding of the logic and history behind science of science policy approaches and to substitute for this scientific evidence-based science policy model an evidence-critical and -informed model in which scientific and democratic claims are promoted simultaneously. Science of science policy, or what I call the scientizing science policy (SSP) discourse, is a strategic response of science policy community members to the following two socio-political developments: the government performance management reform movement and a new social contract of science. These two developments have motivated the science policy community to construct new science R&D management strategies that make science R&D investment more effective and economically beneficial than before. Former Presidential Science Advisor John Marburger played an important role in articulating an SSP approach at the federal level that opened up a political space for the larger SSP discourse to emerge and take hold. Other heterogeneous science policy community actors, including science agency managers and academic researchers, have also engaged and played major roles in shaping the premises, strategies, and directions that make up the SSP discourse by articulating their own approaches to SSP. The SSP discourse constitutes a series of strategies such as economizing and quantifying R&D investment decisions. In particular, to implement the ideas of performance reform and a new social contract of science in the field of science policy and management, the SSP community members have prioritized the development of data, models, and evidence related to federal R&D investment by funding studies on new scientific data, tools, and quantitative methods through the National Science Foundation (NSF) Science of Science and Innovation Policy (SciSIP) program. Interagency collaboration organized and supported by the Office of Science and Technology Policy (OSTP) is another key feature promoted by the SSP community. Through this research of the rise and development of the SSP discourse, I emphasize the following aspects that are relevant to both science policy practice and research community members. First, the SSP discourse demonstrates the influence of the performance reform movement on science, technology, and innovation policy and R&D management. Second, the SSP discourse has the strong potential to shift science policy makers' focus from planning and implementing to evaluating federal R&D programs. Third, the SSP discourse not only reflects, but also promotes the tendency of public policy makers, politicians, and the public to rely on scientific claims and evidence when they are engaged in discussions or policy decision making processes related to science and technology. Fourth, the SSP discourse alters the balance of authority and influence among science policy actors, including science agency managers, scientists, and executive branch offices in the decision making process on federal R&D priority and investment. Fifth, even though there are conflicts and disagreements among science policy community members on the visions and future of the NSF SciSIP program, the SSP discourse is valuable as a space in which heterogeneous science policy research and practice community members can interact, learn from each other, and collaborate to develop U.S. science, technology, and innovation policy. I conclude by proposing an evidence-critical and -informed science policy in which the SSP discourse contributes to promoting democratic values in the science policy decision process. In particular, the evidence-critical and -informed model focuses on not only using scientific data and evidence when making federal R&D decisions, but also on promoting the democratic and deliberative process in monitoring R&D activities' performance and social outcomes. In this model, I view the public as a legitimate stakeholder for evaluating federal R&D investment. This evidence-informed model can be implemented under the SSP discourse if the new R&D data, models, and tools developed by the NSF SciSIP-funded research are coupled with a new government performance website in which the public can access information about federal R&D activities as well as provide feedback about R&D investments to science policy makers. / Ph. D.

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Poverty and inequality remain high in South Africa. Social grants are a mechanism implemented by the government to eradicate poverty. Post-apartheid South Africa has achieved significant transformation to adjust the ills imposed by the previous administration. Part of this transformation includes the transformation of the public service to render services effectively, efficiently and ethically. The focus of this study was to investigate how the administration of the Old Age Grants influences the livelihoods of beneficiaries in the Kgautswane rural community. Policy without effective, efficient and ethical implementation is as much use as none at all. The study investigated how policies of social security are implemented by people into practices that influence the quality of lives of beneficiaries. In the past, the use of grants was constrained by the complexity of the application process and onerous documentation requirements. This meant that many of those eligible for grants were not receiving them. Application was also complicated by the fact that the Department of Social Development, responsible for the administration of the grants, had inadequate capacity. In recognition of these constraints, the government endeavoured to simplify the grant administration process by establishing South African Social Security Agency (SASSA), an agency that is responsible for administering social grants. The Department of Social Development retained responsibility for policy development. Alleviating poverty will remain a key challenge for government. Social welfare is a necessity for South Africa as developmental state, but this implies that there is a need for a concerted effort by government to ensure the appropriate administration of this system to the benefit of the country, including the tax payers who fund the system. Beneficiaries remain dependent on the system for their continued livelihood, and the effective, efficient and ethical administration of the system will contribute to the development of a capable state, able to sustain the social contract with its citizens. / M Development and Management, North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2015