Nas últimas décadas surgiram diversas doutrinas sobre possíveis evoluções do constitucionalismo, impulsionadas pelos processos de globalização, regionalização e transnacionalização. Partindo da ideia de crise do Estado moderno e crise da soberania, doutrinadores nacionais e estrangeiros desenvolvem teorias sobre um constitucionalismo sem Estado e sem Constituição, múltiplos constitucionalismos convivendo sem relação hierárquica entre eles. Assim, a partir da análise dos conceitos clássicos e das principais doutrinas sobre as diferentes formas de aproximação entre o direito constitucional e o direito internacional, procura-se avaliar o impacto real da globalização no Estado moderno, em especial para a soberania nacional e o direito constitucional. Busca-se demonstrar que ainda há lugar para a soberania. / In recent decades, various doctrines about possible developments of constitutionalism emerged, driven by the process of globalization, regionalization and transnationalization. Starting from the idea of the modern State crisis and sovereignty crisis, domestic and foreign scholars develop theories over a constitutionalism without a state or constitution, multiple constitutionalism coexisting with no hierarchical relationship between them. Thus, from the analysis of classical concepts and the main doctrines about the different ways of approaching the constitutional law and international law, seeks to assess the real impact of globalization in the modern State, especially for national sovereignty and constitutional law. It is quite evident that there is still room for sovereignty.

Submitted by Patrícia Valim Labres de Freitas (patricial) on 2016-03-29T18:01:18Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Joel Decothé Junior_.pdf: 982577 bytes, checksum: 4e6270b56707e0b795219fd4cf1fc182 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-29T18:01:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Joel Decothé Junior_.pdf: 982577 bytes, checksum: 4e6270b56707e0b795219fd4cf1fc182 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-01-05 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Neste trabalho dissertativo de mestrado buscamos investigar, a partir do pensamento arqueogenealógico de Giorgio Agamben, os contornos configurativos das influências teológicas que o poder foi ganhando ao se constituir numa maquinaria bipolar de soberania-governo no mundo ocidental. A pesquisa inicia com uma leitura da noção de anarquia da lei no estado de exceção como algo que está no cerne das investigações político-filosóficas de Agamben. Logo em seguida, tangencia o problema da bipolaridade na relação entre reino e governo diante da articulação que este mantém com a estrutura da maquinaria de governo. Dando sequência a esta investigação, buscamos cotejar o problema da governamentalidade teocêntrica e a noção de liberdade permissiva que esta concede à potência de ação que o ser humano carrega consigo no âmbito das possibilidades de intervenção no mundo. Outra questão que se faz relevante é a do mistério governamental presente no limiar das relações estabelecidas entre a teologia e a política. Neste horizonte, o problema da governança político-teológica no Ocidente é burilado tendo em vista uma melhor compreensão do problema da gestão da vida e das coisas. Esta asserção nos remete ao conceito agambeniano de dois paradigmas, a saber, o da teologia política e o da teologia econômica que são centrais na constituição de sua genealogia teológica da economia e do governo. Isto implica no estatuto teológico da economia e em seus desdobramentos constitutivos no que tange ao operar do Estado moderno. O desembocar desta questão se dirige para dentro da aporia personificada na noção de secularização que se estabelece na tensão entre as categorias de messianismo e soberania. Esta ideia forte opera no sentido de termos que consequentemente cotejar numa espécie de correlação epistemológica às categorias de messianismo e resto em seu prisma político. Como fundamentação epistêmica relevante gerada a partir desta noção correlativa, nos deparamos com a bipolaridade genealógica da soberania e governo no limiar entre o ser e a práxis econômica. Na genealogia de Agamben observamos a instauração de uma fratura operada pela teologia cristã entre o ser e o agir no cerne da natureza divina que se ergue como algo que nos dirige para dentro do problema do governo providente da liberdade humana e as conexões resultantes desta fratura teológica nas reais implicações existentes entre a soberania política e a práxis governamental. Por fim, tratamos do problema da crítica que Agamben tece à democracia como governamentalidade das massas e ao dispositivo da glória como legitimação da soberania moderna imanente as sociedades do espetáculo operadas pela máquina governamental de poder biopolítico que opera por meio das aclamações e do consenso das massas em gestão programada pelos meios midiáticos com o seu poder de persuasão e estabelecimento dos consensos no seio das democracias contemporâneas. / In this work we seek to investigate masters argumentative, from the arqueogenealógico thought of Giorgio Agamben, outlines the theological influences and or config that power was winning to become a bipolar-sovereignty government machinery in the western world. Therefore, we continue with our reasoning by a reading of the law notion of anarchy in the state of exception as something that is at the heart of the philosophical