La thèse vise à examiner les politiques d'aide au développement de l'Union européenne (UE) et leur impact sur les conditions politiques, économiques, sécuritaires et sociales dans le Territoire palestinien occupé (TPO). De plus, elle vise à répondre à la question de savoir si ces politiques ont concrètement contribué à la construction d'une économie palestinienne solide conduisant à l'établissement d'un État palestinien, ou si elles étaient seulement des politiques destinées à protéger un processus de paix, délabré en permanence, et à maintenir le statu quo de l'occupation tout en répondant aux exigences de survie de la population palestinienne. L'étude met en lumière l'évolution de la politique d'aide européenne au peuple palestinien en accordant de l'intérêt à l'évolution de la politique étrangère de l'UE envers le conflit palestino-israélien et aux institutions en charge de la coopération au développement avec les pays tiers au sein de l'Union. La présente recherche a pour objet l'aide accordée par l'UE aux Palestiniens pour la période s'étendant de 1993 à 2014. Elle met en évidence un ensemble de résultats, dont le plus important est que cette aide a joué un rôle éminent afin d'éviter l'effondrement de l'Autorité nationale palestinienne (ANP) et d'aider le peuple palestinien. Elle s'est diversifiée au cours des années, en quantité et en qualité, afin de s'adapter à la situation politique, économique et humanitaire dans le TPO. Elle a contribué aux réformes réussies effectuées par l'ANP dans plusieurs secteurs, et elle a davantage soutenu les plans nationaux palestiniens de développement. Pourtant, cette aide n'a réussi ni à freiner les politiques de dé-développement pratiquées systématiquement par l'occupation, ni à mettre de la pression sur Israël. Cette recherche souligne que cette aide ne réalisera pas ses objectifs, notamment celui de l'établissement d'un État palestinien viable coexistant avec l’État d'Israël en paix et en sécurité, tant que l'UE n'utilisera pas son pouvoir économique et ne transformera pas sa rhétorique en actions concrètes sur le terrain. / The study aims to examine the policies of development aid of the European Union (EU) and their impact on the political, economic, security and social conditions in the occupied Palestinian territory (OPT). In addition, it seeks to answer the question whether these policies have helped to build a strong Palestinian economy leading to the establishment of a Palestinian state, or if they were only policies to protect the peace process, permanently dilapidated, and maintain the status quo of the occupation while meeting the basic requirements of survival of the Palestinian population. The study highlights the evolution of the European political support to the Palestinian people by highlighting the evolution of EU foreign policy towards the Palestinian-Israeli conflict and the institutions responsible for the development cooperation with third countries within the Union. This research relates to the aid granted by the EU to the Palestinians for the period extending from 1993 to 2014. It highlights a set of results, the most important is that this aid has played a prominent role in avoiding the collapse of the Palestinian National Authority (PNA) and in helping the Palestinian people. It has diversified over the years, both in quantity and quality, to fit the political, economic and humanitarian situation in the OPT. It contributed to the successful reforms carried out by the PNA in several sectors, and has further supported the Palestinian national development plans. However, this aid has not succeeded to curb the de-development policies systematically practiced by the occupation or to put pressure on Israel. This research underlines that this aid will not achieve its objectives, including that of the establishment of a viable Palestinian state coexisting with the State of Israel in peace and security, as long as the EU does not use its economic power and does not turn its rhetoric into concrete action on the ground.

Mgr. Soňa Fryščáková The aims and objectives of the European Union information policy (with a focus on librarianship in the institutional structure of the European Union) (dissertation thesis) (Směřování a cíle informační politiky Evropské unie (se zaměřením na knihovnictví v rámci institucionální struktury Evropské unie) Abstract This thesis is focused on the analysis of the selected libraries (and the other information services) of the European Union Institution, in particular the analysis of their current situation with an aim to address a proposal for their further development. The proposal points out problematic areas within the libraries' operation and prepares suggestions to the program goals of the information policy of the libraries of EU Institutions. The first part is devoted to the EU information policy in general and presents the development of the information society in the context of the European Union. The next section describes the information services of the EU Institutions. Specifically, those are libraries of selected EU institutions and also the Historical Archives of the European Union and the professional association of European libraries Eurolib. The last part deals with analysis of the information strategy of the EU institutions and with the solution that represent program aims of...

