BACKGROUND:Tomato leaf curl Sudan virus (ToLCSDV) is a single-stranded DNA begomovirus of tomato that causes downward leaf curl, yellowing, and stunting. Leaf curl disease results in significant yield reduction in tomato crops in the Nile Basin. ToLCSDV symptoms resemble those caused by Tomato yellow leaf curl virus, a distinct and widespread begomovirus originating in the Middle East. In this study, tomato samples exhibiting leaf curl symptoms were collected from Gezira, Sudan. The associated viral genome was molecularly characterized, analyzed phylogenetically, and an infectious clone for one isolate was constructed.FINDINGS:The complete genomes for five newly discovered variants of ToLCSDV, ranging in size from 2765 to 2767-bp, were cloned and sequenced, and subjected to pairwise and phylogenetic analyses. Pairwise analysis indicated that the five Gezira isolates shared 97-100% nucleotide identity with each other. Further, these variants of ToLCSDV shared their highest nucleotide identity at 96-98%, 91-95%, 91-92%, and 91-92% with the Shambat, Gezira, Oman and Yemen strains of ToLCSDV, respectively. Based on the high maximum nucleotide identities shared between these ToLCSDV variants from Gezira and other previously recognized members of this taxonomic group, they are considered isolates of the Shambat strain of ToLCSDV. Analysis of the complete genome sequence for these new variants revealed that they were naturally occurring recombinants between two previously reported strains of ToLCSDV. Finally, a dimeric clone constructed from one representative ToLCSV genome from Gezira was shown to be infectious following inoculation to tomato and N. benthamiana plants.CONCLUSION:Five new, naturally occurring recombinant begomovirus variants (>96% shared nt identity) were identified in tomato plants from Gezira in Sudan, and shown to be isolates of the Shambat strain of ToLCSDV. The cloned viral genome was infectious in N. benthamiana and tomato plants, and symptoms in tomato closely resembled those observed in field infected tomato plants, indicating the virus is the causal agent of the leaf curl disease. The symptoms that developed in tomato seedlings closely resembled those observed in field infected tomato plants, indicating that ToLCSDV is the causal agent of the leaf curl disease in Gezira.

The first South Sudanese elections in 2010 returned high proportions of women parliamentarians (32 per cent), largely as a result of gender quota provisions. In the case of post-conflict countries such as South Sudan, processes of political restructuring and constitutional ‘engineering’ can present opportunities for issues of women’s political representation to be institutionalised through gender quota laws. However, the gap between formal laws and their implementation in practice can result in uneven outcomes, particularly in the context of deeply entrenched patriarchal attitudes and customs. Furthermore, whilst the comparative literature underscores the importance of factors such as institutional environment, ‘goodness of fit’, and sanctions for non-compliance in explaining successful outcomes, such elements are routinely absent in sub-Saharan Africa. It is important, therefore, to explain the apparent success story of gender quotas in South Sudan. There are few in-depth stories of the implementation of gender quotas. As such, the mix of formal rules and informal norms that plays out in a particular context – i.e. the rules-in-use – has been asserted rather than captured in practice. The thesis argues that tracing these micro processes is particularly important in post-conflict cases where formal political institutions are fragile and embryonic. The thesis aims to: a) tell the story of the adoption and implementation of gender quotas in South Sudan; b) identify key actors (including political parties), institutional processes, practices, and exogenous and endogenous factors contributing to success; c) explore the role of rules-in-use in implementation; and d) problematise the ‘success’ of quotas and future prospects for women by examining formal and informal institutions and their design. The study employs documentary analysis, interviews and observation methods, using a broadly institutionalist approach. Intensive fieldwork in South Sudan was conducted for one year from July 2010 to 2011, including informal discussions and briefings with political, religious and local government elites, female parliamentarians, and experts in the media, international development and academia. The thesis argues that political institutions are gendered, and therefore the understanding of adoption and implementation processes and norms is crucial to understanding both the success and shortfalls of gender quotas. It argues that political elites matter because they frame popular mandates, strategic discourses and the authoritative drive for quotas. Analysing the interaction between old and new institutions, the thesis shows the impact of legacies on outcomes. It argues that institutional design matters because the use of reserved-seat quotas had unintended consequences which diluted the impact of gender quota on the wider system by concentrating women. Although women are not formally confined to quota seats, in practice female aspirants seeking mainstream candidacies encountered considerable resistance, demonstrating the existence of informal norms which constrained their access to political power. The success of gender quotas is fragile and future prospects for women’s representation are uncertain. Gender quotas are constitutionally enshrined and there is continued evidence of rhetorical support. However, the new political institutions are deeply permeated with traditional norms and power dynamics that blunt the reformist potential of quotas and reinforce the gender status quo. The thesis provides a benchmark study of women and political recruitment in South Sudan and contributes a new empirical case to the comparative gender quotas literature, as well as to the regional literature on gender in post-conflict contexts.

Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2005. / Recent years have seen new ideologies and political factors being introduced into the Sudanese political landscape. The new war in Darfur has revealed that the traditional North-South conflict is not necessarily a religious war but rather a war that goes beyond religion and ethnicity. Several factors underpin the civil wars in Sudan; principally disputes over religion, identity, inequality, resources, governance, self-determination, autonomy and secession. The attempt is therefore to define the various actors, factors and issues underlying both the North-South conflict and the new war in Darfur, and to analyse and compare the differences and similarities between the two wars. Both the conflicts in Southern Sudan and in Darfur have their origin in the decay of the Sudanese state and in both cases did political marginalisation resulted in political exclusion. Another resemblance between the two wars is the acute identity crisis that resulted from the long history of stratification and discrimination. Both warring groups want to reassert their distinguishing characteristics in the respective conflicts where ‘Arab’ and ‘African’ have distinctive meanings and are used as racial, cultural, and political identities. The third similarity between the South and Darfur is the ethnic cleansing tactics and policies the Sudanese government has adopted. The differences between these two wars is that Southern Sudan has developed into a war over national resources while Darfur does not share the same strategic commodities. The second is secession. The South started as a secessionist war while neither of the rebel groups in Darfur have demanded any form of self-determination. Darfur has also seen relatively timely international attention compared to Southern Sudan. Comparing the two conflicts do reveal that neither religion nor race is at the heart of Sudan’s wars. Instead, the root of the insurgencies is largely founded upon culturally and regionally imposed economic and political marginalisation coupled with the politicization of ethnic identities. The challenge for Sudan will be to create a new consciousness of common identity and a new meaning of belonging that grants peace, dignity, development and fundamental human rights.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2013. / Bibliography / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Chinese national oil corporations have increased their foreign direct investments over the last decade in Africa, where the political environment of oil producing countries often expose the firms to high political risk. The analysis of political risk is increasingly relevant for the investment decision-making process of Chinese corporations, as changes in political dynamics of host countries can affect the opportunities and profitability of investments. The study emphasises the need for firm-specific political risk analysis as a decision-making tool for international businesses operating in foreign countries. The main research question of the study is concerned with the main indicators of political risk that Chinese corporations may face in the African oil and gas industry. Chinese oil corporations may be affected by political instability, international and internal conflict, corruption, and poor economic and social development in African countries. The political risk they face may be influenced by indicators such as the location of the oil operations, the relative importance of the Chinese oil firm to the host country’s oil industry, the competitive advantage and technical abilities of Chinese oil firms, the support of the Chinese government to state-owned firms, and economic relations that the host government have with China and the oil firm. The study follows a qualitative research approach by way of an empirical case study of the political risk faced by one of China’s national oil corporations, China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC), in South Sudan. A major part of CNPC’s business operations in Sudan was transferred to South Sudan after the country seceded from Sudan in July 2011. The political risk for CNPC in South Sudan is analysed and measured in accordance with an industry-specific political risk model for the oil and gas industry. The study finds that CNPC faces a high level of political risk in South Sudan since independence. An examination of the political risk analysis is done to serve as a basis for answering the main research question. The hostile relationship between South Sudan and Sudan in particular may expose CNPC to high political risk as it led to the shutdown of the oil industry and violent interstate conflict. However, CNPC’s political risk exposure may be mitigated by certain indicators, such as CNPC’s significance in the operation of the South Sudanese oil industry, CNPC’s attributes of being a Chinese state-owned enterprise, the availability of support from the Chinese government in the form of economic cooperation packages and CNPC’s technical abilities in exploration operations. Furthermore, while negative sentiments on the part of the South Sudanese government towards China and CNPC due to the latter’s close relations with Sudan might expose CNPC to high risk, the risk is mitigated by the high level of economic dependency of South Sudan on both China and CNPC. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In die laaste dekade het Chinese nasionale oliekorporasies hulle buitelandse direkte beleggings in Afrika uitgebrei. Die politieke omgewing van hierdie lande veroorsaak egter dikwels dat hierdie firmas aan hoë politieke risiko blootgestel word. Omdat politieke dinamiek in gasheerlande die geleenthede en winsgewendheid van beleggings kan affekteer, is die analise van politieke risiko toenemend relevant in die beleggingsbesluitnemingsproses van Chinese oliekorporasies. Die hoof-navorsingsvraag in hierdie studie handel oor die hoofindikatore van politieke risiko waaraan hierdie korporasies in Afrika se olie- en gasindustrie blootgestel kan word. Politieke onstabiliteit, internasionale en nasionale konflik, korrupsie, asook swak ekonomiese en sosiale ontwikkeling in Afrikalande kan Chinese oliekorporasies affekteer. Die politieke risiko waaraan hulle blootgestel word, kan beïnvloed word deur faktore soos die ligging van oliebedrywighede, die relatiewe belangrikheid van die Chinese oliekorporasie vir die gasheerland se olie-industrie, die kompeterende voordeel en tegniese vermoëns van die Chinese oliekorporasies, die Chinese regering se ondersteuning van staatskorporasies en die ekonomiese verhoudings wat die gasheerland met China en die oliefirmas het. Die studie volg ‘n kwalitatiewe navorsingsbenadering by wyse van ‘n empiriese gevallestudie van die politieke risiko waaraan een van China se nasionale oliekorporasies, China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC), in Suid-Soedan blootgestel word. Sedert Suid-Soedan se onafhanklikheidswording in Julie 2011 is die grootste gedeelte van CNPC se bedrywighede in Soedan na Suid-Soedan oorgedra. Die politieke risiko vir CNPC is volgens ‘n industrie-spesifieke politieke risiko-model geanaliseer en bereken. Die studie toon dat CNPC inderdaad aan ‘n hoë vlak van politieke risiko blootgestel is sedert onafhanklikheid. Die politieke risiko-analise word ondersoek ten einde as basis te dien vir die beantwoording van die hoof-navorsingsvraag. In die besonder kan die vyandiggesinde verhouding tussen Suid-Soedan en Soedan CNPC blootstel aan hoë politieke risiko, onder andere vanweë die sluiting van die olie-industrie en die gewelddadige interstaat-konflik wat dit meegebring het. CNPC se blootstelling aan politieke risiko kan egter verminder word deur sekere faktore soos CNPC se beduidende belangrikheid in die bedryf van die Suid-Soedanese olieindustrie, CNPC se kenmerke as ‘n Chinese staatsonderneming, die beskikbaarheid van die ondersteuning van die Chinese regering in die vorm van ekonomiese samewerkingspakette asook CNPC se tegniese vermoëns in die veld van eksplorasiebedrywighede. Alhoewel die negatiewe sentiment in die Suid-Soedanese regering teenoor China en CNPC as gevolg van hulle noue verbintenis met Soedan vir CNPC aan hoë risiko kan blootstel, word hierdie risiko verminder deur Suid-Soedan se hoë vlak van ekonomiese afhanklikheid van CNPC en China.

Thesis (MPhil (Sustainable Development Planning and Management))--University of Stellenbosch, 2007. / Both Afghanistan and Sudan have experienced extended periods of war and violent conflict. Sudan has been engulfed in a nearly continuous and bitter civil war since independence in 1956. Afghanistan has been in a state of conflict since the Soviet invasion in 1979. Both nations are also among the poorest and least developed in the world. The article on Sudan addresses the interlinkages that exist between conflict and natural resources and how access to and unequal distribution of natural resources have triggered and fuelled violent conflict. In the case of Afghanistan, the article looks at the reasons for US military intervention in 2001 and analyses the reconstruction and development programmes devised by the international community in order to rebuild the country. Based on these, the article looks at the potential for creating a sustainable society in Afghanistan and putting in place an effective system of environmental governance. Although it is recognised that both countries have managed to address some of the causes of conflict, the articles also state that in both cases, the agreements that were signed between the warring parties are far from being comprehensive. This is illustrated by the fact that in Afghanistan, conflict with the Taliban has increased dramatically in recent months, and in Sudan, by the still ongoing conflict in Darfur. It is argued that in both countries the potential for promoting long-term sustainable development is limited not unrelated, in large measure, to the nature of the development agendas being imposed by external decision-makers. Financial institutions and other international development actors have played an instrumental role in devising these agendas. They are promoting development strategies mostly based on neo-liberal policies and reliant on market forces, despite the fact that these policies have, in the past, often failed to trigger economic growth and alleviate poverty. Finally, while issues relating to the management of natural resources, particularly those of global and strategic importance, receive a fair amount of attention in the development plans, environmental protection as such, is often lacking political and financial commitment.