investigations of political Agamben along its extensive project Homo Sacer. Soon after, we give attention to the problem of bipolarity in the relationship between the kingdom and government on the joint that it has with the government machinery of the structure. Continuing this research, we seek to collate the problems concerning God-centered governmentality and the difficulty inherent in the idea of permissive freedom that this gives the power of action that the human being carries within operative intervention possibilities in the world. Another issue that we consider important and that we approach here is the government this mystery at the threshold of the links between theology and politics. Against this background, the problem of political-theological governance in the West is hulled towards a better understanding of the complex reasons involving the management of life and things. This statement brings us to the concept of agambeniano two paradigms that are, namely, the political theology and the economic theology. These paradigms are central to the creation of a theological genealogy of the economy and government. This implies the theological status of the economy and its constituent developments regarding the operation of the modern state in their calculations management of life. The culminate this issue goes into the stalemate embodied in the notion of secularization that is established in the tension between the categories of messianism and sovereignty. This strong idea operates in the sense of having to collate consequently a kind of epistemological correrelação the categories of messianism and rest in their political prism. How relevant epistemic justification generated from this corollary notion, we face the bipolarity family of sovereignty and government in the current threshold between being and economic praxis. In the genealogy of sovereignty and Agamben government noted the establishment of a fracture operated by Christian theology between being and act at the heart of the divine nature which stands as something that drives us into the government's problem provident of human freedom and resulting connections of this theological fracture in real implications existing between political sovereignty and economic government practice. Finally, we deal witht the problem of criticism that Agamben weaves democracy as governmentality of the masses and the glory of the device as legitimization of modern sovereignty inherent spectacle of societies operated by the state machine of biopolitical power that operates through the cheers and the masses consensus promoted by media means with its power of persuasion and establishment of consensus within the contemporary democracies.

Hopi traditional songs or taatawi are more than aesthetic objects; they are sound-based expressions of Hopi authority. As I argue in this dissertation, creating, performing, circulating, and remembering taatawi are what we might call acts of sonic sovereignty: a mode of authority articulated within ongoing, sound-based networks that include Hopi people, plants, weather systems, land, and other living things within Hopi territories. I begin by exploring the generative process through which taatawi do their connective work, which includes long-term collaborations between yeeyewat (composers) and environmental actors that establish a collective vision of prosperity that is realized when these songs are performed. Hopi composer Clark Tenakhongva’s taatawi performances during Grand Canyon National Park’s Centennial (a Hopi sacred space currently controlled by settler governments) exemplify the ways Hopi people are actively using taatawi to (re)assert Hopi relations to colonized territories. Because taatawi are closely tied to Hopi relations to one another and the land, and sometimes contain specialized forms of knowledge held closely by Hopi clans and ceremonial societies, their ownership and circulation remains of vital concern to Hopi people. Laura Boulton’s recording of Hopi singers Dan Qötshongva, Thomas Bahnaqya and David Monongye in the Summer of 1940, and the travels of those recordings afterwards, show us the complex politics of Hopi song circulation in the early Twentieth Century up through the present, and how settler cultural and intellectual property laws provide only limited possibilities for indigenous groups seeking to bring their ancestors’ voices back under their control. And even if tribes could reclaim taatawi under settler property laws, these laws require physical and conceptual transformations that effectively sever them from the networks of relations from which they were created. To better support Hopi sonic sovereignty going forward, I offer brief sketches for three potential interventions: (1) an indigenous works amendment to the United States Copyright Act; (2) the use of indigenized licensing frameworks to embed indigenous protocols into the governance and circulation of indigenous creative works both on and off indigenous lands; and (3) establishing a right to indigenous care, similar to Europe’s right to forget, whereby our ancestors’ voices can be subject to indigenous care rather than preserved anonymously and perpetually as archival objects. My hope is that these will allow indigenous communities to better assert and maintain control over their modes of sonic sovereignty despite the increasing colonization of the sonic world by global intellectual property regimes.