Forced labour presents a severe human rights violation and affects about 27.6 million people worldwide. Most forced labour in the private economy takes place in businesses linked to the global market economy. In efforts against forced labour, it is therefore crucial to address the role of business operations in global supply chains. The European Commission has presented a proposal for a ban on products made with forced labour on the EU market which applies to all companies and industries. Although this initiative has been welcomed broadly the proposal has served as a topic for political debate in the EU. Stakeholders have contrasting views on what would serve as the most effective solution to the problem and, indeed, what actually constitutes the problem. Research on policy design acknowledge that the way a problem is framed and understood determines which kind of solutions will be deemed as appropriate. This thesis aims to understand the foundations of how the European Commission perceives the problem by conducting a frame analysis of the proposal focusing in turn on how the problem is framed, which actors are included, and how causes and solutions are framed. The frame analysis reveals that the Commission’s framing of the problem is ambiguous and twofold - it includes aspects of human rights perspectives as well as market and trade perspectives. The aim of the proposal is to contribute to the eradication of forced labour, but it also addresses the issue of distortion on the internal EU market and on removing unfair competition. Although the proposal fails to address some of the underlying root causes of forced labour this initiative, together with other legal measures in the business and human rights field, presents an important step towards keeping companies accountable for their adverse human rights impacts.

Mankind has worked with the climate crisis and other sustainability issues since the 1990s, but this hasn’t had any desired effect. One of the problems relates to interpretations of the term sustainability. It has caused confusion, and work towards developing shared understandings is still an ongoing process. Sustainability challenges pertain to all industries. The Swedish water sector faces several challenges today. One of these challenges relates to the need for investments in the Swedish water and wastewater (W&WW) pipelines. The growing population requires an expanded W&WW network, and the existing network needs to be updated to maintain a high-quality product.  As part of the EU’s Green Deal for making the European economy more sustainable and more resilient the EU-taxonomy has been developed to put political goals into practices and measurements of performance. The role of the Taxonomy is to pave the way towards what currently is perceived as environmental sustainability. This creates transparency and simplifies investments to lead to more sustainable choices.  The aim of this study was to investigate how the EU-taxonomy affects the Swedish construction of W&WW pipelines and how this can be used in strategic sustainability efforts. This was done through research on both W&WW pipe construction and sustainability frameworks. A case study has been used to acquire a picture of how existing routines stand in relation to the EU-taxonomy. The objects of the case study have been one consulting firm in urban development and one public actor, responsible for developing the municipality’s W&WW network, a so-called VA-huvudman. To further contextualize the EU-taxonomy, the theoretical Framework for Strategic Sustainable Development (FSSD) has been applied. This is a research-based framework, as opposed to a political one – such as the EU-taxonomy or Agenda 2030. The framework has been used to understand what the EU-taxonomy can contribute as a tool for the strategic work with FSSD. Standardization has also been applied as a concept, in order to highlight the use of the EU-taxonomy.  In the empirical study, the result shows that the structure of the EU-taxonomy makes it difficult to apply it on a subject as specific as a W&WW pipeline construction. Furthermore, the criteria within the Taxonomy challenging to apply on W&WW pipelines since they apply to the entire water, or water treatment, system. Further work with the Taxonomy requires more horizontal coordination within the organizations to report on and fulfill the criteria.  Since the EU-taxonomy lacks a life cycle perspective it doesn’t include the whole life cycle or indirect activities related to W&WW pipeline construction, such as choice of material or the construction process. A complementary framework, or other measures, are needed in order to capture environmental aspects of sustainability. / Människan har kontinuerligt arbetat med klimatfrågan och andra hållbarhetsfrågor sedan 90-talet,men detta har fått en begränsad effekt. Hållbarhet är ett ord som skapat förvirring, och ettgemensamt språk är något som efterfrågats. Den svenska vattensektorn möter idag ett antalutmaningar. Det stora investeringsbehovet inom det svenska vatten- och avlopps (VA)-nätet ärett av dessa. Den ökande befolkningen kräver en utbyggnad av VA-nätet och det befintliga nätetbehöver upprustas för att bibehålla kvaliteten på vattenleveranserna. EU-taxonomin är del av EU:sgröna giv vars syfte är att göra den Europeiska ekonomin mer hållbar och resilient. Taxonominsär inom detta ett klassificeringssystem för miljömässigt hållbara investeringar inom EU. Dettaska leda till transparens samt styra kapital mot mer hållbara alternativ genom att förenkla förinvesterare att fatta mer hållbara val. Studiens syfte är att undersöka hur kraven i EU-taxonomin ser ut för ledningsarbeten in-om vatten och avlopp (VA-ledning), och hur dessa kan användas på ett strategiskt sätt för att stärkahållbarhetsanpassningar inom samhällsbyggandet. Detta har genomförts genom en omvärldsanalysav både VA-ledning och olika befintliga hållbarhetsramverk. En fallstudie har använts för att få enbild av hur befintliga rutiner