Field and laboratory experiments to determine the effect of the quality of irrigation water and the combination effects of the quality of water and chemical amendments (Gypsum and H ₂SO₄) on growth and yields of sudangrass, total soluble salt and ionic distribution and the infiltration rates of a Pima soil were conducted. Pima soil was classified as calcareous saline-sodic soil. A field experiment was conducted on the University of Arizona Experimental Farm at Safford, Arizona, for a period of five years. During the first three years, three qualities of water as supplied by well, river and city were used. During the last two years, these waters were coupled with two chemical amendments, gypsum and sulfuric acid. The experiment was a randomized split plot design with nine main plots and 27 subplots and three replications. The rates of the amendments were arbitrarily chosen 1 and 1.72 ton/acre of H ₂SO₄ and gypsum respectively. Four harvests were made over the two-year period and city water treatment gave the best growth and yield of sudangrass as compared to well and river water treatments. H ₂SO₄ and gypsum increased the yield significantly in comparison to the control in 1975. No significant effects of the chemical amendments on the growth and yield of sudangrass were obtained in 1976. Significant negative correlations between the EC and ESP of the first two feet of soil and yield of sudangrass were obtained. Soil analysis indicated that significant decrease in the pH and ESP of the soil resulted from H ₂SO₄ application with the three water treatments. Gypsum reduced pH and ESP significantly just with well water treatment. Due to the stratified texture of soil profile, ions and salts accumulated in the center of the sampled profile. Infiltration rates were higher for well water treatments than for city water treatments. H ₂SO₄ increased the infiltration rates significantly with all water treatments; gypsum increased infiltration only with well water treatment. Infiltration was further studied in the laboratory using soil columns. Two rates of acid and two rates of gypsum were used (1 or 5 and 1.72 or 8.6 ton/acre H ₂SO₄ and gypsum respectively). The higher rate of H ₂SO₄ gave the highest infiltration rate and the lowest infiltration rates were obtained with control with all water treatments. The low rate of H ₂SO₄ and the high rate of gypsum gave similar infiltration rates with the three water treatments. Gypsum treated soil columns required more water to be leached to a specific EC than H ₂SO₄ treated and control columns. More salt can be removed from the soil per unit volume of water with H ₂SO₄ treatment than gypsum or untreated soil. The poorest quality of irrigation water required the least time and amount of water needed to reach equilibrium between the solid and solution phases of soil. The EC of effluent was found to be an index to predict the presence of gypsum and lime in the soil under very low water penetration. Regression equations were developed to predict the time and depth of water required to leach one foot of Pima soil column to a specific EC with a given quality of water and a given type and rate of chemical amendments (H ₂SO₄ and gypsum). A regression equation was developed to estimate the EC of the saturation extract from that of 1:1 soil :water ratio for Pima soil.