O conceito de soberania alimentar surgiu após outros conceitos acerca das questões alimentares. Um deles é o conceito de segurança alimentar que após a II Guerra Mundial já trazia à tona critérios ditos como essenciais para uma alimentação digna e correta. No entanto, ainda não se falava tanto da influência da liberdade e dos modelos de produção da agricultura, que vieram a fazer parte da pauta de discussões mundiais sobre alimentação, principalmente a partir da década de 1990, período em que a partir de inúmeras discussões e propostas de movimentos sociais, foi criado o conceito de soberania alimentar. Tal conceito foi baseado no fato de que todos os indivíduos, comunidades, povos e países possuem o direito de definir suas próprias políticas da agricultura, do trabalho, do alimento e da terra. Sendo assim, o conceito de soberania alimentar chamou atenção para outras questões além da qualidade dos alimentos e por este motivo o conceito ganhou e vem ganhando grandes conotações nas cúpulas de discussões mundiais sobre alimentação. Deste modo, a presente pesquisa teve por objetivo analisar e avaliar a tratativa do conceito de soberania alimentar e suas implicações no âmbito da gestão do programa de alimentação escolar do município de Piracicaba-PNAE (SP), analisar a existência (ou não) de articulação entre o programa de alimentação escolar do município e o Programa Nacional de Fortalecimento da Agricultura Familiar (PRONAF) e identificar e analisar as deliberações do Conselho de Alimentação Escolar (CAE) face ao conceito de soberania alimentar. Para isso, foram realizadas pesquisas bibliográficas, análise documental e entrevistas semi-estruturadas para atingir os objetivos da pesquisa. Com base nas metodologias desenvolvidas, foi possível verificar que o conceito de soberania alimentar é pouca explorado e inserido no PNAE, ainda que seja encontrado nas falas dos gestores e alguns documentos relacionados ao programa. Um grande desafio para a efetiva incorporação da soberania alimentar no PNAE é a diversidade de atores e setores que envolvem a sua gestão. Quanto ao PRONAF e o CAE pode-se concluir que para o CAE, visa-se a necessidade de projetos contínuos e mais atrelados às necessidades de gestão e operacionalização do PNAE e no que tange ao PRONAF observou-se que para aumento da parceria entre o PNAE e os agricultores familiares, constatou-se a necessidade de se realizar ajustes nas leis do PRONAF, que aproxime e promova as parcerias entre as duas políticas e consequentemente beneficie os beneficiários. / The concept of food sovereignty came after other concepts about food issues. One is the concept of food security which have brought to be an essential criterion for a dignified and proper nutrition after World War II. However, still not talked so much the influence of freedom and agricultural production models, which became part of the agenda of global discussions on food, mainly from the 1990s, during which from numerous discussions and proposals of social movements, the concept of food sovereignty was created. The concept looked on the fact that all individuals, communities, peoples and countries have the right to set their own policies on agriculture, labor, food and land. Thus, the concept of food sovereignty has drawn attention to issues other than food quality and for this reason the concept won and still gaining great connotations in the summits of global discussions about food. Thus, this study aimed to analyze and evaluate the dealings of the concept of food sovereignty and its implications in the management of the school feeding program in the city of Piracicaba-PNAE (SP), analyze the existence (or not) of articulation between the school feeding program of the municipality and the National Program for Strengthening Family Agriculture (PRONAF) and identify and analyze the decisions of the School Feeding Council (CAE) to the concept of food sovereignty. For this, were realized literature searches, document analysis and semi-structured interviews to achieve the research objectives. Based on the methodologies developed, it found that the concept of food sovereignty is little explored and inserted in PNAE, although it is found in the statements of managers and some documents related to the program. The biggest challenge for the effective incorporation of food sovereignty in the PNAE is the diversity of actors and sectors involving management. As for the PRONAF and CAE can be concluded that for CAE, the objective is the need for continuous projects and more linked to the needs of management and operation of PNAE and in relation to PRONAF was observed that to increase the partnership between PNAE and family farmers, there was the need to make adjustments in the laws of PRONAF, that approach and promote partnerships between the two policies and consequently benefit the beneficiaries.

