Šis disertacija išsiskiria tuo, kad yra tiesiogiai skirta partizanų karo sampratos problematikai. Disertacijoje tiriama šiuolaikinei Lietuvos kultūrai būdinga partizanų karo samprata, atskleidžiama jos įtaka politiniams ir teisiniams reiškiniams ir sovietinės indoktrinacijos vaidmuo jai formuojantis. Disertaciją sudaro įvadas, keturios dalys, išvados, šaltinių bei literatūros sąrašai. Pirmojoje dalyje atskleidžiama sovietinio pseudoistorinio pasakojimo apie partizanų karą įtaka šiuolaikinės Lietuvos istorinės kultūros susiformavimui. Antrojoje dalyje aptariamas politinis partizanų karo vertinimas, tiriami bandymai politiškai įprasminti partizanų karą ir tokios politikos atmetimas visuomenėje. Trečiojoje dalyje pagrindžiama, kad šiuolaikinė Lietuvos teisinė praktika kyla iš sovietinės „teisės“ tradicijos. Ši teisinės kultūros savybė siejama su istorinės ir politinės kultūros deformacijomis, sąlygotomis sovietinės pseudoistorijos primetimo. Ketvirtojoje dalyje nurodomos prielaidos formuotis alternatyviai, sovietinę indoktrinaciją atmetančiai partizanų karo sampratai. Visos viena kitą papildančios disertacijos dalys leidžia formuluoti išvadas apie sovietinės pseudoistorijos primetimo pasekmes šiuolaikinėje Lietuvos kultūroje ir šios problemos sprendimo būdus. / This dissertation for the first time deals exceptionally with the concept of the guerrilla war. The main problem of the research is the influence of the specific concept of the guerrilla war on the political and legal spheres and the role of the soviet indoctrination in the formation of such concept. The dissertation consists of the introduction, four parts, conclusions and the lists of sources and literature. In the first part the influence of the soviet pseudohistorical narrative over the formation of the contemporary historical culture is being discussed. In the second part the efforts to pay political homage to the guerrilla war and the failure of such efforts is being investigated. In the third part it is being argued that the legal practice concerning the former guerrilla fighters stems from the soviet “legal” tradition, this being the consequence of the deformation of the historical culture. In the fourth part the premises for the formation of the alternative concept of the guerrilla war are being considered. The research enables to formulate the conclusions about the consequences of the soviet indoctrination in the culture of contemporary Lithuania and the possible ways to cope with this problem.

Politinės valdžios organizavimo būdas – politinė sistema – neapriboja politinės valdžios vykdymo būdo. Politinio režimo pasirinkimas valstybėje suponuoja pagrindinių režimo idėjų perkėlimą į teisinę sistemą ir teisės aktus, kuriais nustatomas režimo veikimas. Politinio režimo apibrėžimas ir nustatymas bei pritaikymas bet kokiai valstybei yra svarbus savaime reiškinys. Egzistuojančio režimo analizė gali padėti suprasti valstybėje vykstančius procesus ir įsigilinti į tai, kokiomis pagrindinėmis teisėmis disponuoja tiek valdžios vykdymo institucijos, tiek ir pagrindinė valstybės varomoji jėga – piliečiai. Tinkamai teorizuoti politinį režimą ir išanalizuoti jo veikimo būdus, nustatyti, kokiais teisės aktais režimas yra įgyvendinamas ir kokias pagrindines normas nustato – aktualu visais laikais. Todėl nagrinėjamos temos aktualumas pasireiškia per galiojančio politinio – teisinio režimo analizės svarbą istorinio formavimosi kontekste ir palyginimą su kardinaliai besiskiriančiais režimais kitose valstybėse. Temos objektas – politiniai teisiniai režimai, tikslas - išanalizuoti egzistuojančius politinius teisinius režimus. Darbo uždaviniai: išanalizuoti, susisteminti ir pateikti valstybinio valdymo formas; išanalizuoti ir susisteminti politinių režimų sampratą, pateikti jų diferencijacijas ir formas; atlikti du empirinius tyrimus: išanalizuoti politinio režimo kaitą Lietuvoje, lyginant XX amžiaus konstitucijų kaitą, bei palyginti trijų užsienio valstybių (JAV, Baltarusijos ir Š... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / Political systems doesn‘t limit government enforcement mode. Adoption of political regime implies its implementation into legitimacy. Definition of political regime and its enforcement is a very important issue for every single state. The analysis of regime implied into legitimacy of particular state helps us understand political process and political ruling. The actuality of this theme mostly relies on the analysis of states’ political regime and its development through historical, political and national changes. Object of this work is political regimes, and its aim - to analyse political regimes that exists in world. Main tasks given – to analyse and systematically present main state governing forms, fully analyse concept of political