Os Tribunais brasileiros consideram inerente à estrutura federativa do Brasil o dever de os Estados-membros e Municípios organizarem-se em simetria à organização políticoinstitucional da União. A investigação busca situar o denominado princípio da simetria no tempo e no espaço, em função de sua origem. Na primeira parte, recupera-se o sentido do ideal federalista tanto no federalismo sócio-natural inspirado em Althusius quanto no federalismo pactista pensado por Montesquieu e realizado pelos Federalistas, a fim de identificar algum indício justificador de um tal princípio da simetria. Na segunda parte, percorre-se a evolução do federalismo brasileiro a partir dos contornos constitucionais da Federação, com o objetivo de precisar o momento em que o princípio da simetria surgiu. Na terceira parte, o princípio da simetria é posto no contexto da ordem constitucional e democrática instituída pela Constituição de 1988. A continuidade da aplicação do princípio da simetria para controlar as normas estaduais é questionada e dois argumentos contra essa prática são apresentados: a autonomia estadual e a indeterminação dos princípios constitucionais. / Brazilian Courts consider inherent to Brazil’s federative structure a duty of both Member States and Municipalities to organise themselves in symmetry to Union’s political and institutional organisation. This research seeks to place the so-called principle of symmetry in space and time, according to their origin. First, it recovers the federal ideal sense both in socio-natural federalism inspired by Althusius as in covenantal federalism thought by Montesquieu and performed by the Federalists, in order to identify any evidence able to justify such a principle of symmetry. Second, it goes through the evolution of Brazilian federalism based on Federation’s constitutional design, with the objective of clarifying the moment in which the principle of symmetry arose. Third, the principle of symmetry is put in contexto with the democratic and constitutional order established by the Constitution of 1988. The continuity in application of the principle of symmetry to review state regulations is questioned and two arguments against this practice are presented: state autonomy and constitutional principles’ indeterminacy.

Os Tribunais brasileiros consideram inerente à estrutura federativa do Brasil o dever de os Estados-membros e Municípios organizarem-se em simetria à organização políticoinstitucional da União. A investigação busca situar o denominado princípio da simetria no tempo e no espaço, em função de sua origem. Na primeira parte, recupera-se o sentido do ideal federalista tanto no federalismo sócio-natural inspirado em Althusius quanto no federalismo pactista pensado por Montesquieu e realizado pelos Federalistas, a fim de identificar algum indício justificador de um tal princípio da simetria. Na segunda parte, percorre-se a evolução do federalismo brasileiro a partir dos contornos constitucionais da Federação, com o objetivo de precisar o momento em que o princípio da simetria surgiu. Na terceira parte, o princípio da simetria é posto no contexto da ordem constitucional e democrática instituída pela Constituição de 1988. A continuidade da aplicação do princípio da simetria para controlar as normas estaduais é questionada e dois argumentos contra essa prática são apresentados: a autonomia estadual e a indeterminação dos princípios constitucionais. / Brazilian Courts consider inherent to Brazil’s federative structure a duty of both Member States and Municipalities to organise themselves in symmetry to Union’s political and institutional organisation. This research seeks to place the so-called principle of symmetry in space and time, according to their origin. First, it recovers the federal ideal sense both in socio-natural federalism inspired by Althusius as in covenantal federalism thought by Montesquieu and performed by the Federalists, in order to identify any evidence able to justify such a principle of symmetry. Second, it goes through the evolution of Brazilian federalism based on Federation’s constitutional design, with the objective of clarifying the moment in which the principle of symmetry arose. Third, the principle of symmetry is put in contexto with the democratic and constitutional order established by the Constitution of 1988. The continuity in application of the principle of symmetry to review state regulations is questioned and two arguments against this practice are presented: state autonomy and constitutional principles’ indeterminacy.

No description available.

<p>This thesis examines the correlation between economic growth and the prevalence of a number of institutions that according to a theory elaborated by economists Christer Gunnarsson and Mauricio Rojas are growth promoting. The economic development and the institutional quality of four African countries, namely Botswana, Zambia, Mozambique and Guinea-Bissau, is examined by comparing index scores for relevant institutional factors. The results show that some correlation between economic growth and the prevalence of the institutions examined can be confirmed, why the theory only gains moderate support. A minor attempt is also made to trace potential correlations between the level of economic equality and the institutions in question, but no correlation is found in this respect.</p>

The Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome (AIDS) caused by the human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) represents one of the biggest challenges facing today's globalized world. Meanwhile, transnational drug companies have strengthened their market positions in developing countries as a result of the Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property (or TRIPS). Patent protection provided by TRIPS has led to higher prices and reduced access to essential medicines. Low- and middle-income countries are under increased pressure to provide expensive life-saving medicines to their citizens. Brazil's AIDS program is deemed successful in reducing morbidity and mortality rates through universal provision of free AIDS medicines. The program's sustainability came under threat as the result of TRIPS, pressures by transnational corporations, and trade threats by the US government. The research question that drove my dissertation centered on the impact of these threats on policy space available to Brazilian government to sustain its universal social program. How has the incorporation of patent protections for drugs affected the ability of local firms to develop pharmaceutical technology and challenged states like Brazil to fulfill social democratic obligations? Under what conditions can a developing country challenge the interests of transnational drug companies? I employed mixed methods for gathering and analyzing data. These included ethnographic field techniques, content analysis, and archival research. My findings are threefold. First, TRIPS has increased the power of foreign firms to secure monopoly positions in Brazil’s drug markets and weakened Brazil's labs to quickly make generic copies of essential medicines. Second, policy space, though curtailed due to external pressures and treaty obligations, expanded through the development of symbolic power, or what I call "reputational dividends," based on a successful social program. Third, by adroitly marketing its banner AIDS program by employing human rights principles, health officials constructed a triple alliance between the state, local private drug manufacturers, and domestic activists tied into transnational advocacy networks. I employ institutional and power analyses to examine the changing sources of power for transnational capital, social movements, and state actors, as well as analyze the impact patent protection has on the ability of Brazilian firms to produce medicines locally. I posit that globalization results in the formation of strong domestic coalitions who are capable of exploiting the "reputational dividends" of a successful social program in order to contest transnational corporate power. This symbolic form of power appears particularly well-disposed for "middle-income" countries that lack the material forms of power held by a global hegemon or transnational corporations. / text

No description available.

過去四十餘年來，政治力一直主導國家發展的方向行政體系尤然。在我國民主政治逐漸成熟，社會日益開放下，威權體制所潛藏的諸多弊端一浮現，行政革新一詞，逐漸成為各界所重視的議題。行政革新(Administration Reform)，就是針對公共行政的運作與政府的能力，有計劃的加以改革、創新而達成發展的目的。同時行政革新亦是社會變遷(Social Change)的一部分，應與社會的脈動相契合。從中央政府遷台以來，我國政治體制歷經剛性威權、柔性威權與民主轉型時期的蛻變，期間亦都有行政革新的推動，而政治力一直主導行政革新的方向。本文旨在探討我國各體制階段行政革新經驗的意涵，解釋行政革新的原因與所蘊含的意義。從理性面、政治力、制度面與社會力的理論探討，配合我國政治發展的實況，建構出本文的研究架構，做為分析、解釋本文的基礎。因為「行政體系不僅被期望完美，亦被期望具有社會性」，所以本文最後除了提出對我國現階段行政革新的具體建議外，更進一步建構出未來行政革新的架構—是理性面、制度面、政治力與社會力四者平衡互動，來共同從事行政革新的努力。

中國自2000年以來，確立發展文化產業的國家戰略，而政策的推動是中國文化產業發展的關鍵。相較於以往中國將文化作為意識形態統治工具，中國文化產業政策具有經濟、文化和社會服務等綜合屬性。因此，本文以北京798藝術區為個案焦點，闡述中國文化產業政策的出台與落實，並以新國家主義理論中「國家能力」與「國家自主性」的概念，探討國家角色在中國文化產業發展過程中的作為與作用。 在北京798藝術區個案中，本文梳理出中國文化產業園區市場化的趨勢，及文化產業園區政府與企業集團的合作管理模式。本文認為文化產業園區的發展，除因全球文化產業風潮催生，也受到國家、企業集團與藝術家各自的意志選擇、能力展現、利益取向和三者互動所影響。 本文透過個案分析，進行對新國家主義的再詮釋，發現國家自主性在文化產業發展中，受制於國際、社會及藝術家壓力，國家能力的實現是利益權衡下的妥協。本文亦認為國家內部存在相異的利益取向，透過政府不同層次的互動，型塑著中國文化產業政策的發展。 / Since 2000, China’s national strategies for the development of the cultural industries have been established, and the key to the development of the cultural industries in China is policy promotion. In the past, culture had been used by China as a tool for the governance with ideology. In comparison, China’s cultural industry policies reflect a comprehensive feature of economics, culture, and social services. Thus, this study focused on the case of the Beijing 798 Art Zone to elaborate the development and implementation of China’s policies regarding the cultural industries, and explore the achievements and influences of the role the country has been playing in the development process of the cultural industries in China based on the concept of “State Capacity” and “State Autonomy” in the Neo-Statism Theory. 　　This study summarized the trend of marketization of cultural industry parks in China and the cultural industry park management model based on the cooperation between the government and enterprise groups and the of through the case of the Beijing 798 Art Zone. This study believed that the development of cultural industry parks is under the influence of not only the wave of cultural industries around the world, but also the interactions among the individual free-will choices, performances of capability, and profit orientations of the country, enterprise groups, and artists. 　　Through the case analyses, this study re-interpreted the Neo-Statism and found that, in the development of the cultural industries, state autonomy is restrained by the pressure from the world, the society, and artists, and the realization of state capability is a compromise of the profit trade-off. This study also believed that the different profit orientations in the country have shaped the development of China’s cultural industry policies through the governments’ interactions of different levels.