Modern states are committed to the implicit assumption that one generation has the normative power to bind later generations through laws and contracts. My dissertation explores this assumption through two case studies: constitutions and sovereign debt contracts. I show that in both cases the assumption of transgenerational binding shapes the legal practices and doctrines of modern states. It informs, for instance, the ratification of eternity clauses, the interpretation of constitutions, and the doctrines of sovereign immunity and odious debt. But although these practices of transgenerational binding are prevalent in modern states, they stand in tension, I argue, with the liberal moral commitments of these states. Liberals are committed to moral individualism, according to which only individual human beings (and some nonhuman animals) are moral persons. Moral individualism, I show, is incompatible with the assumption of transgenerational binding and its accompanying practices and doctrines. By contrast, moral statism, according to which states themselves are moral persons, can easily justify those transgenerational practice. But moral statist justifications are illiberal because they assign states intrinsic moral status above and beyond individual human beings. I argue that liberals must engage in revisionism whichever theory of political obligation they pick - whether it is a theory of agreement, restitution, justice, reciprocity, or instrumentalism. If liberals assume moral individualism and combine it with any of these theories, they will be forced either to declare some transgenerational practices and doctrines illegitimate or to revise the justification and scope of transgenerational binding in light of instrumentalism. If liberals choose moral statism, they will be able to justify the transgenerational doctrines and practices of constitutions and sovereign debt contracts - but only at the cost of illiberalism. The dissertation's analysis thus shows that liberals face a trilemma between illegitimacy, instrumentalism, and illiberalism.

Accounting for indigenous forms of sovereignty poses difficult problems for the discipline of International Relations, which is framed by the story of the modern, territorial European state. Most attempts to conceptualize Aboriginal nations in the international system confirm the modern state as the benchmark for sovereignty. In this dissertation I address the problem of how to incorporate Aboriginal peoples into IR without granting the modern European state as the only legitimate form of sovereignty. I proceed through an examination of key moments in the European colonization of the Americas, from first contact through the geographic isolation of indigenous peoples onto reservations. In each case it is demonstrated that the assumption of “formal” sovereignty – based on recognition, and with insufficient regard for historical context – underpinning conventional IR accounts of colonialism is inadequate to theorize colonialism. I argue that colonialism is not a story of political-legal recognition (sovereignty), but of politicaleconomic social relations – specifically the appropriation of land (property). My contribution to the discipline is two-fold. First, I contribute to a richer understanding of sovereignty. Establishing sovereignty over territory in the New World allowed the English (and then American) state to set the legal, political and cultural framework for the private acquisition of land. Second, rather than using indigenous nations only as a foil for modern sovereignty, or as victims in a narrative of colonial domination, I make the case for incorporating the political agency of Indigenous communities into IR's account of colonialism. Far from the passive victims implied by conventional IR, they were central to a dynamic history of resistance and compromise, and their interactions with Europeans shaped modern sovereignty in lasting ways.

Relying on interviews of Indian rights lawyers as well as archival research, this collective history excavates a missing page in the history of the modern tribal sovereignty movement. At a time when vocal Native American political protests were raging from Washington State, to Alcatraz Island, to Washington, D.C., a small group of newly graduated lawyers started quietly resurrecting Indian rights through the law. Between 1964 and 1974, these non-Indian and Native American lawyers litigated on behalf of Indians, established legal assistance programs as part of the War on Poverty efforts to provide American citizens with equal access to a better life, and founded institutions to support the protection of tribal rights. In the process, they would also inadvertently create both a profession and an academic field—Indian law as we know it today—which has since attracted an increasing number of lawyers, including Native Americans. This story is an attempt at reconstituting a major dimension of the rise of tribal sovereignty in the postwar era, one that has until now remained in the shadows of history: how Indian rights, considered obsolete until the 1960s, gained legitimacy by seizing a series of opportunities made available in part through ‘accidents’ of history. The work done by this new generation of Indian rights lawyers between the mid-1960s and the mid-1970s recast definitions of tribal sovereignty in Indian Country as well as the practice and teaching of Indian law. At its core, this project seeks to realize three aspirations: First, to explain where Native American rights come from and how they interact, engage, and fit in with American law; second, to dissect the uses and limitations of law as an avenue for the pursuit of social justice; and third, to probe the question of whether the United States can function as a plural state capable of hosting multiple visions of politics, law, and culture.

