Abstract The democratic theory of Claude Lefort, a French philosopher, is established on the idea of a society in continuous construction. According to Claude Lefort, a society is not determined in advance. The forms that it can take continuously change. From this point of view, Lefort attempts to understand modern democracy as it emerges from the breakdown of the monarchy. The monarchistic mutation of the 18th century provokes a new perception of power, because of the death of the king, the guarantor and representative of the unity of the kingdom. Because of the fact that power was embodied in the prince, and therefore gave society a body, an effective knowledge of what one meant to the other existed through the social. From this point of view, Lefort draws a revolutionary and unprecedented conclusion concerning democratic society. In democratic society, the locus of power becomes an empty place. That means power belongs to none or to everyone. The point is that the institutional apparatus prevents governments from appropriating power for their own ends, from incorporating it into themselves. The exercise of power is subject to the procedures of periodical redistribution. It represents the outcome of a controlled contest with permanent rules. This phenomenon implies an institutionalization of conflict, i.e. of competition. The empty place of power refers to the idea that it cannot be occupied – it is such that no individual and no group can be consubstantial with it – and it cannot be represented. In this sense, then, democracy is a politico-social form in which the “openness” or the “indeterminacy” of the social is institutionally registered. Concretely, the legitimacy of power emanates from popular suffrage, as long as it is recognized that the identity of the People itself changes over time. Through this approach, I try to consider the “Conférence Nationale Souveraine” (CNS) and the Convention for a Democratic South Africa (Codesa) of the earlier 1990’s – in ex-Zaire and in South Africa – as important events in terms of the definition of new social visions. My assumption is that these events are genuine foundations of democratic societies. Through the Constitutions adopted in these two negotiating forums, it seems clear that the break between the past and the future is established. From the processes of negotiating to the agreed constitutions, all the elements conducive to build a democracy (in Lefort’s terms) are combined.

Intimate spaces play a key role in the development of human identity, constructing identity through an internalized experience of the house itself. Building on Bachelard's theories in The Poetics of Space, I argue that characters in Yevgeny Zamyatin's We and J.G. Ballard's The Drowned World gain a new awareness of self after experiencing nature as a substitute for the house. The emergence of a new identity occurs because nature offers protection from the forces that inhibit both D-503 and Keran's individual growth ; it offers the safety of the house that neither character is allowed in a private home : D-503 because of the panoptic space of the One state and Kerans due to the nature of the changing circumstances of the environment and his own biology that force him to accept his role as a "new" human and the jungle as "home". / by Megan Mandell. / Thesis (M.A.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2013. / Includes bibliography. / Mode of access: World Wide Web. / System requirements: Adobe Reader.

O presente trabalho põe a si como tarefa central investigar o pensamento político na obra de Ernst Cassirer, buscando depreendê-lo de seu projeto filosófico geral apresentado ao longo dos três tomos da Filosofia das formas simbólicas. Assim, as obras que são aqui analisadas com atenção especial, quais seja, O mito do Estado e Ensaio sobre o homem, são tomadas à luz desse projeto filosófico que as precede em cerca de duas décadas. A estratégia expositiva adotada nesta dissertação foi a de partir da análise diacrônica do diagnóstico do filósofo acerca do tempo histórico em que vive, buscando os reflexos de tais acontecimentos em sua produção intelectual. Assim buscamos compreender as declarações de abertura dO mito do Estado sobre a situação social e política que tornou possível a efetivação de um programa totalitário como foi o regime nazista. Em seguida, recuamos para a compreensão dos fundamentos da filosofia das formas simbólicas de Cassirer para buscar nela os elementos que, de nosso ponto de vista, teriam suscitado ao filósofo a aplicação de seu projeto filosófico geral para a compreensão de um fenômeno bastante concreto e singular como o da experiência nazista. Após essa análise