This thesis examines the correlation between economic growth and the prevalence of a number of institutions that according to a theory elaborated by economists Christer Gunnarsson and Mauricio Rojas are growth promoting. The economic development and the institutional quality of four African countries, namely Botswana, Zambia, Mozambique and Guinea-Bissau, is examined by comparing index scores for relevant institutional factors. The results show that some correlation between economic growth and the prevalence of the institutions examined can be confirmed, why the theory only gains moderate support. A minor attempt is also made to trace potential correlations between the level of economic equality and the institutions in question, but no correlation is found in this respect.

台灣地區在80年代以後，由於面臨到政治上的解嚴、經濟上的後工業轉型以及社會的多元發展，國家機器不只在統治正當性及政權合法性遭到質疑，原本高度的自主性及強勢的能力也遭逢激烈的挑戰。當很強的國家遇上逐漸增強的民間社會時，國家的內在力量也許仍高，但是自主性降低，國家必須遷就民間社會的偏好，民間社會增加了表達意見的能力，及與國家談判議價的空間，國家機器超然自主於民間社會之上的情況已不復見。 「台北市中山舊橋存廢問題案」正是一個相當典型的個案。本案涉及交通、都市設計及景觀設計、古蹟保存與水利防洪等方面的專業判斷，而民間社會各部門基於自身的專業立場以及利益考量，對於此一問題的意見相當紛歧。再者，中山舊橋的拆遷自規劃至今已歷三任市長，然歷任市府的政策偏好皆不相同，並在後來衍生出中央與地方對於自治權限的認定爭議，更引發了中央與市府官員的公開論戰；總的來說，本案的爭議不僅存在於國家與社會當中，國家機器內部以及民間社會內部亦各自存有歧見。本論文即試圖透過對「台北市中山舊橋存廢問題案」的分析與研究，從國家機器及民間社會在政策偏好的選擇，來瞭解國家機器內部、民間社會內部及國家與社會間三方面的衝突，再經由理論與實務的印證，探討解決這類衝突的可能。 本論文引介80年代興起於西方政治學界，將國家視為獨立變數的新國家主義的研究途徑，運用Nordlinger對於國家自主性類型及策略的分類，來瞭解國家機器在衝突過程當中所扮演的角色，並輔以利益團體的相關理論，藉以對於民間社會內部的衝突提出更具說服力的解釋。 本論文在架構上共分為六章，首章緒論說明本論文研究的動機與目的，並就相關文獻及分析個案作一回顧，最後提出研究架構、研究假設與研究方法。第二章介紹研究途徑---新國家主義，並對於相關基本概念加以界定，再就利益團體的理論作一檢視。第三章從個案中討論國家機器內部的衝突，其重點在於國家機器的政策偏好是如何形成、決定和運作，國家機器之間為何產生偏好上的差異，國家機器內部因偏好差異而形成的衝突應循何種途徑解決。第四章從個案中討論社會各部門間的衝突，其重點在於社會各部門間的政策偏好是如何形成、決定和運作，社會各部門間為何產生偏好上的差異，社會各部門間因偏好差異而形成的衝突應循何種途徑解決。第五章從個案中討論國家機器與民間社會之間的衝突，其重點在於國家機器與民間社會之間的衝突分析，民意代表在其間所扮演的角色；國家機器與民間社會因偏好差異而形成的衝突應循何種途徑解決。第六章為結論，綜整研究成果，對照研究假設，說明本論文的優、缺點，並提出解決國家與社會衝突的可能途徑。 / In later 80’s, due to the political, economic and social transformation of Taiwan, the state has suffered great challenge from the civil society. When there comes a conflict between the very strong state and the growing civil society, the preference of the civil society should be respect, however, the superiority of the state is no longer existing. “Taipei Old Chung-Sheng Bridge” is the typical example. All involved departments of the civil society hold quite different attitude towards the problem based on their own professional position as well as their own interests. Furthermore, the different personal preference of three consecutive mayors give rise to not only the conflict between central and local government, but also the public debates between central and city officials. To sum up, the conflict not only exits between the state and society, but also lies in the inside of the state, and the inside of the civil society in this case. The purpose of the paper is trying to find the possibility of resolving the conflict through the theoretical and practical evidence. In this thesis, Nordlinger’s classification of the state autonomy and strategy, one approach of Neo-statism theory, is used to discuss the role that the state plays in the conflicts. In addition, the theory of interest groups is applied for more persuasive explication as civil society. The thesis is divided into six parts. Chapter 1, including the motives, the purpose of this research, the literature review, the introduction of this case, the analytic framework, research hypothesis and research methods. Chapter 2, including the approach of the research--- Neo-statism, to explicate the main related conception, and explain the primary theory of interest groups. Chapter 3, including a discussion of the inner conflicts in the state by individual cases. The point is that how the preferences of the state is formed and executed, why the differences occur inside the state, and how to resolve the appeared conflicts. Chapter 4, including a discussion to the inner conflicts of the civil society by individual cases. The point is to how the preferences of each department of society are formed and executed, why the differences occur inside the civil society, and how to resolve the appeared conflicts. Chapter 5, including a discussion to the conflicts between the state and civil society by individual cases. The point is the analysis of above, the role the legislators played, and how to resolve the conflict. Chapter 6, comparing the research hypotheses, stating research results, and suggesting of the possible solutions for resolving conflicts between the state and society are made as the conclusion.