A soberania já foi conceituada de diversos modos ao longo da história. Apesar disso, não deixou de ser a categoria mais elementar do direito internacional; expressando o fundamento de atuação dos Estados, foi através da soberania que o direito internacional se desenvolveu do Século XVII até os dias de hoje. Isso evidencia uma distinção entre o conteúdo da soberania, quer dizer, o seu modo de manifestação, o seu conceito, que se altera em cada período histórico, de um lado, e, do outro, a forma jurídica internacional expressa pela soberania, que se mantém intacta e que existe independentemente do conteúdo que lhe é dado, quer dizer, o lugar que ela ocupa no direito internacional. Através da análise do conceito de soberania fornecido por três autores clássicos de diferentes períodos históricos Hugo Grotius, Pasquale Mancini e Hans Kelsen o presente trabalho tem por objetivo demonstrar o caráter ideológico de cada teoria e, conseqüentemente, sua inexatidão. Para fazê-lo, foi adotado o método materialista dialético, através do qual a produção de idéias por parte do homem deve ser observada nos limites das suas condições de existência e as idéias produzidas como um reflexo consciente do mundo real. Cuida-se, assim, de observar o direito de superioridade afirmado por Grotius nos limites das condições de existência humana que se alteravam com a transição do feudalismo para capitalismo, e extrai-se o seu sentido da luta entre a Igreja e os monarcas que iam centralizando sob si o poder. Da mesma forma, observa-se o direito de nacionalidade de Mancini sob as condições de existência propiciadas pelo amadurecimento das classes sociais do capitalismo na Europa Ocidental como fruto da Revolução Industrial, extraindo-se seu sentido das lutas revolucionárias por libertação nacional que ali se desenrolavam. O caráter essencialmente limitado da soberania de Kelsen, enfim, será observado no contexto da passagem do capitalismo para sua época imperialista, como um reflexo consciente dos desenvolvimentos experimentados pelo direito internacional no fim do Século XIX e início do Século XX, após a Primeira Guerra Mundial. Assim, além de demonstrar o caráter ideológico e a inexatidão dos conceitos mencionados, busca-se demonstrar que o conteúdo da soberania em cada período histórico analisado encontra sua razão de ser na correspondente fase de desenvolvimento do capitalismo e que a forma jurídica soberania, isto é, o lugar que ela ocupa no direito internacional, é determinado pela necessidade do capitalismo de um instrumento de força que assegure a acumulação de capital, o Estado soberano. / Sovereignty has been conceptualized in various ways throughout history. Despite this, it remains the most basic category of international law; expressing the acting plea of States, it was through the sovereignty that international law has developed since 17th century until the present day. This shows a distinction between sovereigntys content, I mean, its mode of manifestation, its concept, that changes in each historical period, of the one part, and, the other, international legal form expressed by sovereignty, which remains intact and that exists independently of content given, I mean, the place it occupies in international law. Through the analysis of sovereignty concept provided by three classical authors from different historical periods Hugo Grotius, Pasquale Mancini and Hans Kelsen this work aims to demonstrate the ideological character of each theory and, consequently, its inaccuracy. To do so, it was adopted the materialistic dialectical method, through which the production of ideas by the man should be observed within the limits of his existences conditions and ideas produced as a conscious reflex of the real world. So, the right of superiority claimed by Grotius is observed within the limits of human existence conditions that was changing with the transition from feudalism to capitalism, and its meaning is extracted from the struggle between the Church and the monarchs who were centralizing power under themselves. Similarly, the nationality right of Mancini is observed under the existence conditions offered by the maturing of social classes of capitalism in Western Europe as a result of the Industrial Revolution, and its meaning is extracted from revolutionary struggles for national liberation that unfolded there. The essentially limited character of the sovereignty of Kelsen, in turn, is observed in the context of transition to imperialist era of capitalism, as a conscious reflex of developments experienced by international law in the late 19th and early 20th century, after the First World War. Thus, in addition to demonstrate the ideological character and the inaccuracy of the mentioned concepts, its aimed to demonstrate that the content of sovereignty in each historical period analyzed finds its reason for being on the corresponding stage of capitalism development and that sovereignty legal form, i.e. the place it occupies in international law, is determined by the need of capitalism for an instrument which ensures the accumulation of capital, the sovereign State.