Omkring 33 miljoner människor lever idag med HIV. I Södra Sudan är epidemiologiska data mycket bristfälliga, men även om dessa tyder på att prevalensen är låg, så är riskfaktorerna många för att spridningen snabbt kan accelerera. Uppsatsens syfte är att ta reda på hur studenter och hälsoarbetare erfar HIV i Södra Sudan. Utifrån en kvalitativ ansats har sudanesiska studenter och sudanesiska och utländska hälsoarbetare skriftligen svarat på ett antal öppna frågor. Totalt deltog femton personer i studien, alla med erfarenhet av att undervisa i eller delta i workshops om HIV. Resultatet analyserades utifrån kvalitativ innehållsanalys. Följande kategorier framkom i resultatet: Att negativa omständigheter i livssituationen ökar risken att smittas av HIV, Att uttrycka rädsla på olika sätt, Att förmedla gripbar kunskap om HIV och Att samarbeta för förändrad syn på HIV. Den röda tråden, temat, som band samman kategorierna var, ”för att inte bli utsatt för HIV behövs samhällsförändring men för att inte utsätta sig behövs beteendeförändring”. Det finns många missuppfattningar om HIV och mycket stor rädsla. Behovet av kunskap är stort, och den behöver utgå från människors livsvärld, tillgänglig på ett språk som människor förstår. Preventiva insatser måste omfatta såväl samhällsnivå somindividnivå. I ett samhälle sargat av konflikter behövs förändringar i samhällsstrukturer för att minska risker människor utsätts för, som de inte själva kan påverka. På individnivå behövs beteendeförändringar för att minska de risker människor själva utsätter sig för. / Program: Specialistsjuksköterskeutbildning med inriktning mot distriktssköterska

This study aims to examine the relation between Sudanese police and peacebuilding in the country following an exceptionally long period of varied and complex violent conflict Literature on peacebuilding acknowledges the increasing role of police in peacebuilding, but is more often focussed on international police forces than domestic police. in order to investigate the roles of domestic forces in peacebuilding an analysis of the Sudan police is undertaken, which includes its history, organisation, management, training and the adoption of a policy of ‘community policing’. The study evaluates community policing as relatively modern policing style that is espoused by international peace builders in post conflict settings. It also examines the placement of police in peace agreements. The study concludes that whilst international police efforts in peacebuilding are not without pitfalls, domestic police, such as the Sudanese, may also be unfit for peacebuilding roles without changes in certain aspects of their organisational, management, recruitment, training and policing approaches. The study proposes a more combined approach that brings together domestic and international police for more effective role in peacebuilding.

This thesis is an analysis of two concurrent processes - the liberalisation of the economy and the expansion of the tertiary education system - by the National Islamic Front (NIF)/National Congress Party (NCP) in Khartoum, Sudan. It is based on 18 months fieldwork conducted between 2008 and 2010, combining qualitative material from interviews, focus groups and field notes with a questionnaire administered to 300 employees in 14 organisations and 100 other individuals on public transportation. This questionnaire was adapted from Mark Granovetter’s survey of job information in the United States. The thesis makes both theoretical and empirical contributions. It examines the extent to which liberalisation has developed ‘markets’ by looking at communication in the labour market from the point of view of university graduates and managers in different fields. In contrast to Granovetter’s theory of ‘the strength of weak ties’ (SWT), it shows a trend of strong and strengthening ties in the Sudanese labour market. It argues that the combination of politically motivated liberalisation and the drastic expansion of education has plunged Sudan into a state of ‘hyperinflation’ of its qualifications, making public information about candidates untrustworthy and encouraging managers to use more personal sources of information to evaluate candidates. A simultaneous privatisation and internationalisation of opportunity has ensued. Educational expansion and liberalisation have dissolved the national cognitive space of the labour market and have forced actors to construct their own private economic spaces and to draw on transnational spaces in order to deal with uncertainty. The thesis therefore demonstrates an incongruity between ‘liberalised markets’ and the ‘markets’ envisioned by economic models (spaces of communication and coordination between strangers). It concludes by arguing that the retreat of both state and market has contributed to the ethnic fragmentation of Sudan under the NCP.

The management of international waterways presents riparian nations with a challenging set of political, economic, environmental, and geographic difficulties. Historically, the Nile Basin has exemplified many of these problems as witnessed by inter-basin conflict, devastating floods, crippling drought, and unstable political and economic development. Despite their tumultuous past the ten riparian nations of the Nile Basin established a supranational water management institution in 1999, the Nile Basin Initiative (NBI), in order to develop collective solutions to their common water related problems. However, serious challenges to the cooperative process threaten to derail the NBI and enflame underlying causes of conflict. This thesis seeks to determine how the NBI has affected water related decision making in the Nile Basin. This will be achieved by examining patterns of decision-making before and after the establishment of the NBI. Specifically, the impact of the NBI will be tested by examining patterns of decision-making within three measures of conflict, namely the allocation of water resources, the sharing of technical data and expertise, and the financing of water related projects and programs.