dos elementos teóricos centrais do projeto filosófico cassireriano, retomamos a análise dO mito do Estado, agora em atenção aos elementos históricos que conduziram, desde o campo da teoria política até o de sua prática efetiva, ao estado de crise e irracionalidade que caracterizam a situação política da primeira metade do século XX. Nos capítulos seguintes, abordamos aquilo que, defendemos, constituiriam os ideais normativos do programa político de Cassirer, depreendidos de sua antropologia filosófica e das premissas gerais de uma noção de humanidade que se pretende inclusiva em relação a todas as manifestações do espírito humano. As duas noções fundamentais que destacamos e que constituiriam as linhas gerais desse programa político são a liberdade e o cosmopolitismo, por meio das quais procuramos ainda compreender a crítica de Cassirer ao hegelianismo e o modo com que se dá, nesse campo da filosofia política, sua releitura do projeto iluminista. / This work gives itself the task of investigating the political thought of Ernst Cassirer, intending to understand it from the point of view of his main philosophical work the three volumes of Philosophy of Symbolic Forms. In this way, the texts which we analyse here with special attention The Myth of the State and Essay on Man are taken into view in the light of this philosophical project that preceeds them in two decades. The expositive strategy adopted is to depart from the diachronic analysis of the diagnosis of Cassirer about the historical time in which he lives, seeking in his intellectual production the reflections of such events. By such manner we try to understand the opening statements in The Myth of the State about the social and political situation that turned possible the accomplishment of a totalitarian political program such as the Nazism. Then we retrace the steps of the Philosophy of Symbolic Forms looking for the fundamental elements which, in our viewpoint, serve as a cornerstone to applying his main philosophical work to a concrete and singular phenomenon such as the Nazi experience. After that we come back to analyzing The Myth of the State, now paying attention to the historical elements that lead, in the field of political theory as well as in its effective practice, to the state of crisis and irrationality that characterizes the political situation in the first half of the 20th century. During the following chapters we take into account what we defend to be the normative ideals of the cassirerian political program, inferred from his philosophical anthropology and from the general premises of a notion of humanity that claims to be inclusive in what concerns all manifestations of the human spirit. The two vital notions which we point out and that constitute the general lines of this political program are freedom and cosmopolitism, by means of which we try to understand Cassirers critic to Hegelianism and the way that follows his reception of the illuminist ideals.

Submitted by JOSIANE SANTOS DE OLIVEIRA (josianeso) on 2017-05-25T16:55:57Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Maicon Rodrigo Rossetto_.pdf: 1063501 bytes, checksum: c0378e797b5d7709c1621f87990e42ac (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-05-25T16:55:57Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Maicon Rodrigo Rossetto_.pdf: 1063501 bytes, checksum: c0378e797b5d7709c1621f87990e42ac (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-10-07 / IFIBE - Instituto Superior de Filosofia Berthier / A pesquisa toma como objeto central de estudo a compreensão de democracia direta em Jean-Jacques Rousseau. Mostra que os princípios políticos da liberdade, da igualdade e da participação são a base de garantia da democracia direta conforme o pensador genebrino. Refuta as posições contrárias de Bertrand Russell, Jacob Talmon e Isaiah Berlin, que acusam a concepção rousseauniana de conter posicionamentos políticos totalitários. A pesquisa mostra que as interpretações desses críticos são parciais e, por isso, equivocadas. A defesa da democracia direta de Rousseau contra as acusações de totalitarismo leva em conta vários aspectos do seu pensamento: a hipótese de estado de natureza, a qual identifica no homem natural as características de liberdade natural, igualdade natural, independência e provido de amor-de-si; e as características identificadas no homem civil/cidadão que são apresentadas na obra O Contrato Social, como liberdade civil, igualdade civil e participação. A democracia direta tem na liberdade, na igualdade e na participação princípios que dão a garantia de possibilidade de pensar um sistema político no qual o cidadão possa seguir as leis que ele dá a si