regimes, to present its’ differentiations and forms, also – to provide two empirical research: to analyse the impact of development of political regime in Lithuania, analysing its Constitutions in XX century and to analyse three various political regimes – ones existing in USA, Belarus and North Korea. States might be divided into republics and monarchies. Republics – presidential (representative) or direct democracy. Analysing republics by constitutional approach it may be also divided into parliamentary or presidential governing forms. Though mixed forms also exists. States, relying on theoretical approach and governing form may be also distinguished: unitary, federation and confederation. The governing regime depends on constitutional... [to full text]

La divulgation dans les médias de masse des atrocités commises dans les camps de concentration nazis et soviétiques n’a pas ébranlé que les milieux politiques. Plusieurs chercheurs en sciences humaines (on pense immédiatement à l’expérience de Milgram) et en philosophie ont cherché à comprendre le fonctionnement des régimes totalitaires. Hannah Arendt, en plus d’avoir contribué à la popularisation du concept de totalitarisme, a été l’une des premières à en rechercher les origines. Bien qu’il n’ait jamais abordé de front la question du nazisme et du stalinisme, Michel Foucault a, lui aussi, ancré ses recherches sur le pouvoir dans une démarche généalogique. Plus précisément, c’est lors de ses travaux sur la gouvernementalité et la biopolitique qu’il a étudié les rationalités gouvernementales, leurs technologies et leur effet subjectivant. Les objectifs de cette recherche sont de présenter un exposé critique de ces deux approches des phénomènes de pouvoir en Occident et de produire une étude comparative du phénomène totalitaire. / The revelation to light of the atrocities committed in Nazi and Soviet concentration camps has not only shaken the political circles. Several researchers in the humanities (one thinks immediately of the Milgram experiment) and philosophy have sought to understand the functioning of totalitarian regimes. Hannah Arendt, in addition to having contributed to the popularization of the concept of totalitarianism, was one of the first to look for the origins. Although he never tackled head on the issue of Nazism and Stalinism, Michel Foucault, too, grounded his research on power in a genealogical approach. Specifically, it was during his work on governmentality and biopolitics that he studied governmental rationalities, technologies and their subjectification effect. The objectives of this research are to present a critical discussion of these two approaches of the phenomena of power in the West and to produce a comparative study of the totalitarian phenomenon.

This thesis provides a qualitative research of asylum seeking of unaccompanied children in Sweden. Children who find themselves traveling borders without company of a family member are in a very vulnerable position. In this thesis, the experience of unaccompanied children undergoing an asylum process in the Swedish jurisdiction is presented and the consequences of this process are also presented. With the creation of territorial boundaries embodied with an institution of state sovereignty, unaccompanied children finds themselves in a position of statelessness which produces a situation of rightlessness as they find themselves outside their own territories. This research suggests that, the territorial system provides great examples of unaccompanied children in a situation of statelessness even when they find themselves inside a new community. Even in this new state they do not automatically gain access to the community, instead through migration system, they must undergo investigations and procedures to prove that they have the rights to belong to that current community, a procedure that contributes to stress and other negative factors to the health of these children. From the findings of the interviews with unaccompanied children undergoing the process of seeking asylum and also unaccompanied children in hiding, it is seen that the asylum seeking process in the condition of unaccompanied children is characterized by the paradoxical system of national states, territorialism, totalitarianism, state sovereignty and an effort of maintaining human rights. The suggestion is that, the paradigm of territorialism and state sovereignty deprives unaccompanied children from what one in the Arendtian sense would call the right to have rights. As their journey to a new community starts off as a position of statelessness and with a 50% chance of returning back to that position. Their position slowly emerges from unaccompanied children, to a stateless adultescence and lastly to a forgotten undocumented adult.