förhåller sig till EU-taxonomin. Fallobjekten i studien har varit ettkonsultföretag inom samhällsbyggnad samt en aktör som är ansvarig för en kommuns VA-nät, ens.k. VA-huvudman. Utöver avgränsningen att undersöka ledningsarbeten inom VA-branschen harprojektet begränsats till de två första delegerade akterna med klimatinriktning som publiceratsinom ramen för EU-taxonomin. För att sätta EU-taxonomin i ytterligare en kontext har det teoretiska ramverket Frameworkfor Strategic Sustainable Development (FSSD) använts. Detta är ett forskningsbaserat ramverktill skillnad från politiskt beslutat, som både EU-taxonomin, Parisavtalet och Agenda 2030är. Ramverket har använts för att undersöka hur EU-taxonomin kan användas i det strategiskahållbarhetsarbetet. Standardisering har även lyfts som ett koncept och används för att belysaEU-taxonomin i en större kontext. Resultatet visar att VA-ledning är en begränsad del av större system inom EU-taxonomin.Aktiviteterna i taxonomin som innefattar VA-ledning är också kopplade till hela vatten- ochavloppssystemet i sin helhet. Denna utformning gör det svårt att enkelt urskilja separata delarav ledningssystemet eftersom aktiviteterna inte är utformade så. Att rapportera på de för VA-verksamheterna relevanta aktiviteterna i taxonomin kommer därmed kräva samarbete från fleraparter, möjligen även utanför VA-organisationen. EU-taxonomin saknar även ett livscykelperspektiv. Den inkluderar inte hela livscykeln el-ler indirekta aktiviteter inom VA-ledning, som materialval eller byggprocessen. För att beaktahållbarhet i en vidare bemärkelse krävs därför en komplettering av något annat ramverk ellerandra åtgärder. Genom EU-taxonomin gör EU en ansats att definiera det miljömässigt hållbaravilket kan bidra till att främja en hållbar utveckling, särskilt om det används strategiskt ochkompletteras med andra hållbarhetsramverk som beaktar fler aspekter ur ett livscykelperspektiv. En hypotes för framtida forskning på området kan dock vara att EU-taxonomin inte kan användassom ett fullständigt hållbarhetsramverk med fokus på miljöaspekter på ett mindre system än den beskrivna aktiviteten. Det bör undersökas vidare hur EU-taxonomin kan kompletteras med etteller flera hållbarhetsramverk för att i större utsträckning främja hållbarhet.

The rule-making power of the European Commission, dissertation Mgr. Mgr. Jiří Lenfeld, M.A.; supervisor: doc. JUDr. Richard Král, Ph.D., LL.M. Charles University, Faculty of Law, Department of European Law Prague, March 2013 The aim of the dissertation is to analyse the role of the European Commission in the legislative process of the European Union with the focus on procedures for adoption of legally binding Union acts. The European Commission is one of the main institutions of the European Union. It represents and upholds the interests of the EU as a whole and manages the day-to-day business of implementing EU policies. However, to limit the role of the European Commission to that of an executive body would be misleading. Its role in the EU institutional system is much broader than that. The European Commission is the most important legislator among the EU institutions and is also empowered with an almost exclusive power to submit drafts of EU legal acts. The rule-making power of the European Commission could be seen from two different points of view. In a narrow sense of the word it could be seen as a power conferred on the European Commission by the Treaties to propose drafts and to adopt EU legal acts implementing legally binding Union acts. However, the exercise of the rule-making power may...

Nearly four decades of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN)-European Union (EU) relationship have witnessed the importance of ideas and identity alongside the economic interests in shaping the behaviour of the two sides. The study takes interest in understanding the EU’s actorness and the EU as a normative actor with and within Southeast Asia through a reflectivist lens. The thesis is an attempt to provide a new perspective on a relationship commonly assessed from an economic angle. It outlines the opportunity of non-traditional security (NTS) challenges to enhance EU actorness and normative influence in Southeast Asia. Against this backdrop, the study explores the dialogue and cooperative initiatives of two regions, which attach relatively little salience to each other. The study employs a NTS lens and draws upon the case of the Asian Financial Crisis of 1997-98, the haze in relation to forest governance, the Bali bombings of 2002 and the political conflict in Aceh. The study assumes that these NTS issues can stimulate processes of threat convergence as well as threat ‘othering’. It argues that these processes enhance European engagement in Southeast Asia and contribute to shaping regional stability in Southeast Asia. Furthermore, NTS crises present situations, where norms can become unstable, contested and substituted. This allows us to better examine the EU as a normative actor. To establish an understanding of the EU’s actorness and the EU as a normative actor, the empirical evidence will focus on the threat perceptions, motivations of action and activities of the EU and its member states. For the purpose of differentiating the EU as a normative actor, the study will also include the discussion of the normative objectives and behaviours of the EU and its member states and apply a reflectivist theoretical framework. Hypothetically, NTS crises trigger external assistance and normative influence and thus, they offer an opportunity to establish a more nuanced picture of the EU in the region. At the same time, the study acknowledges that there are a variety of constraints and variables that complicate the EU’s actorness. The thesis seeks to identify and discuss these. So far, scholarly publications have failed to apply the NTS perspective systematically. This thesis provides the first monograph-length treatment of the EU in Southeast Asia through a NTS and reflectivist lens.

