Over eighty polar-themed exhibitions were held in Britain between 1819 and the 1930s, a time of intense exploration of both the Arctic and Antarctic. These varied from panoramas and human exhibits to displays of ‘relics', equipment, photographs and artwork, waxworks and displays shown as part of a Great Exhibition. This period also saw the creation of the first dedicated polar museums. These displays were visited by thousands of people throughout the country, helping to mediate the subject of exploration for a public audience. Despite this, the role exhibitions played in forming popular views of the polar regions has not been fully assessed. This thesis addresses this gap. It is the first to consider all the polar exhibitions held during this period as a collective body, making it possible to study how they developed over time and in response to changing circumstances. The thesis uses a variety of archival sources to both reconstruct the displays and place them in their historical and museological contexts. The study shows that exhibitions evolved in response to changes both in the museum sector and in exploration culture. It demonstrates that, while they were originally identified with the shows of the entertainment industry, polar exhibitions began to take on more of the characteristics of museum displays. At the same time their dominant themes changed; the natural world was relegated in favour of ideas relating to the human experience of the regions such as heroism, adventure and everyday life in an exotic environment. While other media may have been more effective in disseminating ideas about exploration, visitors could find the experience of visiting an exhibition more compelling. This thesis contributes to our understanding of this distinct role that exhibitions played in presenting the polar regions to the British public.

A presente dissertação trata da relação entre democracia e poderes emergenciais tendo como análise o caso dos Estados Unidos depois dos atentados terroristas de 11 de setembro de 2001. Fundamentalmente, tratamos da expansão dos poderes do presidente norte-americano, George W. Bush, propiciada pela chamada “guerra contra o terrorismo”. Nosso objetivo é o de demonstrar como se deu essa ampliação dos poderes do presidente, tratando especificamente das questões atinentes à Ordem Militar de novembro de 2001 que possibilitou a prisão de suspeitos de terrorismo por parte das forças armadas norte-americanas e seu envio à Base Naval de Guantánamo, Cuba. Além disso, analisamos o comportamento da população, do Legislativo e do Judiciário durante a primeira administração republicana, demonstrando a fragilidade do sistema de checks and balances durantes emergências. Por fim, concluímos que ocorreu, por parte do Executivo, uma interpretação soberana da Constituição e das leis que, com o maciço apoio da população, impôs restrições ao funcionamento dos checks and balances e possibilitou a violação de direitos de cidadãos e estrangeiros, como mostrou o caso dos detentos em Guantánamo e em solo norte-americano. / This dissertation deals with the relationship between democracy and emergency powers, analyzing the case of the United States after the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001. Fundamentally, we study the expansion of the powers of U.S. President George W. Bush, provided by the "war on terror”. Our goal is to demonstrate how did this expansion of presidential powers, dealing specifically with issues related to the Military Order of November 2001 that led to the arrest of suspected terrorists by the armed forces of U.S. and sent to the Naval Base Guantanamo, Cuba. Furthermore, we analyze the behavior of the population, the legislature and the judiciary during the first Republican administration, demonstrating the fragility of the system of checks and balances during emergencies. Finally, we conclude that occurred by the Executive, a sovereign interpretation of the Constitution and laws, with massive popular support, has imposed restrictions on the operation of checks and balances and the possible violation of rights of citizens and foreigners, as shown the case of detainees in Guantanamo and U.S. soil.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-07T14:46:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 3360568 bytes, checksum: 1c01f6b8c73ab099752603932d52c725 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-02-27 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Since the release of the film Ringu, in 1998, the Japanese contemporary horror cinema, or J Horror, became a filmic addressing form for the West. These Japanese horror movies have created a way of production that was soon "discovered" and exported by Hollywood through remakes for international audiences. The fact that the production of a remake will present differences between the original film and the new version is clear and doubtless. When these horror films are analysed as entertainment, it is possible to study much more than just filmic differences presented by cultural aspects. We developed our analysis in the perspective that there are reframings in the remakes of the movies as this means part of a productive logic way of the film industry as entertainment. In addition to the comparisons between Ringu and its American remake, The Ring, this research aims to develop the elements of production, distribution and exhibition as these three topics answer the aspects of the cinema as an industry. Through this triad, besides the cultural environment, it may be possible, for example, to find answers to suggest the changes we can notice in the remakes due to get an extension of an international audience as the original movie is usually released only in Japan. / Formatado a partir do lançamento do filme Ringu, de 1998, o horror japonês contemporâneo, ou J Horror, tornou-se uma forma de endereçamento fílmica para o Ocidente. As obras japonesas geraram um modelo de produção de sentido logo descoberto e exportado por Hollywood com refilmagens para um público internacional. Que a produção de um remake gera diferenças entre o filme original e a refilmagem, não há dúvidas. Mas, ao analisar o cinema de terror como entretenimento, é possível perceber muito mais do que apenas diferenças fílmicas em função de aspectos culturais. Trabalhamos nossa análise na perspectiva de que há reenquadramentos temáticos nas refilmagens de obras uma vez que as mesmas fazem parte de uma lógica produtiva da indústria do cinema como entretenimento. Além das comparações entre Ringu e sua refilmagem norte-americana, O Chamado, esta pesquisa pretende se debruçar, em particular, nos aspectos extratextuais do cinema como entretenimento em cada nação, o que faz necessário debater elementos de produção, distribuição e exibição. Por meio desta tríade, além do entorno cultural, talvez seja possível, por exemplo, compreender as mudanças feitas nas refilmagens em função de obter um alargamento de um público internacional ao qual o remake é destinado em comparação com o produto original, que costuma ser exibido apenas no Japão.