mesmo, e não uma vontade alheia à sua própria; em que a desigualdade não constitua dependência de uns sobre os outros; e que a participação seja um exercício efetivo do cidadão como sujeito do processo político, desconstruindo, assim, todo tipo de passividade e dependência política. Desse modo, a tese de que Rousseau poderia ser identificado como totalitário resta afastada e, pelo reverso, demonstra-se que sua concepção de democracia direta é efetivamente afirmadora da liberdade, da igualdade e da participação. / The research takes as a central study object the understanding of direct democracy in Jean-Jacques Rousseau. It presents that the political principles of liberty, equality and participation are the warranty basis of direct democracy according to the genevois thinker. It refutes the opposite positions of Bertrand Russell, Jacob Talmon and Isaiah Berlin, which accuse the rousseaunian conception of containing totalitarian political positionings. The research shows that these critic’s interpretations are biased, and thus, mistaken. The defense of Rousseau’s direct democracy against its accusations of totalitarianism takes into account several aspects of his thinking: the hypothesis of the state of nature, which identifies in the natural man the characteristics of natural freedom, natural equality, independence and gifted with self-love; and the characteristics identified in the civil man/citizen that are presented in the work The Social Contract, as civil liberty, civil equality and participation. The direct democracy has in liberty, in equality and in participation principles that guarantee the possibility of thinking one political system in that the citizen may follow the laws he gives to himself, and not to a will outside of his own; in that inequality does not constitute dependence of some over others; and that participation is an effective exercise of the citizen as a subject of the political process, thus deconstructing every sort of passivity and political dependence. This way the thesis that Rousseau could be identified as totalitarian lies secluded, and conversely it is shown that his conception for direct democracy is effectively affirming of freedom, equality and participation.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:20:22Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ronaldo Fabiano dos Santos Gaspar.pdf: 2811565 bytes, checksum: 506781822f06a1660daebc829ae4156a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-06-30 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The main scope of this study was to investigate the antinomies incurred by Hannah Arendt in her complex theoretical path in the field of political thought. Among these antinomies, we point out her criticism of Nazism, nourished by some philosophical sources similar to that movement; her defense of reason, which refuses, in some decisive aspects, the rationality of history; her apology of revolution, characterized by an aristocratic concept of political participation; at last, Being Hannah Arendt a thinker considered difficult to be classified, this study shows that, in essence, her ideas are connected to the canons of political liberalism. By analyzing her early writings until the eve of The life of the mind we tried to approach mainly the prominent role of Karl Marx s works as object of criticism. These critiques compelled her to develop her own positions, particularly the controversial and even incorrect analysis about Marx s works. Finally, we tried to evidence that the conservatism of Hannah Arendt was strengthened by her criticism of Marx and at the same time, by the fact that World War Second became a distant event, while there was an intensification of Cold War / O objetivo central deste trabalho foi investigar as antinomias em que Hannah Arendt incorreu ao longo do seu complexo percurso teórico no campo do pensamento político. Dentre essas antinomias, destacamos suas críticas ao nazismo, que se nutrem de algumas fontes filosóficas similares às deste movimento; sua defesa da razão, que recusa em aspectos decisivos a racionalidade da história; sua apologia da revolução, que contém uma concepção aristocrática da participação política; e, por fim, numa pensadora tida como inclassificável, como suas ideias se enquadram, em essência, nos cânones do liberalismo político. Na análise deste percurso, que vai desde seus primeiros escritos até as vésperas d A vida do espírito, buscou-se aflorar, especialmente, o papel destacado que a obra de Karl Marx ocupa como objeto de crítica e de desenvolvimento das próprias posições de Hannah Arendt, em particular o caráter controverso e mesmo incorreto das análises que a autora efetua desta obra. Enfim, tentamos demonstrar que o conservadorismo de Hannah Arendt se adensou ao longo de suas formulações críticas em relação a Marx e, ao mesmo tempo, com o distanciamento da II Guerra mundial e o recrudescimento da Guerra fria

