This paper is characterized as a critical case study aimed to scrutinize the continuous situation regarding Syrian refugees in Lebanon from an ethical theoretical approach. Mainly, two specific theoretical models regarding ethics in migration and a theoretical standpoint regarding ethics in migration are presented as the theoretical and scientific framework. Arash Abizadeh’s two models, known as the state sovereignty model and the liberal model are implemented in order to understand and to pinpoint the course of the Lebanese situation. Additional, Joseph Carens’ theory concerning ethics in migration is implemented parallel with the two models, to enhance the analytical tools and to introduce a normative perspective. Regarding the empirical result, three distinct perspectives are utilized in order to cope with the situation on a fair and nuanced ground. The Syrian refugees themselves, international involvement and the Lebanese government are presented as the empirical pathways throughout this paper. Concluding results of this paper tends to pinpoint uncertainty and unawareness to be the key factors in explaining the actions of the Lebanese government. Based on the theoretical framework presented in this paper, there is an established tendency to conclude that Syrian refugees has not been treated accordingly to ethical concepts. Because of the distinct ideal differences between the two theoretical models, the results tend to be more evident. The Lebanese government has initially tended to affiliate itself with the liberal model. However, as time has progressed the government has acted accordingly to the state sovereignty model, with not acknowledging ethical limitations in its decision making. While remaining in the grasp of the state sovereignty model, the government and the civil society has begun lighting sparks in actions that have been taken. These actions tend to recognize ethical limitations, thus moving Lebanon towards the liberal model, but far from being completely implemented. In summary, Lebanon’s situation has brought it to a tendency to conduct temporary policies in an increasingly permanent situation.

This thesis aims to explore the disconnect between calls for safe zones as a tool of humanitarian intervention, and the dark history of safe zone failure. This thesis begins with a brief discussion of current calls for safe zones in Syria, and how a proper theoretical framework and historical understanding are needed to discuss whether or not safe zones can be successfully implemented in Syria. The following literature review discusses not only prominent academic arguments and the history of humanitarian intervention, but it suggests a framework for deconstructing case studies. This framework looks first at the interests of an intervening actor. The level of interest of that actor directly informs its willingness to overcome the challenges of safe zone implementation. The challenges of safe zone implementation are both practical and existential. If an actor’s interest in a given crisis is not great enough to make it willing to overcome these practical and existential challenges, or the actor is willing to overcome them but lacks the ability to do so, the safe zone will fail. In most cases of failed safe zones, moral hazard plays a role. Moral hazard can be evident in either the intervening actor’s decisions or the decisions of the international community to support or not support the intervention. This thesis then deconstructs three historical cases of safe zones with this method: Srebrenica in Bosnia, Operation Provide Comfort in Iraqi Kurdistan, and Operation Turquoise in Rwanda. Following these three case studies, this paper discusses safe zones in Syria with the help of this method and the broad historical understanding of safe zones established through the case studies. This thesis concludes with a discussion of how the analysis and available historical cases show that safe zones are dangerous tools of humanitarian intervention and should not be undertaken without adequate levels of interest and willingness to address challenges.

In this thesis, pre-Baath period of Syrian foreign policy between 1946 and 1963 is analyzed. The main objective of this thesis is to examine the main characteristics of the Syrian foreign policy. This thesis argues that foreign policy perception of Syrian politicians regardless of their class, ideology and political orientations depended on historically rooted pragmatism in which interest calculations, shifting alliances and external patronage had special importance. In order to understand pragmatism in Syrian foreign policy, determinants of Syrian foreign policy will be examined by looking at three interacting environments: the domestic, regional and international. It will be showed that Syrian foreign policy was shaped by these interlinked environments and pragmatic responses of Syrian policymakers to opportunities and challenges coming from these environments. Syrian politics from 1946 to 1963 can be marked by excessive political instability in the form of factionalism, successive coup d&rsquo / &eacute / tats and counter-coups. This thesis also examines the relationship between coups and foreign policy and whether coups affected Syrian foreign policy or not.

In this study, I will speak about the present migration wave and how the European Un-ion is managing the situation. Firstly, I will explain different arguments pro- and contra migration and detail the European Agenda on Migration. Then, I will concentrate on the issue of EU-Turkey Statement from 2016. The aim of the thesis is to show the topic of management of the "migration crisis" that we are now experiencing and help the reader to form his or her opinion on the subject. This goal will be achieved by analysis of online media.

CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeiÃoamento de Pessoal de NÃvel Superior / RESUMO O presente estudo trata da chegada do povo Ãrabe em Floriano, numa tentativa de mostrar como aconteceu o processo de integraÃÃo sÃcio-cultural desses imigrantes numa cidade do interior do PiauÃ, bem como identificar os principais aspectos dessa influÃncia sobre a sociedade, atravÃs de uma anÃlise do contexto sÃcio-histÃrico-econÃmico. Devido à dificuldade de encontrar registros sobre o tema enfocado â algumas vezes, devido à prÃpria falta desses registros â tivemos de utilizar como recursos metodolÃgicos algumas entrevistas, alÃm de documentos, jornais e fotografias que se tornaram elementos essenciais para uma melhor compreensÃo do objetivo proposto. Neste sentido, pode-se entender que a inserÃÃo da cultura Ãrabe em Floriano aconteceu de modo semelhante à ocorrida em outras cidades brasileiras. PorÃm, graÃas particularmente à presenÃa dos sÃrios e libaneses, pode-se inferir que nessa cidade alguns aspectos da influÃncia Ãrabe sofrida foram diferentes daqueles ocorridos em outros lugares, uma vez que os imigrantes daqueles paÃses nÃo apenas assimilaram a cultura regional, mas tambÃm introduziram elementos de suas prÃprias culturas, como aqueles relacionados a hÃbitos alimentares e estilo arquitetÃnico, apenas para exemplificar. Com sua habilidade natural para o comÃrcio, contribuÃram especialmente para o crescimento dessa atividade em Floriano, introduzindo novas prÃticas comerciais , inclusive a modalidade de venda a prazo. Pouco a pouco, vencendo dificuldades causadas pela lÃngua e pelos preconceitos, tornaram-se cidadÃos respeitÃveis e assumiram funÃÃes pÃblicas importantes, confirmando assim sua valiosa contribuiÃÃo para o desenvolvimento de Floriano. / ABSTRACT The present study deals with the arrival of Arab people at Floriano city in attempt of showing how the process of social and cultural integration of these immigrants in an inner city of Piauà state has happened as well as identifying the main aspects of this influence upon the society through an analysis of the historical, social and economic context. Due to the difficulty of finding registrations about the theme focused â sometimes, due to own lack of these registrations â we have to use as methodological resources some interviews, besides documents, newspapers and pictures that turned out essential elements to a best comprehension of the proposed objective. In this sense, it can be understood that the insertion of the Arabic culture in Floriano city happened in a similar way to that occurred in other Brazilian cities. But, thanks particularly to the presence of the Syrian and Lebanese people in this city, it can be inferred that some aspects of the Arabic influence suffered are different from those occurred in other places, once the immigrants from those countries not only assimilated the regional culture but introduced elements of their own culture, as those relating to food habits and architectural style, only to exemplify. With their natural ability for the commerce they contributed specially to the increase of this activity in Floriano, introducing new commercial practices, including the credit sale modality. Little by little, winning difficulties caused by language and by prejudices, they become respected citizens and assumed public functions, confirming definitely their valuable contribution to the development of Floriano city.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-02-26T14:52:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 RoneySalinaSouza_cap1.pdf: 690592 bytes, checksum: 8bed5d647938c11db681d876ca59b8c5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-12-19 / This work approaches the immigration of Syrian and Lebanon people to the city of Dourados on the South of Mato Grosso, from the 1910th to the 1980th . The main factors of expulsion if this population were the imperial interests of European people and the nationalism full of violence and oppression. The continent of America, at the end of the 19th century and the beginning of 20th, attracted the immigrant because of the possibility of offering land and employ workers. There are two most important moments on the coming of these immigrants, first on the 1910th with the commencement of urban space formation and after on the 1950th with the implantation of the National Agricultural Colony of Dourados. They went in the activity of peddler what gave them the possibility of gain money and start retail dealer commerce. These agents established a serial of relationship with Brazilian people marked by the Identity negociation: language, organization of institutes, clubs, cookery, dayto-day, weddings. The change of their identity qualifies the presence of Arabian people in Dourados as been hybrid due to it is the existence of two ways of be, the pre-migratory and the pos-one, separated by a border which was in constant change. The source of the elaboration of this work started from the historiographic analyses national and international,search for documents and photos, not only in public archive in the cities of Dourados/MS, Campo Grande/MS and Cuiabá/MT but also at the Historical Museum of Dourados, not to mention that among the Syrian-Lebanon families it was possible to realize interview and evaluate very good information for this work / Este trabalho aborda a imigração de sírios e libaneses para a cidade de Dourados, no sul de Mato Grosso, no período de 1910 até a década de 1980. Os principais fatores de expulsão destas populações foram os interesses imperialistas europeus e os nacionalismos marcados pela perseguição e violência. A América, no final do século XIX e início do XX, por sua vez atraia os imigrantes pela possibilidade de oferecer terras e contratar mão-de-obra. Há dois momentos principais na vinda destes imigrantes, inicialmente na década de 1910 com o início da formação do espaço urbano e posteriormente nos anos 1950 na implantação da Colônia Agrícola Nacional de Dourados. Eles ingressaram na atividade de mascate que lhes possibilitou o acúmulo de capital e a montagem do comércio varejista. Estes agentes estabeleceram uma série de relações com os brasileiros marcadas pela negociação de identidades: idioma, organização de instituições e clubes, culinária, cotidiano, casamentos. A modificação de suas identidades qualifica a presença dos árabes em Dourados como sendo híbrida, pois é existência de duas maneiras de ser, a pré-migratória e a pós-migratória, separadas por uma fronteira que esteve em constante movimento. As fontes para a elaboração desta obra partiram da análise historiográfica nacional e internacional, busca por documentos e fotografias não apenas em arquivos públicos nas cidades de Dourados-MS, Campo Grande-MS e Cuiabá-MT, mas também no Museu Histórico de Dourados, sem mencionar que entre as famílias sírio-libanesas foi possível realizar entrevistas e avaliar informações de muito valor para esta tarefa