This thesis concerns the cultural construction and mechanics of violence, domination, and survival under a Southeast Asian totalitarian regime. It entails an examination of the modern character of violence and domination in Myanmar (Burma) through the inscription of State power upon the bodies of Burmans and via the ramifications of the regime's alliance with the drug lords upon the urban struggle for survival. At times of extreme domination, fear, and degradation, very little space exists for psychological and physical resistance. Burmans seek escape from this situation by withdrawing into domains characterized by denial, numbness, and temporary madness. My concern is with the lived experience of totalitarianism, the way that individuals respond differently according to a prior series of lived experiences, and the particular idioms drawn upon to construct survival strategies. / An important culturally constructed strategy of survival in Myanmar entails the detaching of agency from the body while the mind "flies" to freedom. This strategy has a long history not only in Burmese, but also in other Southeast Asian histories, myths, and legends. Just as Burmese wizards fly to a mythical landscape in the foothills of the Himalayas when released from their physical bodies, so too do heroin addicts, prostitutes, psychiatric patients, and the urban poor flee to Burmese fantasylands to escape the domination of the military regime. This strategy, one of many adopted by urban residents, denies the State the final prize it so desperately craves: the willing participation of Burmans in a military society, the complete internalization of totalitarian ideology such that no other ideologies can exist and no space is left for their creation and negotiation. In the conclusion I argue that the regime is aware that it has faded in this task. / I also examine the possibility that the existence of multiple Burmese worlds or realities, in conjunction with a strong belief in the miraculous may offer new ground for research into the trauma of survivors of violence and terror. The construction of madness, death, and reanimation in Burmese culture, grounds particular survival strategies in logical, hopeful, and perhaps curative, rationalities.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Catholic University of America, 1943. / Description based on print version record. Bibliography: p. 212-220.

Dystopian fiction as intended in the Western literary tradition is a 20 th century phenomenon on the Arabic literary scene. This relatively new genre has been experiencing an uplift since the beginning of the 21st century and many works that have been defined dystopias have been published and translated into English in the last 10 – 15 years. In order to find out their main features, Claeys’s categorization of literary dystopias is applied and a thematic analysis is carried out on four Arabic dystopian works of narrative, written by authors from different parts of the Arabic world. The analysis shows that 21st century Arabic dystopias are political dystopias, with totalitarianism as their main variation. Rather than on society, their focus is on the individual, and more specifically on personal freedom. The totalitarian constraints are mainly caused by religious fundamentalism and bureaucratic procedures. Surveillance and control over population are implemented by means of religious precepts and bureaucratic constructions, together with, in some instances, control over language and technological devices. Political totalitarianism regardless of a specific political ideology is identified as main theme. The thesis suggests that a Western-based classification framework is only partially suitable for Arabic dystopian fiction of the 21st century and that further research, including but not limited to a specific classification theory for Arabic dystopian fiction, is necessary to properly investigate this new literary trend in Arabic literature.