Abstract This paper aims to determine the validity of the hypothesis that the effective and eloquent use of language can result in shaping beliefs and altering people’s perception of certain phenomena. In order to explore this hypothesis, a speech given by George W. Bush concerning the Iraq war is examined, followed by a brief study of two corpora, the Time Magazine Corpus and the Corpus of Contemporary American English, where the collocationpatterns of the words Iraq, evil and terror are examined. The paper starts by presenting the main concepts upon which this study is based, i.e. mental frames, the co-operative principle and conversational maxims and finally, various rhetoric devices. An analysis section follows, where George Bush’s speech is examined with the help of the concepts mentioned above and the analysis continues with the corpora-study. One of the conclusions drawn in this study is that, indeed, it is possible that language can be successfully used in order to achieve political means, and that there seems to be a shift in the American public’s perception of concepts such as Iraq and terror, visible in the use of language. However, it cannot be said with certainty whether the Bush Administration has managed to dominate public discourse, through a study as minor as this one.

The aim of this paper is to assess the applicability of the Just War Tradition to a declaration of war on terrorism. The specific content that the paper will be analysing is the U.S. decision to declare war on terror in the aftermath of the 9/11 attacks. I will be focusing on three conditions used to justify preemptive attacks, which are essential to the Just War Tradition. (i.e. the scope of the self, the existence of evidence, and military intervention as a last resort). The method used, will be discourse analysis, focusing on how the United States justified their decision to go to war on terror. This study suggests that the U.S. justification was built upon their knowledge and use of the principles of the JWT. The findings shows that the conditions of a justified preemptive attack can be applied to the U.S. justification to declare war on terror. However, when the three conditions are applied, some important questions and implications arise. The main interpretation of the findings is that problems arise when the scope of the self is defined too widely. This, in combination with further implications, indicates that there is a need for a more structured framework in which terrorism can be analysed.

The purpose of this study is twofold: First, to inquire how the George W. Bush administration plans to keep America safe from external threats and second – based on the assumption that neoconservatives have influenced the Bush administration – examine how neoconservative ideas have influenced this strategy to protect America. The research questions are as follows: What is the content of the Bush administration’s security strategy? How are neoconservative ideas reflected in this security strategy? To answer the first question, the main points of two studied documents were summarized. The summarized documents were the two versions of the National Security Strategy of the United States of America that the George W Bush administration has released during its tenure. These documents state the official security strategy of the United States and give a general view over the threats against America and how the administration plans to deal with these threats. To answer the second question the author studied literature about neoconservatism and gained valuable knowledge about the neoconservatives, which resulted in the creation of an analyzing instrument. This analyzing instrument was later applied on the empirical material that was gathered by answering the first question and in turn answered the second question. The result of the study is that the Bush administration believes that by spreading freedom and fighting tyranny around the world, America will become safer. To accomplish this, the administration will employ the full array of political, economic, diplomatic and other tools at their disposal. Neoconservative influences on the strategy were found repeatedly – one of the most obvious influences being the administration’s adoption of the principle of preemptive strikes against enemies.