The aim of this paper was to study whether or not the 2018 Lebanese general election had contributed in the securitization of the Syrian refugees in the Lebanese media discourse. The thesis also looked at if the Syrian refugees were portrayed as victims in the same media outlets. The main focus was on two Lebanese digital media which are Al-Manar, and Al- Akhbar. This study relied on the Securitization theory and Critical Discourse analysis to understand the issue presented. With the help of the securitization theory and critical discourse analysis it can be argued that the Lebanese election did not directly influence the media discourse in the country, it did however, intensify the media reporting on the Syrian refugees during that time. Furthermore, the discourse did become harsher during the election time. Finally, with the help of images used in the chosen articles, the Syrian refugees often times were portrayed as victims in the chosen media for different political reasons.

Despite the developments in the international arena to ensure and protect human rights, evidence from around the world showcase examples of organized and systematic violations of human rights in the form of war crimes, genocides, and crimes against humanity. Turkey is one of the countries that has shown decline in the last ten years when it comes to respect for human rights. Aftermath of the Coup d’etat from 2016, involvement in Syrian civil war, and Kurdish question raised concern within the international community regarding human rights. Consequently, this research aims to provide a deeper understanding of how Turkish government treats the civilian population in these three cases in order to assess if there is a risk of Turkish government committing crimes against humanity. Furthermore, in order to get a more objective view of the happenings, this paper will also examine Turkish actions through the lenses of Realism. A qualitative research with an abductive approach with case study design was conducted. Analytical framework, that presents 10 risk factors for committing atrocities and crimes against humanity, developed by Dieng and Welsh was utilized to make sense of gathered data. Realism, with focus on national interest and security, was used to examine Turkish actions. Findings suggest that all 10 risk factors are presented in each case through different indicators. Journalists, lawyers, professors, refugees, and Kurds face systematic threat of mostly arbitrary detentions and imprisonments. Furthermore, findings show that Turkish actions can be explained through national interest expressed through security and unitary national identity.

The recent wave of Syrian refugees’ spontaneous return to conflict areas in Syria is not a new phenomenon, various cases of return to areas that do not meet safety and security standards has happened in cases like Somali refugees returning from Kenya or Angolan refugees returning from Zambia and the Democratic Republic of Congo. However, the Syrian case is important to study in order to examine any new patterns or elements in refugee returns that could arise or could be unpacked. This study examines Syrian refugees’ spontaneous returns, to what is considered by the international community as unsafe Syria and discusses the reasons for return that were provided by refugees returning currently and refugees who answer the question of return. The study finds that the notion of “home” and “homeland” are amongst the most influential when it comes to the decision to return coupled with push factors like livelihood issues and discrimination in host countries, in addition to pull factors from country of origin like amnesty regarding military conscription. The study finds that refugees not returning do so due to starting a new life, not having guarantees of safety and having lost everything in their home country. The study confirms King’s (2000) argument regarding home country pull factors having a bigger influence in impacting refugee returns. This study uses discourse analysis as a method using the proposed framework of Teun A. van Dijk’s (1985, 2011), the primary data source are interviews by Syrian refugees on YouTube in the Arabic Language. YouTube was chosen due to the role it played throughout the Syrian uprising in providing news to Syrians. The analysis of the data will use a four-dimensional framework which dissects push and pull factors, then examines them through the transnational and diaspora theories for refugee returns and has the place-identity theory as an overall starting point. The study concludes by recommending the international community pays more attention to the psychological factors from the home country so interventions and programmes of return make sure refugees are safe, protected and not falsely lured into return.

Humanitarian action faces challenges in engaging with LGBTQI+ people. Research has shown that humanitarian response to LGBTQI+ people are solely studied on the issues around resettlement, migration and legal protection of LGBTQI+ people. This study aims to provide a critical analysis to engagement practices of humanitarian actors with LGBTQI+ people in Hatay, Turkey. In order to explore this engagement, this study asks the role of humanitarian actors in identifying the LGBTQI+ community, the strategies used by the humanitarian actors to support the LGBTQI+ community, the consequences of humanitarian professions’ actions in Hatay, Turkey. This research is based on empirical findings of six semi-structured interviews conducted with LGBTQI+ people and humanitarian professionals. The most significant finding of this study is that humanitarian organizations refrain particularly from engaging with LGBTQI+ people because of the existing primary frameworks between LGBTQI+ people and Syrian community, and also between the Government of Turkey and humanitarian organizations. This leads to increased invisibilities, re-stigmatization and dissociation of LGBTQI+ people from the society.