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:53:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ronaldo Fabiano dos Santos Gaspar.pdf: 2811565 bytes, checksum: 506781822f06a1660daebc829ae4156a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-06-30 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The main scope of this study was to investigate the antinomies incurred by Hannah Arendt in her complex theoretical path in the field of political thought. Among these antinomies, we point out her criticism of Nazism, nourished by some philosophical sources similar to that movement; her defense of reason, which refuses, in some decisive aspects, the rationality of history; her apology of revolution, characterized by an aristocratic concept of political participation; at last, Being Hannah Arendt a thinker considered difficult to be classified, this study shows that, in essence, her ideas are connected to the canons of political liberalism. By analyzing her early writings until the eve of The life of the mind we tried to approach mainly the prominent role of Karl Marx s works as object of criticism. These critiques compelled her to develop her own positions, particularly the controversial and even incorrect analysis about Marx s works. Finally, we tried to evidence that the conservatism of Hannah Arendt was strengthened by her criticism of Marx and at the same time, by the fact that World War Second became a distant event, while there was an intensification of Cold War / O objetivo central deste trabalho foi investigar as antinomias em que Hannah Arendt incorreu ao longo do seu complexo percurso teórico no campo do pensamento político. Dentre essas antinomias, destacamos suas críticas ao nazismo, que se nutrem de algumas fontes filosóficas similares às deste movimento; sua defesa da razão, que recusa em aspectos decisivos a racionalidade da história; sua apologia da revolução, que contém uma concepção aristocrática da participação política; e, por fim, numa pensadora tida como inclassificável, como suas ideias se enquadram, em essência, nos cânones do liberalismo político. Na análise deste percurso, que vai desde seus primeiros escritos até as vésperas d A vida do espírito, buscou-se aflorar, especialmente, o papel destacado que a obra de Karl Marx ocupa como objeto de crítica e de desenvolvimento das próprias posições de Hannah Arendt, em particular o caráter controverso e mesmo incorreto das análises que a autora efetua desta obra. Enfim, tentamos demonstrar que o conservadorismo de Hannah Arendt se adensou ao longo de suas formulações críticas em relação a Marx e, ao mesmo tempo, com o distanciamento da II Guerra mundial e o recrudescimento da Guerra fria

CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeiÃoamento de Pessoal de NÃvel Superior / O conceito de aparÃncia de Hannah Arendt possui carÃter central no conjunto de sua obra. LanÃada esta hipÃtese de trabalho, busca-se nesta dissertaÃÃo compreender como esta questÃo surge em diversos momentos do pensamento de Arendt. Partindo de sua Ãltima obra â A vida do espÃrito â, as definiÃÃes que versam sobre o valor da superfÃcie em seus diversos aspectos ganham destaque. Com a intenÃÃo de que seja possÃvel encontrar as referÃncias ao conceito de aparÃncia em seus diversos momentos, busca-se neste trabalho realizar uma dupla explanaÃÃo deste conceito mostrando suas dimensÃes bÃsicas: a filosÃfica e a polÃtica. O desmantelamento da metafÃsica de Arendt se mostra importante para fazer surgir a dignidade da aparÃncia; assim, conceitos como verdade, razÃo, pensamento, espÃrito, intelecto e cogniÃÃo tornam-se peÃas centrais. Em debate constante com a tradiÃÃo filosÃfica, esta dissertaÃÃo busca apontar como a aparÃncia à ressignificada por Arendt, de modo que termos como realidade, mundo, vida, pensamento e juÃzo mostram-se indispensÃveis para que se possa resgatar a dignidade da natureza fenomÃnica do mundo. A hipÃtese, todavia, far-se-ia incompleta se nÃo demonstrasse que esta dignidade està ineliminavelmente relacionada à dignidade do homem e da polÃtica. Faz-se, portanto, uma apreciaÃÃo de como a teoria polÃtica de Arendt â tendo como base teÃrica sua obra A condiÃÃo humana â està impregnada em todas as suas etapas pelo conceito de aparÃncia. Os conceitos desenvolvidos para este fim sÃo os de esfera pÃblica, aÃÃo, discurso, poder e liberdade. Por fim, elegeu-se o evento totalitÃrio como momento decisivo para