The thesis subject is based on a report published by Amnesty International with the title ”Dangerously Disproportionate: The ever expanding security state in Europe”. The report accuses EU states of an ongoing securitization due to terrorism and the migration crises that has led to the discrimination of especially Muslims and foreign nationals. With the report as starting point this paper aims to investigate how inclusion and exclusion is made in the security discourse of the Swedish government and parliament between 2015 and 2017. The time frame is chosen based on Amnesty’s assessment of a shift in paradigm with starting point after the terror attacks in Paris 2015. As theory and method this paper makes use of Laclau & Mouffe´s discourse theory to perform a discourse analyses. Previous research of scientists and theorists is used to operationalize both inclusion and exclusion. The results of the study show that inclusion and exclusion in the discourse is made by talking about the migration crises, unaccompanied refugee children, antisemitism, terrorists, and those who need protection; us. One of the most prominent conclusions related to the analysis is that the figure of the migrant is excluded by means of framing it as a security problem leading to the possible system collapse of prominent welfare and social functions in society. / Uppsatsens ämnesval bygger på Amnesty Internationals rapport med titeln ” Dangerously Disproportionate: The ever expanding security state in Europe” som anklagar de europeiska länderna för en säkerhetiseringsprocess på grund av terrorism och migrationskrisen, vilket huvudsakligen drabbar migranter och människor av muslimsk tro. Med rapporten som utgångspunkt valdes en undersökning av inkludering och exkludering i den svenska regeringens och riksdagens säkerhetsdiskurs med målet att söka efter hur inkludering och exkludering ”görs” i relation till migrations- och terrorkrisen mellan åren 2015 och 2017. Tidsramen valdes på grund av att Amnesty Internationals rapport pekade ut ett paradigmskifte efter terrordådet i Paris 2015. Som teori och analysmetod används Laclau & Mouffes diskursteori som bygger på premissen att verkligheten är socialt konstruerad. Som operationaliseringar av begreppen inkludering och exkludering användes tidigare forskning. Resultatet av undersökningen visade att inkludering och exkludering görs i diskursen när det talas om migrationskrisen, ensamkommande, antisemitism, terrorister och den gruppen som ska skyddas. En av de mest tydliga slutsatser som dras från analysen är att migranten framställs som ett säkerhetsproblem som är ansvarigt för den hotande systemkollapsen av välfärden och viktiga samhällsfunktioner i Sverige, samt att det är en tydlig förändring i förhållande till en tidigare mer generös och inkluderande hållning mot migranten.

Nous proposons, avec cette recherche, un parcours qui se veut exhaustif de la littérature coloniale portugaise des années 1920 en rapport avec le Mozambique. Dans une première partie, nous fournissons des données contextuelles et définissons des concepts opératoires d’analyse indispensables pour procéder à l’étude des récits coloniaux et de leur temps historique. Des données biographiques sur les principaux auteurs de cette période sont présentées, ainsi que leurs œuvres. L’analyse porte ensuite sur les deux grands vecteurs, géographique et morphologique, de constitution et de division des sujets coloniaux. La perception morphologique de l’autre, sur la base d’un référentiel géographique, se trouve directement liée aux représentations de la pensée raciale portugaise développées dans une large mesure à partir de la mythologie aryenne et du darwinisme social. Les récits à l’étude montrent comment les notions de « lutte des races » et de sélection des communautés les plus aptes contribuent à l’élaboration d’une « stratégie de la cruauté » et au déclenchement de flux de mort d’une grande intensité. Le double processus de déterritorialisation des populations par les conquêtes et de leur re‑territorialisation avec la transformation sociale de l’espace par le capitalisme colonial prend place dans un contexte politique totalitaire. L’instauration de la dictature raciale et la généralisation de la terreur engendrent l’astreinte des colonisés à une condition de servitude économique et sexuelle. Le désir colonial permet aussi l’émergence de formes d’hybridité sociale ou culturelle et la mise en cause de l’autorité discursive, immédiatement contrées par le développement d’une politique de domesticité coloniale. / This research proposes a very thorough examination of Portuguese colonial literature related to Mozambique in the 1920s. In the first part, contextual data is made available and concepts essential for carrying out the study of colonial texts in their historical time are defined. Biographical data about colonial authors and data about their works is presented. The analysis is then centred on the main cores, geographical and morphological, of the constitution and the division of the colonial subjects. The morphological perception of the other, based on a geographical reference, is directly related to the representations of Portuguese race‑thinking, developed to a large extent through Aryan Mythology and Social Darwinism. The texts studied show how the notions of the “struggle of the races” and of survival of the fittest among human communities contributed towards the elaboration of a “strategy of cruelty” and the unleashing of death flows of great intensity. The double process of deterritorialisation of populations through conquest and their reterritorialisation through the social transformation of space by colonial capitalism took place in a political context of totalitarianism. The installation of a racial dictatorship and the generalisation of terror forced the colonised into a position of economic and sexual servitude. The colonial desire also allowed the emergence of hybrid social or cultural forms and a questioning of discursive authority; those found an immediate opposition in the development of a politics of colonial domesticity.