Cette thèse ne propose pas une variation sur la thématique de la mort de Dieu et ses retombées, mais une enquête sur un mode de penser disqualifié, le nihilisme, susceptible de renouveler un diagnostic sur la crise de la modernité. La menace du nihilisme prend consistance dès l'émergence du scepticisme en Grèce ancienne. Passée au crible de l'histoire de la métaphysique et de la prise de pouvoir des mouvements totalitaires, la mise en équivalence nihilisme-scepticisme mérite d'être interrogée. Elle n'est recevable que si les formes anciennes et modernes prises par le scepticisme sont autant de précédents nihilistes et si, inversement, la crise qui scelle la fin de la modernité est interprétable en termes sceptiques. Une approche dynamique de la métaphysique (comme tension et apparentement entre dogmatisme et scepticisme), rend une reconstruction nihiliste du scepticisme sujette à caution. Penser suspensif dans ses formes anciennes, porteur de vacillement à l'époque moderne, le scepticisme se démarque du nihilisme. Ce dernier évide et néantise toutes les différences et consiste, lui, en une négation du fonds commun entre dogmatisme et scepticisme. Quelle que soit la portée créatrice du nihilisme d'un point de vue spéculatif, c'est sa seule dimension destructrice qui s'impose avec l'instauration d'une politique totalitaire. La modernité s'ouvre bien sur un défi de type sceptique : où asseoir sa créance ? Cependant, avec la mort de Dieu, cette question ne se pose plus en termes de vacillement mais de perte définitive de toute assise. S'il en ressort une crise du but dans le cadre métaphysique,l'institutionnalisation du nihilisme donne lieu, quant à elle, à une crise du sens. Le scepticisme contemporain, emporté dans la tourmente, semble disqualifié par sa compromission supposée avec des politiques nihilistes. Forcé d'engager un auto-examen inédit, ne peut-il pas encore être une ressource pour notre temps ? / This thesis does not present a supplementary approach about the death of God and its effects but a study of nihilism, a disqualified way of thought, which could renew a diagnosis on the crisis of modernity. Nihilsm becomes really a threat as soon as scepticism takes shape in Ancient Greece. It is worth questioning stetting nihilism and scepticism as equivalent when considered through the history of metaphysics and rising of totalitarian regimes. This could be accepted only if one considers the ancient and modern forms of scepticism as proceeding from nihilism, and, on the other hand, if the crisis putting an end to modernity can be interpreted from a sceptical point of view. A dynamic approach to metaphysics (as tension and link between dogmatism and scepticism) casts a doubt upon a nihilist interpretation of scepticism. Suspensive thought in its ancient ways, carrying indecision in modern times, scepticism separates from nihilism. The latest eliminates all differences ; by itself, it is the abolition of the common ground between dogmatism and scepticism. Whatever the creative potential of nihilism from a speculative point of view, in the foundation of totalitarian politics, only its destructive aspect stands out. Indeed, modernity opens on a challenge of a sceptic type : which basis for one's belief ? Yet, after the death of God, this question witnesses no longer a state of indecision but truly as the permanent loss of foundation. While it leads to a crisis of the goal from a metaphysical scope, the institutionalization of nihilism provides a crisis of meaning. Contemporary scepticism, caught in the turmoil, appears as discredited because of its presumed involvement with nihilist politics. Could it still be a resource in our time when forced to pratice an original self-examination ?