Abstract (version française suit)<p>Although the EU is a privileged point of focus for political science studies, its discursive activity has not received all the attention it deserves. This corpus analysis adopts a descriptive approach, based on the Neo-Aristotelian trend in argumentation theory, by using both analytical categories of classical rhetoric and (emic or etic) categories that belong to the conceptualization of the debate entertained by its own participants. The corpus consists of public interventions by representatives of the three main EU Institutions (Commission, European Council and Parliament). The speeches were pronounced between June and December 2005. Since it is discussed every seven years, the topic of the Financial Perspectives offers the possibility of making diachronic comparisons; it also allows identifying values, projects and means of the European construction at a rhetorical level. The last six months of 2005 followed two significant events: the conflicting attitudes of European Governments regarding the Iraq war and the rejection of the Constitutional Treaty by referendums.<p>In the absence of any other metaphysical or natural foundation, the technocratic enterprise provides the European project with a rational and secular justification that is not always assumed as such, though, by the presidents of the Commission. The conceptual metaphors stemming from the preambles to the treaties convey the idea that European integration will be achieved by triggering a gradual process that should lead to the realization of an ultimate aim.<p>From a rhetorical point of view, the Financial Perspectives are in need of legitimacy. In 2005, the rhetorical invocation of dates/milestones, abundantly used by former presidents of the Commission, does not seem to work anymore. Both the requirement of unanimity in the legislative procedure and the habitus of European deliberation make it necessary to find an agreement; this consequently promotes “consensus” as a meta-communicational argument. The notion of a “consensus” runs against such theoretical (epistemological) and pragmatic objections that it proves imperious to wonder about its origin and roots. One should take into account not only scholarly conceptions of “consensus” (Habermas, the Deliberative Democracy movement), but also naïve and popular visions of it.<p>The EU Institutions are aware of the difficulty they meet in awakening citizens’ interest, and they have developed their Communication Policy in order to give themselves the means to overcome this obstacle. A systematic reflection on their strategy should take into account the divergent opinions of Moravscik and Hix, as well as the possibility of grounding the EU project anew on a revival of ancient homonoïa.<p>DISCLAIMER. The content of this thesis represents solely the views of its author and cannot in any circumstances be regarded as the official position of the European Commission.<p><p><p><p><p><p><p>Résumé<p>Quoique l’Union Européenne (UE) soit un objet de prédilection pour les politologues, son activité discursive n’a pas reçu toute l’attention méritée.<p>La thèse offre une analyse de corpus effectuée sur base d’une grille de lecture incluant des catégories rhétoriques étiques et émiques. Elle adopte une approche descriptive puisée dans le versant néo-aristotélicien de l’étude de l’argumentation. Le corpus a été constitué d’interventions publiques tenues par les représentants des trois principales Institutions Européennes (Commission, Conseil Européen, Parlement Européen) entre juin et décembre 2005. Le sujet des Perspectives Financières, débattu à intervalles réguliers, permet des comparaisons diachroniques ;il permet aussi de contraster les valeurs, les projets et les moyens de la construction européenne. La conjoncture des six derniers mois de 2005 présente la particularité supplémentaire que le projet de Traité Constitutionnel venait d’être rejeté et que les gouvernements européens s’étaient auparavant divisés sur l’intervention en Irak.<p>En l’absence d’un fondement métaphysique ou naturel, l’entreprise technocratique fournit au projet politique européen une justification rationnelle et laïcisée, même si elle n’est pas assumée explicitement en tant que telle par tous les présidents de la Commission. Les métaphores conceptuelles mobilisées dans les préambules des traités traduisent le fait que l’unification européenne devrait s’accomplir à la fois par l’entremise de réalisations progressives et à travers la poursuite d’un objectif lointain.