No description available.

Objective: The primary objective of this study was to describe the prevalence of stalking victimization among a randomly selected sample of female and male undergraduate students. We examined the proportion of relationship violence victimization due to stalking and the co-occurrence between stalking and three additional forms of victimization (physical, sexual, and emotional violence). Design: Cross-sectional, self-administered, anonymous paper and pencil survey. Setting: Three urban colleges. Participants: 910 female and male undergraduate students attending randomly selected classes on the days of survey administration. Outcome Measures: Experience with stalking victimization and co-occurrence of physical, sexual, and emotional victimization since coming to college. Results: Over half the survey respondents were female (57.1%). Nearly one-third of students reported experiencing any victimization (physical, sexual, emotional, and/or stalking) since coming to college. Stalking was the most frequently reported form of victimization (16.0%). Of the students reporting any victimization since coming to college, 29.7% experienced only stalking victimization and would not have been identified had stalking victimization not been assessed. A majority of stalking victims (59.6%) reported no co-occurring forms of victimization. Among stalking victims who reported at least one additional form of victimization, 57.6% reported both stalking and emotional victimization, 49.2% reported both stalking and sexual victimization, and 27.1% reported both stalking and physical victimization. Although most stalking (41.1%) was perpetrated by individuals known to the victim, such as friends, the perpetrators identified were less frequently (13.7%) intimate or romantic partners. Women were more likely than men to report stalking victimization (22.1% vs. 7.9%, p<0.001). Conclusions: Stalking was the most frequently reported form of victimization experienced since coming to college. Stalking may represent a unique component of relationship violence, as nearly 60% of students who reported stalking reported no other co-occurring forms of victimization (physical, sexual, or emotional). Further, stalking victims primarily reported that the perpetrator was someone known to them, although not necessarily an intimate partner. Awareness of stalking among those providing care for and resources to adolescents and young adults is critical to improving the safety and well-being of those affected. / Public Health

Although Chris Kraus's I Love Dick has been largely read as autofictional or autotheoretical, I argue that its formal characteristics and innovations can be better understood by looking at seventeenth- and eighteenth-century precedents in the amatory epistolary genre. By examining the formal constraints that belong to the epistolary medium Kraus employed—requirements such as the "I" of the writer, the "you" of the receiver, and a desire for exchange—I show how she deploys epistolary tropes such as the woman in love as natural writer of letters, and the assumed truthful nature of such letters. These epistolary affordances and the ways in which I Love Dick uses and in part revises them allow Kraus to blur the line between reality and fiction, but more importantly allow her to achieve an expansion of the "I" of the writer through what I call her stalking method of writing. It is precisely in the process of writing and in the concomitant minimizing and objectifying of the "you" of the receiver that the expansion of the "I" occurs. / Master of Arts / Chris Kraus's first novel I Love Dick was published by Semiotext(e)'s Native Agent series in 1997, but it was upon its second edition in 2006, and after a television adaptation by Jill Soloway in 2017, that the novel found a larger audience. Since then, critics have mainly discussed I Love Dick in relation to the genre of autotheory and autofiction, and called it the urtext for a certain kind of North American female writing that relies heavily on real, personal experiences that undergo varying degrees of fictionalization. While these are valuable interpretations, my research aims to correct an oversight in the current discourse around I Love Dick. By situating the novel within the tradition of love letter writing in the female voice, I show how I Love Dick employs and revises the affordances of the epistolary medium in general, and of the amatory epistolary genre in particular. Through a close analysis both of I Love Dick and of other lesser-known essays and interviews, as well as an analysis of Kraus's precedents, both in the Native Agent's series that she edited in the 1990s and in the seventeenth- and eighteenth-century amatory epistolary fiction, I reveal paradoxes that ultimately make I Love Dick a complex and ambiguous novel that defies simple categorizations.