Ce mémoire propose une analyse de l'expérience de la terreur au sein de la franchise Fatal Frame, et plus particulièrement dans Fatal Frame III : The Tormented (TECMO, 2005). Dans un premier temps, nous resituons ce jeu vidéo dans le genre du survival terror en nous penchant essentiellement sur les émotions qu'il engendre, soit la peur et la terreur. Nous employons une approche qui s'intéresse aux émotions du joueur dans son rapport avec l'image, le son, et la jouabilité. C'est en abordant les tactiques de l'épouvante relevées par le groupe de recherche du LUDOV que nous dressons un portrait de l'expérience et analysons les éléments constitutifs instiguant les émotions recherchées. Puis, il est question du rapport entre le joueur et les ressources offensives disponibles. Dans un second temps, nous examinons l'environnement du jeu tant dans sa construction que dans sa présentation. Afin de mieux comprendre ses influences sur les émotions du joueur, nous décomposons le récit tout en nous référant aux légendes urbaines et à la religion shintoïste. Finalement, nous développons au sujet de la figure du fantôme avec sa représentation horrifique et surtout, de la façon dont le joueur peut agir face à cette menace. La thématique de la hantise est examinée de plus près. Il est d'abord question de la hantise transmédiatique. Puis, la hantise transvidéoludique est abordée en tenant compte des liens entre les jeux de la franchise. / This thesis proposes an analysis of the terror experience within the Fatal Frame franchise, more specificly in Fatal Frame III : The Tormented (TECMO, 2005). First of all, we situate the game within the survival terror genre and examine the emotions it generates, such as fear and terror. We employ an approach based on the player's emotions in relation to the image, sound and gameplay. Then we dress a portrait of the experience by applying the scare tactics underlined by LUDOV research group and we analyse the game elements that create the seeked emotions. We then consider the link between the player and the available offensive ressources. Secondly, we observe the game environment in its construction and presentation. To better understand its influences on the player's emotions, we break down the plot and refer ourselves to urban legends and the shintoïst religion. Finally, we develop on the figure of the ghost and its horrific representation and, mostly, the way the player can act towards this threat. The thematic of the haunting is then more closely examined. We first look at transmediatic haunting. Then, we approach transvideoludic haunting while considering the links between the games of the franchise.

Mémoire en recherche-création / Dans ce mémoire, il sera question d’analyser l’affect du spectateur qui assiste, de plus en plus aujourd’hui, à un spectacle de la terreur et du terrorisme sans cesse mis en scène sur internet avant d’être relayé par les autres médiums (journaux, chaîne infos, internet, réseaux sociaux). Pour mener à bien cette réflexion, il sera pertinent d’analyser les méthodes de diffusion des vidéos terroristes de n’importe quelle forme au sein de ces collectifs (propagande internet, amateur, télévisuelle) et d’expliquer comment elles s’imprègnent dans l’univers privatif et influent sur l’affect du spectateur qui réceptionne ces images. A partir de cette analyse, la discussion se resserrera sur le produit vidéo en lui-même, comment il faut le percevoir. Nous décortiquerons image, son et langage. La création, une mini-série télévisée dont nous écrirons seulement le pilote, aura un regard plus engagé et prendra position sur la société face aux extrémismes et au terrorisme, son implication et les conséquences de ses actes en se basant sur l’affect de plusieurs réseaux de personnages qui interviendront autour de la même intrigue. Voici son court résumé : « Alors qu'un pays européen voit son gouvernement passer à l'extrême droite, un collectif d'artistes, journalistes, politiques et citoyens se réunissent pour organiser une résistance souterraine dans le but de démasquer les véritables actions des nouveaux dirigeants. » / The main objective of this dissertation will be to analyze the audience’s affect, who is today, witnessing the dread and terrorism, always shown on the internet, followed by the other mediums (TV channels, newspapers, cinema). To carry out this study, it will be necessary to analyze the terrorist’s video’s broadcast methods of all kind within these collective (internet propaganda, amateur, televisual) and therefore explain how they spread through this privative universe and rule the audience’s life (affect). From this study, the discussion will close in on the video itself, and how it has to be seen. We will meticulously analyze the image, sound and language. The creation consists on a mini-series which will only include the pilot. It will have a politically motivated meaning and will take a stance on our actual society facing extremism and terrorism, its part in it and the consequences of its actions. All of it will be seen from the affect of a character’s network, who will evolve around the same plot. Here is the pitch: “Now that a European country’s government has gone far right, a group of artists, reporters, politics and citizens will gather up to create an underground resistance in order to unmask the real actions on these new leaders.”