This thesis aims at clarifying the very basic characteristics of Wu Ze Tian&rsquo / s reign and her utilization of religious and symbolic propaganda for legitimizing her authority. Wu Ze Tian is the only female emperor of China&rsquo / s long dynastic history who founded her own dynasty, Zhou dynasty after overthrowing the Tang dynasty in 690. The political ideal presented by Confucianism, which is the traditional state doctrine of the imperial China, refuses female participation to political arena and identifies the emperor as the Son of Heaven. In order to overcome the Confucian obstacle, Wu Ze Tian referred to the symbols and rituals of the antiquity, highly appraised by the Confucians, which enabled her participation to the political sphere. Moreover, for legitimizing herself as a female ruler, she utilized the Buddhist scholarship and concepts as tools of political propaganda. It was also a matter of fact that due to the northwestern nomadic influence on the society, female rulership was not conceived to be impossible in the Tang dynasty, as it was in the previous dynasties. Benefitting from this sociopolitical atmosphere, Wu Ze Tian occupied the throne first as the empress and later as the empress dowager for almost 35 years and at last ruled over the whole Chinese soil as the female emperor of the Zhou dynasty for 15 years. Wu Ze Tian proved herself as a capable ruler under whose dominion the whole country reached its broadest borders and the economy flourished considerably. Not only owing to the power of her political propaganda but also mostly because of her talent in rulership and her social and political reforms, Wu Ze Tian is one the most important Chinese rulers who left a remarkable influence on the governmental tradition of China.

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Isang Yun's oratorio My Land My People is organized in four movements, and is scored for orchestra, solo voice and choir. Movements are titled as follows: Rjoksa (History), Hyon-Shil I (Presence I), Hyon-shil II (Presence II), and Mi-rae (Future). This document only covers from measures 1-38 of the first section of the first movement of this work. Even though this work is atonal, the composer emphasizes a harmonically moving, tonal sonority: interval class five includes perfect 4th and 5th, quintal-quartal harmony and authentic cadence moving dominant to tonic. Also, in this document, a comparison with Korean traditional music elements is included to support Isang Yun's musical features.

Chinese translations of Buddhist sūtras and Chinese Buddhist literature demonstrate how stūpas became acknowledged in medieval China and how clerics and laypeople perceived and worshiped them. Early Buddhist sūtras mentioned stūpas, which symbolize the presence of the Buddha and the truth of the dharma. Buddhist canonical texts attach great significance to the stūpa cult, providing instructions regarding who was entitled to have them, what they should look like in connection with the occupants’ Buddhist identities, and how people should worship them. However, the canonical limitations on stūpa burial for ordinary monks and prohibitions of non-Buddhist stūpas changed progressively in medieval China. Stūpas appeared to be erected for ordinary monks and the laity in the Tang dynasty. This paper aims to outline the Buddhist scriptural tradition of the stūpa cult and its changes in the Chinese Buddhist Canon, which serves as the doctrinal basis for understanding the significance of funerary stūpas and the primordial archetype for the formation of a widely accepted Buddhist funeral ritual in Tang China.

本章文約一十八萬字，計六章，章下分節，如下：第壹章緒論分三節：一、「唯美詩 」一詞之名義詮釋。二、唐詩之演變及其派另。三、研究之動機與方法。第武章晚唐 唯美詩之時代背景分三節：一、晚唐政治局勢與社會風氣。二、晚唐文化、藝術環境 。三、晚唐文學之實際趨勢。第參章晚唐唯美詩發展之淵源分四節：一、六朝宮禮唯 美詩風之餘波。二、對盛唐各詩風之取舍匯集。三、師中唐韓孟形式主義而益工。四 、李員對晚唐唯美詩之啟示。第肆章晚唐唯美詩人及其作品風格分析分四節：一、杜 牧及其作品風格。二、李商隱及其作品風格。三、溫庭筠及其作品風格。四、韓偓及 其他詩人。第伍章晚唐唯美詩之幾個特色分三節：一、晚唐唯美詩之形象特色。二、 晚唐唯美詩之意境特色。三、晚唐唯美詩之典型－無題特。第陸章結論分二節：一、 晚唐唯美詩對後世之影響。二、文學發展上唯美詩之得失。附錄：參考書目。