<p>Sur le plan rhétorique, les Perspectives Financières sont en manque d’une légitimité emblématique. La clause des rendez-vous, des étapes cruciales, abondamment utilisée dans le passé par les présidents de la Commission, cesse de fonctionner en 2005. La nécessité d’un accord, issue tant de la lettre de la procédure législative par unanimité que de la coutume des délibérations, est devenue matière à un argument méta-communicationnel qui en est arrivé à englober toute circonstance susceptible de faciliter le « consensus ». Cette dernière notion soulève des réticences théoriques (épistémologiques) et pragmatiques qui imposent de s’interroger sur son origine. La problématisation que nous avons opérée tient compte non seulement des conceptions savantes du « consensus » (Habermas, courant de la Démocratie Délibérative), mais aussi de ses variantes populaires ou vulgarisées.<p>Les Institutions Européennes sont conscientes de la difficulté qu’il y a à motiver l’intérêt citoyen, et elles ont voulu, à travers leur Politique de Communication, se donner les moyens de dépasser cet obstacle. La thèse mène, à ce propos, une réflexion plus générale qui tient compte des avis opposés de Moravcsik et Hix, et d’une éventuelle refondation dans l’homonoïa de la rhétorique classique.<p>DISCLAIMER. Le contenu de cette thèse représente le point de vue de son seul auteur et ne peut en aucune circonstance être considéré comme la position officielle de la Commission Européenne. <p> / Doctorat en Langues et lettres / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Partant du constat de la constitution de la promotion de la démocratie comme enjeu des relations internationales et de politique étrangère, la présente recherche s’interroge sur les politiques menées en la matière par l’Union européenne dans le cadre des relations avec ses voisins méditerranéens, particulièrement le Maroc et la Tunisie. L’analyse se concentre sur l’Instrument européen pour la démocratie et les droits de l’homme, sur la période 2007-2012.<p>L’objectif est de comprendre et d’expliquer les pratiques des différents groupes d’acteurs impliqués dans ces politiques, au sein de la Commission (DG Relex/SEAE, DG Devco, délégations) et du Parlement (sous-commission DROI).<p>La position défendue est la suivante :les pratiques européennes de promotion de la démocratie au Maroc et en Tunisie sont fonction de l’identité des groupes institutionnels qui les mettent en œuvre. Pour chaque groupe institutionnel, peuvent être mis en évidence des normes, intérêts et ressources qui contribuent à défendre et renforcer l’identité institutionnelle. Dès lors, des pratiques qui peuvent paraître incohérentes au premier abord (pourquoi agir au Maroc et pas en Tunisie ?pourquoi créer l’IEDDH et, parallèlement, évincer l’objectif de promotion de la démocratie de la coopération bilatérale avec la Tunisie ?) prennent tout leur sens lorsqu’on parvient à restituer la fonction sociale qu’elles assurent.<p> / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

L’évaluation de l’expérience de l’Unité africaine par rapport à l’Unité européenne dépasse l’aspect conceptuel car orientée vers une philosophie d’intérêt commun. Ainsi, il faut reconnaitre que l’idée d’Union en elle-même, est née d’un ensemble de circonstances historiques, politiques et socio-économiques. Cette évidence met en relief l’originalité de l’Union européenne qui, contrairement à l’Union africaine, a suscité une longue prise de conscience des pays fondateurs, lesquels se sont retrouvés à l’issue de la Seconde Guerre mondiale face à la nécessité de reconstruire leurs pays à tous les plans. A contrario, il semble que peu de nouveautés aient été apportées par l’Union africaine à l’Organisation de l’Unité africaine préexistante. Force est de constater, en outre, que l’Union africaine n’a fait que reconduire de façon formelle la structure institutionnelle de l’Union européenne sans prendre en compte la particularité socio culturelle et politico économique du continent africain. / The evaluation of African Unity’s experience in relation to the European Unity exceeds the conceptual aspect as oriented toward a philosophy of mutual interest. Thus, we must recognize that the idea of ​​Union itself was born of a set of historical, political and socioeconomic. This evidence highlights the originality of the European Union who, unlike the African Union, sparked a long awareness of the founding countries, which met at the end of World War II faced with the need to rebuild their country at all levels. Conversely, it seems that little new has been made by the African Union to the Organization of African Unity preexisting. It is clear, moreover, that the African Union has only formally renew the institutional structure of the European Union without taking into account the socio-cultural and politico economic peculiarity of the African continent.

The aim of my thesis on the topic „Regional and structural EU policy – economic and legislative aspect“ is a description of all important aspects of Regional policy EU and the performance of regional policy in the context of a specific project.