Esta dissertação tem como objetivo analisar as políticas públicas de desenvolvimento rural no Brasil e na Argentina sob o prisma da nova concepção de ruralidade e de desenvolvimento rural, e, ainda, discuti-las a partir do conceito de soberania alimentar. Para tanto foram analisadas as políticas públicas em vigência no ano de 2010. Observa-se a partir dos anos 1990 a emergência de uma nova concepção de rural e de ruralidade, que deixam de ser compreendidos como setor produtivo ou como área de pobreza para serem encarados como um ambiente com amplas e diversificadas possibilidades de desenvolvimento. Esta nova concepção de rural influenciou diretamente o conceito de desenvolvimento rural, que aos poucos começa a deixar o traço setorial para assumir novos contornos, com destacado enfoque para o território. As políticas analisadas nesta dissertação surgem, em grande medida, sob a influência dessas novas concepções. Analisou-se ainda a relação de tais políticas com os conceitos de segurança e soberania alimentar, observando-se a operacionalização dos mesmos no interior das políticas analisadas. / This thesis has the aim to analyse the public policies of rural development, in both Brazil and Argentina, through the prism of the new conception of rurality and rural development, discussing them since the concept of food sovereignty. The public policies in progress in the year of 2010 were examined. Since the 1990s, its notorious the rise of a new rural and rurality conception that are no longer comprehended as productive sector or poverty area but as an environment with extensive and diversified development possibilities. This new rural conception influenced directly the rural developments concept that gradually starts to leave the sectorial trait to assume new features, with significant focus on the territory. The policies analysed in this thesis emerge, under the influence of these new conceptions. There was also analysed the relation between such policies and concepts of security and food sovereignty, watching its operationalization in the core of the studied policies.

A Organização das Nações Unidas (ONU) foi criada com o objetivo precípuo de assegurar e promover a paz mundial. Em mais de 60 anos de existência, a Organização ainda não logrou implementar a força militar permanente (ver artigo 47, parágrafo 3º da Carta da ONU) que seria a principal encarregada pela consecução desse objetivo por intermédio da coordenação da Comissão de Estado Maior. O fato de não ter constituído a referida força não significou a paralisação da ONU nos assuntos concernentes à paz. Demonstrando grande poder de adaptação, a Organização implementou as Missões de Paz, embora estas não existam oficialmente em seu estatutos. As missões de paz da ONU são a face mais visível do trabalho da Organização na promoção da paz mundial. Em 58 anos de existência, essas missões têm evoluído em quantidade e complexidade, exigindo, cada vez mais, recursos materiais e humanos. Em 1999, o estabelecimento da Missão de Paz no Timor Leste chamou a atenção da comunidade internacional por diversos motivos. Àquela época, a Instituição passava por uma crise de credibilidade provocada pela sua inação nos episódios inicias do Kosovo naquele mesmo ano. Não obstante, logrou desenvolver no Timor Leste a mais bem sucedida missão de paz jamais estabelecida em qualquer outra época de sua história. No Timor, a ONU assumiu todas as funções de governo a fim de ali desenvolver as bases necessárias ao nascimento de um Estado. Este estudo tem por finalidade fazer uma análise de todo esse processo, ressaltando a importância e o significado que essa missão teve no contexto das operações de paz das Nações Unidas. / The United Nations (UN) was created with the primary purpose of ensuring and promoting world peace. In over 60 years of existence, the Organization has not yet succeeded in implementing a permanent military force (see article 47, paragraph 3 of the UN Charter) that would be the main responsible for the attainment of this goal, acting under the coordination of the Military Staff Committee. The fact that the UN failed to constitute the aforesaid force does not mean it is inert when it comes to subjects concerning peace. Demonstrating a great power of adaptation, the Organization implemented the Peacekeeping Missions, although these do not officially exist in its statutes. The UN Peacekeeping Missions are the most visible face of the Organization’s work towards the promotion of world peace. In 58 years of existence, these missions have been evolving in quantity and complexity, increasingly demanding material and human resources. In 1999, the establishment of the Peacekeeping Mission in East Timor called the attention of the international community for a range of reasons. By that time, the Institution was undergoing a crisis of confidence due to its inaction in the early episodes of Kosovo that very year. Still, it managed to develop in East Timor the most successful peacekeeping mission ever established in its history. In Timor, the UN also took over all the government functions in order to develop there the necessary bases for the birth of a State. This study aims at analyzing this whole process, stressing the importance and meaning that this mission had within the context of the UN peacekeeping operations.