se pensar a perda da aparÃncia para a polÃtica. Disto resultou o que chamamos de mundo de semblÃncias, isto Ã, a destruiÃÃo efetuada pelo totalitarismo do mundo comum e a criaÃÃo de um mundo fictÃcio. Esta anÃlise teve em seu desenvolvimento o conceito de semblÃncia tratado na primeira parte da dissertaÃÃo e a releitura, feita a partir disso, da terceira parte de Origens do totalitarismo, da qual despontam para a discussÃo a propaganda, a organizaÃÃo, a polÃcia secreta, os campos de extermÃnio, a ideologia e o terror. A pesquisa, portanto, traz uma interpretaÃÃo do conceito de aparÃncia em Arendt, de modo a mostrÃ-lo como central e imprescindÃvel seja na compreensÃo dos temas ligados Ãs atividades espirituais, seja Ãquilo relativo ao mundo e Ãs interaÃÃes humanas, revelando, por fim, que assim como a dignidade da aparÃncia leva à dignidade da polÃtica, a perda daquela tambÃm reflete na perda desta. / Hannah Arendtâs concept of appearance has a central importance in the entirety of her work. This is the hypothesis of our research and, based on it, the aim of this dissertation is to comprehend how this question arises in many moments of Arendtâs thought. From her last book â The life of the mind â, the definitions that refer to the value of the surface in its several aspects receive some notability. With intention that is possible to find the references on the concept of appearance in its very moments, this work tries to achieve a double explanation of this concept showing their basic dimensions: the philosophical and the political. Arendtâs dismantling of metaphysics shows itself important to raise the dignity of appearance; thus, some concepts like truth, reason, thought, mind, intellect and cognition become central pieces. In constant debate with philosophical tradition, this dissertation aims to indicate how appearance receive another mean by Hannah Arendt in such way that terms as reality/realness, world, thought and judgment shows itself indispensable for recover the dignity of worldâs phenomenal nature. Although, the hypothesis would be incomplete if it doesnât demonstrate this dignity as indispensably related to manâs and politicsâ dignities. Then, it makes an appreciation about how Arendtâs political theory â The human condition is the major theoretical bases here â is permeate in all its levels by the concept of appearance. The concepts developed to this purpose are: public sphere, action, speech, power and freedom. Lastly, the totalitarian event was elected as a crucial moment to think the appearanceâs loss for politics. From this, it resulted what we called world of semblances, that is, the destruction performed by totalitarianism of the common world and the creation of a fictional world. This analysis had in its development the concept of semblance treated in the first part of the dissertation and the read, made from this, of the third part of The origins of totalitarianism, whence rises to discussion the propaganda, the organization, the secret police, the extermination camps, the ideology and the terror. The research, thus, brings an interpretation on the concept of appearance to show it as central and indispensable for the comprehension of the themes related to the mind activities as such as to those things associated to the world and the human affairs, revealing, then, that the dignity of appearance brings to the dignity of politics as well as the loss of the appearance reverberate in the loss of the dignity of politics.

Part I: An Intellectual and Political History. Chapter One: Cold War Consensus Shattered. Chapter Two: Dictatorships and Double Standards. Chapter Three: The Carter Years: Was Kirkpatrick Right? Part II: Kirkpatrick and the Reagan Administration Chapter Four: The Kirkpatrick and Reagan Doctrines Chapter Five: Putting Policy to Practice: Chile and El Salvador

Literatūros sociologai teigia, jog lietuvių poezijai praėjusio amžiaus IX – X dešimtmečiai itin reikšmingi, nes tuo laikotarpiu gimė nauja kūrėjo laikysena – poetai aplinką ėmė vaizduoti šaltą ir atstumiančią, į poeziją įtraukiamas visuomenėje plintančio reiškinio – prievartos – vaizdinys. Poezija kito kartu su politiniais, ekonominiais ir socialiniais pokyčiais valstybėje. Minėtam laikotarpiui būdingus eilėraščius kūrė dviejų kartų poetai. Šio darbo objektas – G. Patacko eilėraščių rinktinė „Jazmino žiedas vakarą prakalbina“ bei V. Gedgaudo poezijos rinkiniai „Vakaras be žiburio“ ir „Kapsulė“. Poetų kūryba pasirinkta neatsitiktinai – jie panašūs savo pasaulėžiūra, kurią galima pavadinti prometėjiška. G. Patackas ir V. Gedgaudas atmeta klasikinį grožio supratimą, pasitelkdami prievartos ir brutalumo metaforas griauna poezijoje nusistovėjusias normas, nes tai – reiškiniai, atspindintys šiuolaikinį pasaulį. Magistrinio darbo tikslas – pasitelkiant literatūros sociologijai rūpimus klausimus, aptariant literatūrinį poetų kūrybos lauką panagrinėti kodėl ir kokiu būdu G. Patackas ir V. Gedgaudas savo kūryboje plačiai vartoja prievartos variantus, kokias prasmes šie variantai įgauna lyrikoje. Fundamentali prievartos ar smurto reikšmė – jėgos vartojimas, vertimas ką daryti, žala žmonėms juos žudant, luošinant ar sužeidžiant. Mokslininkai išskiria kelias prievartos rūšis, magistriniame darbe jos vadinamos variantais, pagrindinės jų – fizinė ir psichologinė. Šiuos... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / The sociologists of Lithuanian literature say that IX and X decades of the last century are very important to Lithuanian poetry as then the new author’s attitude was born – poets began representing cold and repulsive surroundings in their creations. They included the images of violence which became the everyday occurrence in our society of that time. Poetry was changing together with political, economical and social life in our state. Two poets of those generations wrote poems which have characteristics of that particular period. The object of the presented work is G. Patackas’ selection of poems “Jazmino žiedas vakarą prakalbina” („The Jasmine Blossom is Making an Approach to the Evening“) and two collections of poems by V. Gedgaudas – “Vakaras be žiburio” (“An Evening without the Light”) and “Kapsulė” (“The Capsule”). These poets were chosen not accidentally – they are similar in their poetry by their outlook on the world, which could be called “prometheism”. G. Patackas and V. Gedgaudas reject the classical conception of beauty, they are destroying the standards of the poetry. Poets invoke metaphors of violence and brutality as these phenomena reflect the modern world. The purpose of this master’s work is to try to ascertain why G. Patackas and V. Gedgaudas use variants of violence in their creation, how they do that and what are the meanings of these variants in their poetry. The presented work is based on the literature’s sociology. The fundamental meaning of... [to full text]

Šis disertacija išsiskiria tuo, kad yra tiesiogiai skirta partizanų karo sampratos problematikai. Disertacijoje tiriama šiuolaikinei Lietuvos kultūrai būdinga partizanų karo samprata, atskleidžiama jos įtaka politiniams ir teisiniams reiškiniams ir sovietinės indoktrinacijos vaidmuo jai formuojantis. Disertaciją sudaro įvadas, keturios dalys, išvados, šaltinių bei literatūros sąrašai. Pirmojoje dalyje atskleidžiama sovietinio pseudoistorinio pasakojimo apie partizanų karą įtaka šiuolaikinės Lietuvos istorinės kultūros susiformavimui. Antrojoje dalyje aptariamas politinis partizanų karo vertinimas, tiriami bandymai politiškai įprasminti partizanų karą ir tokios politikos atmetimas visuomenėje. Trečiojoje dalyje pagrindžiama, kad šiuolaikinė Lietuvos teisinė praktika kyla iš sovietinės „teisės“ tradicijos. Ši teisinės kultūros savybė siejama su istorinės ir politinės kultūros deformacijomis, sąlygotomis sovietinės pseudoistorijos primetimo. Ketvirtojoje dalyje nurodomos prielaidos formuotis alternatyviai, sovietinę indoktrinaciją atmetančiai partizanų karo sampratai. Visos viena kitą papildančios disertacijos dalys leidžia formuluoti išvadas apie sovietinės pseudoistorijos primetimo pasekmes šiuolaikinėje Lietuvos kultūroje ir šios problemos sprendimo būdus. / This dissertation for the first time deals exceptionally with the concept of the guerrilla war. The main problem of the research is the influence of the specific concept of the guerrilla war on the political and legal spheres and the role of the soviet indoctrination in the formation of such concept. The dissertation consists of the introduction, four parts, conclusions and the lists of sources and literature. In the first part the influence of the soviet pseudohistorical narrative over the formation of the contemporary historical culture is being discussed. In the second part the efforts to pay political homage to the guerrilla war and the failure of such efforts is being investigated. In the third part it is being argued that the legal practice concerning the former guerrilla fighters stems from the soviet “legal” tradition, this being the consequence of the deformation of the historical culture. In the fourth part the premises for the formation of the alternative concept of the guerrilla war are being considered. The research enables to formulate the conclusions about the consequences of the soviet indoctrination in the culture of contemporary Lithuania and the possible ways to cope with this problem.