No / In the past two decades, the Internet has been an integral part of our daily lives. The dependency on the Internet and having unlimited access to modern communication systems has brought numerous benefits for users worldwide. However, as a double-edged sword, such systems has also generated a high degree of risk of victimisation from a myriad of cybercrimes, including cyberstalking. Evidence has indicated that cyberstalking has led to more heinous crimes such as cyber fraud and cyber defamation through data mining and social engineering. Moreover, severe repercussion occurs when the crime transcends into the real world which results in rape and even murder. Given the severe impacts of cyberstalking and the nature of such crime in other Western countries, the perception of the law's adequacy remains vague in the current Malaysian legal landscape. Hence, this paper aims at examining the perception of the criminalisation of cyberstalking in Malaysia, the various motives of cyberstalkers in the commission of such crime and the protection afforded to victims of cyberstalking. The paper will also discuss the legal response to cyberstalking in the United Kingdom and European Union focusing on how these countries govern such crime within their jurisdiction. This paper adopts a qualitative methodology, of which the primary data is generated from semi-structured interviews with the relevant stakeholders and victims. The secondary data are the Communications and Multimedia Act 1998, the Penal Code, books, academic journals, online databases, and other library-based sources. The sampling method in this research is purposive sampling and the qualitative data analysis was conducted through thematic and content analysis, in which the observations and the interview transcripts from the semi-structured interviews were examined. The primary data were triangulated with the semi-structured interview data obtained from an officer from the Ministry of Communication and Multimedia and another officer from the Ministry of Women, Family and Community Development. The findings revealed contradictory views on the effective response of the criminal justice system towards cyberstalking, which explains the under-reporting of such crime. Reports has also highlighted that more than 70 per cent of stalking victims are reluctant to lodge a police report due to the belief that enforcement officers would be unhelpful. The findings highlighted that the under-reporting by victim and under-recording by police combined with frequent unresponsiveness of prosecutors and judges leads to significant barriers for effective criminal justice responses to stalking offences. Also, the motivations of cyberstalkers were evident, such as jealousy and obsession. Furthermore, the stalkers may share traits such as envy, a pathological obsession, including professional or sexual fixation, unemployment or failure with their job or life, and a cruel intention to intimidate or cause others to feel inferior Significantly, the findings illustrate that the current Malaysian legal framework on cyberstalking is deficient in protecting cyberstalking victims, which calls for an urgent need for a review in the Malaysian laws.

Submitted by isabela.moljf@hotmail.com (isabela.moljf@hotmail.com) on 2017-06-08T13:24:23Z No. of bitstreams: 1 natalicedocarmolopes.pdf: 1671359 bytes, checksum: cf51f15b201b468a05961ac35b850c7d (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2017-06-26T18:25:20Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 natalicedocarmolopes.pdf: 1671359 bytes, checksum: cf51f15b201b468a05961ac35b850c7d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-26T18:25:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 natalicedocarmolopes.pdf: 1671359 bytes, checksum: cf51f15b201b468a05961ac35b850c7d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-02-02 / O stalking ou assédio persistente em português, se configura como um tipo de violência interpessoal, caracterizada por formas de contato, assédio e perseguição persistente. Presente em todos os contextos, sua ocorrência se mostra predominante nas relações de intimidade, tendo a mulher como a principal vítima. Diante disso, o presente estudo buscou investigar por meio de entrevistas semiestruturadas, a ocorrência do stalking em mulheres que foram vítimas de Violência Entre Parceiros Íntimos (VPI) e que buscaram ajuda em uma Delegacia de Atendimento Especializado à Mulher no período de março á Julho de 2017. Dentre os comportamentos violentos, estiveram presentes 3 (10%) tentativas de assassinato, 5 (16.6%) fraturas e ameaças de morte 16 (53.3%). Dentre os comportamentos característicos de stalking, se encontraram o controle de comportamentos, como impedir de fazer ou ter coisas 19 (63.3%), perseguir e assediar a vítima na porta do trabalho 8 (26.6%), procurar de forma insistente por meio de ligações 11(36.6%) e monitorar por meio de redes sociais, celular e mensagens 18 (60%). A grande variedade de estratégias usadas pelos stalkers para exercer o controle, perseguir e assediar as vítimas mostram que o stalking se caracteriza pela ocorrência de um conjunto variado de comportamentos e não apenas comportamentos isolados, evidenciando a dificuldade do agressor em manter a distância e aceitar o termino em alguns casos, mostrando a importância de desocultar e reconhecer o stalking nesse contexto, ampliando a discussão para além do âmbito cientifico. / Stalking, know in Portuguese as persistent harassment, shows itself as a kind of interpersonal violence characterized by means of contact, harassment and persistent pursuit. Existing in every social context, his occurrence is predominant in relations of intimacy, being the woman his primary victim. In this light, the present study tried to investigate, utilizing semi-structured interviews, the occurrence of stalking in women victims of Violence between Intimate Partners (VIP) who sought help in a specialized police station for women (Delegacia de Atendimento Especializado à Mulher). Among the violent behaviors are observed 3 (10%) attempts of murder, 5 (16.6%) fractures and 16 (53.3%) death threats. Among the characteristic stalking behavior are observed behavioral control, like the preventing of doing or owning things by the victim, in 19 cases (63.3%), pursuit and harassment in the workplace in 8 (26,6%) cases, insistent telephone contact in 11 (36,6%) cases and monitoring by social network and cell phone messages in 18 (60%) cases. The great variety of strategies used by the stalkers to control, pursuit and harass the victims shows that stalking is characterized by the occurrence of a varied set of behaviors, not just isolated actions, demonstrating the difficult situation of the aggressor for coming to terms with the end of his relationship and to keep distance of his ex-partner in some cases. This exhibit the importance of bringing to light and recognize the stalking in these contexts in a way that could help foment the discussion of this phenomena in the scientific circle.