O presente trabalho põe a si como tarefa central investigar o pensamento político na obra de Ernst Cassirer, buscando depreendê-lo de seu projeto filosófico geral apresentado ao longo dos três tomos da Filosofia das formas simbólicas. Assim, as obras que são aqui analisadas com atenção especial, quais seja, O mito do Estado e Ensaio sobre o homem, são tomadas à luz desse projeto filosófico que as precede em cerca de duas décadas. A estratégia expositiva adotada nesta dissertação foi a de partir da análise diacrônica do diagnóstico do filósofo acerca do tempo histórico em que vive, buscando os reflexos de tais acontecimentos em sua produção intelectual. Assim buscamos compreender as declarações de abertura dO mito do Estado sobre a situação social e política que tornou possível a efetivação de um programa totalitário como foi o regime nazista. Em seguida, recuamos para a compreensão dos fundamentos da filosofia das formas simbólicas de Cassirer para buscar nela os elementos que, de nosso ponto de vista, teriam suscitado ao filósofo a aplicação de seu projeto filosófico geral para a compreensão de um fenômeno bastante concreto e singular como o da experiência nazista. Após essa análise dos elementos teóricos centrais do projeto filosófico cassireriano, retomamos a análise dO mito do Estado, agora em atenção aos elementos históricos que conduziram, desde o campo da teoria política até o de sua prática efetiva, ao estado de crise e irracionalidade que caracterizam a situação política da primeira metade do século XX. Nos capítulos seguintes, abordamos aquilo que, defendemos, constituiriam os ideais normativos do programa político de Cassirer, depreendidos de sua antropologia filosófica e das premissas gerais de uma noção de humanidade que se pretende inclusiva em relação a todas as manifestações do espírito humano. As duas noções fundamentais que destacamos e que constituiriam as linhas gerais desse programa político são a liberdade e o cosmopolitismo, por meio das quais procuramos ainda compreender a crítica de Cassirer ao hegelianismo e o modo com que se dá, nesse campo da filosofia política, sua releitura do projeto iluminista. / This work gives itself the task of investigating the political thought of Ernst Cassirer, intending to understand it from the point of view of his main philosophical work the three volumes of Philosophy of Symbolic Forms. In this way, the texts which we analyse here with special attention The Myth of the State and Essay on Man are taken into view in the light of this philosophical project that preceeds them in two decades. The expositive strategy adopted is to depart from the diachronic analysis of the diagnosis of Cassirer about the historical time in which he lives, seeking in his intellectual production the reflections of such events. By such manner we try to understand the opening statements in The Myth of the State about the social and political situation that turned possible the accomplishment of a totalitarian political program such as the Nazism. Then we retrace the steps of the Philosophy of Symbolic Forms looking for the fundamental elements which, in our viewpoint, serve as a cornerstone to applying his main philosophical work to a concrete and singular phenomenon such as the Nazi experience. After that we come back to analyzing The Myth of the State, now paying attention to the historical elements that lead, in the field of political theory as well as in its effective practice, to the state of crisis and irrationality that characterizes the political situation in the first half of the 20th century. During the following chapters we take into account what we defend to be the normative ideals of the cassirerian political program, inferred from his philosophical anthropology and from the general premises of a notion of humanity that claims to be inclusive in what concerns all manifestations of the human spirit. The two vital notions which we point out and that constitute the general lines of this political program are freedom and cosmopolitism, by means of which we try to understand Cassirers critic to Hegelianism and the way that follows his reception of the illuminist ideals.

CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeÃoamento de Pessoal de NÃvel Superior / O objetivo dessa dissertaÃÃo à examinar a moderna naturalizaÃÃo do homem e a teoria da aÃÃo polÃtica em Hannah Arendt. Para tanto, iniciaremos com a anÃlise da terceira parte da obra Origens do Totalitarismo. Nessa obra, a autora apresenta os campos de concentraÃÃo como sendo o nÃcleo dos regimes totalitÃrios e os primeiros a reduzirem o homem a sua condiÃÃo natural, eliminado a liberdade e aniquilando a pessoa jurÃdica e moral dos indivÃduos. Na sequÃncia, refletiremos sobre a crescente naturalizaÃÃo do homem ocorrida na modernidade, tendo como base os escritos posteriores a Origens do Totalitarismo. Neste sentido, analisaremos os textos: A condiÃÃo humana e Sobre a RevoluÃÃo, onde Arendt reflete sobre o declÃnio do espaÃo pÃblico e a moderna ascensÃo do social, caracterizada pela reduÃÃo da liberdade ao campo das necessidades biolÃgicas. Por fim, apresentaremos a teoria da aÃÃo polÃtica como alternativa à moderna naturalizaÃÃo do homem. A aÃÃo em Arendt tem sempre uma relaÃÃo polÃtica e està fundada na capacidade que os homens tÃm desde seu nascimento de dar inÃcio a novos comeÃos, de fundar novos corpos polÃticos. Assim, à somente atravÃs da redenÃÃo da aÃÃo que poderemos vislumbrar uma retomada da dignidade da polÃtica nos tempos atuais, principal hipÃtese de nossa pesquisa.