本論文全一冊，有十萬餘字，分為六章。 第一章緒論。第一節研究動機與目的。第二節研究範圍及取材。第三節研究方法。昃 這篇論文的概要。 第二章田園詩的淵源。第一節陶淵明以前的田園詩。第二節陶淵明的田園詩。第三節 唐朝的田園詩。第四節北宋的田園詩。是范成大以前田女園詩的概況。 第三章范成大之生平。第一節傳略。第二節思想。第三節交遊。此為范成大田園詩的 外緣研究。 第四章范成大田園詩之內容分析。第一節吟詠農民疾苦的作品。第二節吟詠農事的作 品。第三節吟詠田園生活的作品。第四節吟詠田園景色的作品。第五節吟詠閒適逸趣 的作品。 第五章范成大田園詩的表現技巧分析。第一節用字技巧。第二節造句技巧。第三節聲 韻特色。以上兩章為范成大田園詩的內在研究。 第六章結論。第一節前人對范成大田園詩的評價。第二節范成大田園詩的特色。

本論文係以「原本玉篇」殘卷為對象，擇該書所引述「說文」與今傳「二徐本說文」 二者之間，正其是非，題曰：「原本玉篇引述唐以前舊本說文考異」。文都二十萬言 ，本論析為七章，係以「原本玉篇」所存七卷作為區分，其前為緒論，其後乃結語。 所用「原本玉篇」之材料，乃日本「東方文化叢書第六」之複製本，不足者以羅振玉 及楊守敬刊本補足之，並輯入少數他書所存錄者；總存字二０九二字，所引述「說文 」者，凡一二六一條，引者八二一條，述者四四０條，其引「說文」之八二一條中， 與今「二徐本說文」相較而合者，唯二六０條耳，其異者達五六一條。考校之結果， 今「二徐本說文」是而「原本玉篇」非者，固亦有之，然今本誤者則佔絕大部份，可 見「原本玉篇」之可貴也。今「二徐本說文」之誤，就說解言：有形誤者、音誤者、 誤倒者、誤置者、誤羨者、竄入者、漏奪者；甚收字：有失數者、誤增者、誤合者、 誤分者、誤置部首者，亦有形體 謬者。而尤要者，則可知今「二徐本說文」亦有據 「原本玉篇」而改竄之痕跡也。

全文約十萬字，共分六章十四節。 第一章：前言。說明研究動機、目的、方法、範圍與困難。 第二章：朔方軍之建置、組織、成員。分析朔方節度使建置之沿革及其轄區、職權之 演變，並探討朔方節度使府之僚生佐組織與朔方軍將士成員之出身。 第三章：朔方軍與回紇聯軍平定安史之亂。先言安史之亂前朔方軍與回紇之種種關係 ，次言朔方軍與口紇聯軍政策之背景分析，再述聯軍平定安史之經過及致勝因素。 第四章：朔方軍與朝廷之關係。以朔方將領、朔方軍之經濟文化、朔方軍與神策軍等 方角度，分析其與朝廷之關係。 第五章：朔方軍所扮演之角色分析。以政治、外交、軍事、經濟等之層面分析之。 第六章：結論。扼要敘述本文重點，並提出筆者之觀點。

本論文共乙冊，凡十萬字，分為八章，首章緒論，說明本論文研究之目的、方法與主 要論題；次章總論實踐之意義，及其與當代新儒家之關聯；三、四章討論唐君毅與牟 宗三理論中對實踐問題的態度；五、六、七章就勞思光的思想討論其所謂近百年來之 「中國苦難」的本質、苦難的解除，及解除行動之著手處等問題，而顯豁其實踐哲學 之內容。末章結論，則對勞思光思想針對唐君毅、牟宗三思想之可能補益進行討論， 並進而檢討此補益中之缺陷，期能對當代新儒家之實踐問題提供更為整全的解決。