No description available.

Im filmischen Werk des russischen Regisseurs Andrej Tarkowskijs sind an markanten Stellen Spiegel zu sehen. Ein Film trägt sogar den Namen des Objektes. Vom einfachen Spiegel ausgehend wird der Prozess der Spiegelung über verschiedene Abstraktions- und Transformationsstufen ausgearbeitet. Der Spiegel wird als Objekt und Metapher ganz hinter sich gelassen und zur zentralen filmischen Konstruktionsmaschine, dem Kinematographen, entwickelt und theoretisch interpretiert. Hierzu wird von Andrej Tarkowskijs Filmen ausgegangen und von seinen Schriften her das theoretische Instrumentarium erarbeitet, das sich an entscheidenden Stellen mit filmtheoretischen Kategorien von Gilles Deleuze trifft. Der zweite Teil dokumentiert die theatralische Umsetzung des nicht realisierten Szenarios "Hoffmanniana" von Andrej Tarkowskij in dessen Zentrum ein Spiegel steht. Hierzu wird der literarische Text im Zusammenhang des tarkowskijschen Filmwerkes als "Kinotext" interpretiert, d.h. auf seine kinematographischen Konstruktionselemente hin gelesen, "gesehen" und "gehört". / Films from Russian director Andrei Tarkovski often present mirors in various situations. One of his films is even named "The mirror". The reflection process starts from a simple mirror up to many levels of abstraction and transformation. Beyond mirrors as mere objects, or simple metaphors, the tarkovskian concept of "construction-machine" of cinema (i.e. the cinematographe) is described. Additionnal theoretical elements of my work are based on Andrei Tarkovskies films and many writings; they will coincide with the film theory of French philosopher Gilles Deleuze. Another part of this work deals with the staged version of "Hoffmanniana" (script by Tarkovski, the film was was never shot) tha I directed: The poetic scenario is seen through Andrei Tarkovskies other films, considered as "film material2 and analysed in terms of visual and musical elements.

Submitted by Caroline Xavier (caroline.xavier@pucrs.br) on 2017-04-11T15:08:47Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DIS_BRUNO_MARTINS_DA_COSTA_SILVA_PARCIAL.pdf: 863195 bytes, checksum: ca840b5487382eacd80954374f02003a (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-04-11T15:08:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DIS_BRUNO_MARTINS_DA_COSTA_SILVA_PARCIAL.pdf: 863195 bytes, checksum: ca840b5487382eacd80954374f02003a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-12-15 / Stalking is not a type of conduct in itself, but a complex modus operandi that can be composed by several conducts, included the licit and mundane ones. Motives and objectives can vary. Victims and stalkers include several profiles, enabling multiple dynamics. Begining in 1990?s, stalking is subject of debate, research and legislation in Common Law legal systems. In 1998, Belgium enacted the first anti-stalking law among Civil Law legal systems. Currently, most European countries have anti-stalking laws. In Brazil, there is no data, research or public debate about the subject. Still, stalking was included as a crime in the latest draft of the new Penal Code. The dissertation?s objectives are: defining stalking; presenting how different legal systems deal with the problem; discussing positive and negative aspects of different normative models; and, analyzing the Brazilian Legal System in order to understand: (i) if Brazil needs an anti-stalking law; (ii) which normative model is most suitable to Brazil?s Legal System. The applied method is the hypothetico-deductive. Research started over a central hypothesis: a balanced anti-stalking law needs civil provisions that rule stalking conducts that are between mundane acts and criminal behavior. Research showed that normative models? evolution tend to result in the use or enactment of civil provisions to grant efficiency to anti-stalking laws. In conclusion, it seems that Brazil does not need an antistalking law. In Brazil, tort system is flexible; civil procedures are strong; and criminal law offers several options to neutralize stalking cases. Thus, the normative model could be easily constructed within the current Legal System, without criminalize such a complex phenomenon. / O Stalking n?o ? uma conduta em si, mas sim um complexo modus operandi composto por diversas condutas, incluindo as l?citas e mundanas. Motivos e objetivos podem variar, bem como o perfil de v?timas e perpetradores, possibilitando in?meras din?micas. Desde a d?cada de 1990, o stalking ? tema de debates, pesquisas e legisla??o em sistemas jur?dicos de tradi??o anglo-americana. Em 1998, a B?lgica tornou-se o primeiro sistema jur?dico de tradi??o romano-germ?nica a ter um modelo normativo sobre o tema. Atualmente, a maioria dos pa?ses europeus tem leis de conte?do anti-stalking. No Brasil, n?o h? dados, pesquisa ou debate p?blico sobre o tema. Entretanto, o stalking est? tipificado no anteprojeto de novo C?digo Penal. Os objetivos desta disserta??o s?o: definir o conceito de stalking; apresentar como diferentes sistemas jur?dicos lidam com o problema; analisar os aspectos positivos e negativos de diferentes modelos normativos; e, considerando o sistema jur?dico brasileiro, responder: (i) se o Brasil necessita de uma legisla??o espec?fica; (ii) qual o modelo normativo ? mais apropriado ao sistema jur?dico brasileiro. O m?todo aplicado ? o hipot?ticodedutivo, pois esta disserta??o fundou-se sobre a hip?tese central de um modelo normativo equilibrado sobre o stalking necessitar de instrumentos de direito civil para preencher o espa?o entre a vida cotidiana e as condutas criminosas. Aclarou-se que a evolu??o dos modelos normativos tende a resultar no uso ou elabora??o de medidas inibit?rias e reparat?rias para garantir a sua efici?ncia. Em conclus?o, o sistema jur?dico brasileiro n?o parece precisar de uma nova lei ou dispositivo sobre o tema, pois tem um modelo normativo de responsabilidade civil flex?vel, medidas inibit?rias suficientes e um direito criminal que oferece in?meras op??es para a neutraliza??o dos casos mais violentos. Logo, o modelo normativo sobre stalking pode ser tranquilamente constru?do dentro do sistema jur?dico brasileiro, sem ser necess?rio criminalizar um fen?meno t?o amplo.

[First paragraph of Preface] I set out to write an essay three years ago that started with the line “I always find God in the bathroom—don’t ask me why,” which is entirely true and says so much while explaining so little. Within a page and a half I briefly introduced a scene, a memory,where I had sequestered myself in a toilet stall in the bathroom on my sorority’s dorm floor at Eastern Kentucky University. I mentioned the scenario—I was hiding from a serial rapist who, for some reason, decided I’d be a good target—in just a few paragraphs and moved on as if it had the paltry significance of last week’s soggy newspaper lying under the dog bowl. After all, I only wrote it because it was a required exercise in my first graduate writing class; I was going to write my thesis in fiction.

Emerging research has shown that women and men perceive criminal stalking differently, yet there is little research addressing why these differences exist. For example, mock juror research on intimate stalking has found that men are more likely than women to render lenient judgments (e.g., not-guilty verdicts). Understanding the underlying attitudes associated with differences in how men and women interpret whether certain behaviors would cause reasonable fear is crucial to an evaluation of current anti-stalking legislation. The primary goals of this research were: (1) to examine the extent to which beliefs that support stalking (i.e., stalking myth acceptance – SMA victim blame, SMA flattery, and SMA nuisance) predicted individual trial judgments of men and women, and (2) to test whether endorsement of SMA can be predicted from particular attitudinal correlates (e.g., hostility toward women). Overall, women were more likely than men (N = 360) to render trial judgments (e.g., guilty verdicts) supportive of the victim and were less likely to endorse SMA beliefs. Results also indicated that endorsement of particular SMA beliefs and personal experience (being the victim of and/or knowing a victim) explained why women and men differed on some trial judgments. For example, the odds of rendering a guilty verdict were less for participants who endorsed SMA flattery beliefs. In addition, participants who reported knowing someone who had been a victim were at greater odds of rendering a guilty verdict. Finally, participants who endorsed more traditional gender-role stereotypes were more likely to adhere to SMA beliefs. Results provide insight into the efficacy of current anti-stalking legislation that relies on a juror’s capacity to evaluate an “objective” interpretation (i.e., “reasonable person”) standard of fear for intimate stalking.