The aim of this essay is to show if and how group identities are being constructed in maindocuments from three political parties in the Swedish parliament, focusing on class, genderand ethnic identities. The three parties who’s documents are being analyzed are theModerate Party, the Sweden Democrats and the Left Party. The conclusion of the essay isthat the Moderate Party is so focused on the individual that they are not promoting groupidentity based on class, gender or ethnicity. The Sweden Democrats are mostly discussing,and therefore creating a discourse of, cultural identity, where Swedish, Nordic, Europeanand Western culture are being created as the ‘us’, and others are being created as ‘them’.They are also promoting difference between men and women, therefore dividing the sexesin groups. The Left Party are focused on class, and are dividing people in working class (themajority) and the elite (the minority). They are also creating a ‘us’ and ‘them’ whilediscussing the patriarchy, a system in which the man is superior and the woman is inferior.

This essay is regarding the problematic facts about child poverty in Sweden. Since the beginning of the new millennium child poverty has increased, in Sweden. The last report which came out in the spring this year (2012) opened up for a lively political debate as well as big headlines in news papers and other media. The attention it got in Society became hard for the politicians to avoid. The Swedish section of Save the Children, demanded in their report concerning child poverty in Sweden that the Swedish Government need to do an inquiry about the increasing child poverty.    Today in Sweden, there are two big parties, and they have been the biggest for a long time now. The two are Socialdemokraterna and Moderata Samlingspartiet. The first mentioned one is representing a socialist policy whilst the second one is representing a right-wing party. This study will deal with whether the parties have changed over time or not. The big question will be whether they have changed their opinions and positions since the beginning of 1960. This year is chosen in particular because it was during this period the largest development of the welfare state of Sweden started. It will be about if the parties changed according to, in particular poverty in Sweden. There are two main questions that I intend to answer throughout the text, to finally analyze the questions in the last part of this essay.

Syftet med studien var att analysera Moderaternas argument till att slopa straffrabatt för unga lagöverträdare. Studien utgick från en kvalitativ metod och använde en argumentationsanalys för att besvara syftet. Moderaternas motion är en offentlig handling och användes som urval. Den teoretiska utgångspunkten i studien var Garlands teori “acting out”. Teorin problematiserar olika politiska strategier. För att undersöka argumenten i motionen applicerades pro et contra-metoden. En teoretisk modell användes vid sammanvägning av argumentens beviskraft. Resultatet i studien visade att argumenten i Moderaternas motion innehöll moraliska värderingar snarare än faktabaserad information. Resultatet visade även att motionen innehöll otydliga motiveringar till att slopa straffrabatt för unga lagöverträdare. Tesen som framförts i motionen var enligt resultatet inte styrkt av de argument som tagits fram. Argumenten lyfte inte fram någon lösning på den problematik som framförts, utan var enbart något som Moderaterna själva ansåg vara mer rättvist. Vidare tolkades det som att Moderaterna argumenterar på ett sätt som ökar medborgarnas förtroende genom att använda känslostyrda formuleringar. För framtida studier rekommenderas det att analysera argument skrivna av andra politiska partier, som diskuterar straffrättsliga åtgärder för unga lagöverträdare. Det kan bidra till bredare perspektiv och förståelse. / The aim of this study was to analyse the Moderate party´s arguments to remove penalty reduction for young offenders. The study was based on a qualitative method and used an argumentation analysis to answer the purpose of this study. The Moderate party´s proposal is a public document and was used as a sample. The theoretical framework in this study was Garlands theory “acting out”. Acting out problematizes different political strategies. To be able to examine the arguments in the proposal we used the pro et contra-method. A theoretical model was used to put together the arguments probative value. The results in the study showed that the arguments in the proposal contained morale values rather than information based on facts. The results also showed that the proposal contained unclear motivations for removing penalty reduction for young offenders. The thesis in the proposal was according to the results not confirmed by the arguments that were brought up. The arguments did not conclude any solutions on the problem that the proposal mentioned. The arguments were solely built on something that the moderate party considered as fair. Moreover, it was interpreted that the Moderate party uses arguments in ways that increases the citizens trust by using sentences based on emotions. For future studies it is recommended to also do analyse arguments on other political parties that discusses criminal proceedings for young offenders. It can contribute to a broader perspective and understanding.

The focus of this thesis lies on tracing the similarities and differences between Liberal conservatism, Christian democracy and National conservatism, its relationship to the Moderates, Christian Democrats and Sweden Democrats' parties’ own interpretations of conservatism with a further ambition to discuss the ideological preconditions of a conservative parliamentary coalition. This study is based on the assumption that differences and similarities between various types of conservatism depend on relationship between political ideas and political practice. This relationship explains by a model that divides conservatism into fundamental and operative elements. The fundamental element of conservatism is an idea of human imperfection which leads to political skepticism, traditionalism and organicism. Operative elements are identified with support in the classical literature that describes the meaning of each type of conservative practice in a particular context. Furthermore, a typology of three ideal types of conservatism derives from fundamental and operational elements. Based on this typology, the parties' own manifesto is analyzed. The results show that the parties' own interpretations of conservatism contain both similarities that correspond to the fundamental elements and differences that are explained by the contextdependent operative elements. The thesis then opens up for a discussion about how those ideological similarities and differences affects possibilities for a conservative parliamentary coalition.

This study aims to analyze whether an ideological resemblance has occurred between the Moderate Party and the Sweden Democrats during the electoral periods 2018 and 2022. As such, an ideology focused systematic qualitative analysis has been applied with the additional lens of ideal type Liberal, Conservative and Nationalist values. The research questions for this study are: (1) What are differences and similarities between the Moderate Party and the Sweden Democrats in terms of Liberal, Conservative and Nationalist values during the two electoral periods? (2) Did an ideological resemblance occur between the two parties in two measuring points? The main findings of the study points to the implication that there is some degree of pathological normalcy when it comes to the Moderate Party’s election manifestos as there is a widespread use of all three ideal type ideologies in the election manifestoes from both chosen years. At the same time one could argue to a lesser extent that the Sweden Democrats have neared the Moderate Party as the ideal type Liberal values can be found abate to a far lesser extent compared to the the ideal type Nationalist and Conservative values in the election manifestos. As such, one can argue that an ideological resemblance between the two parties is apparent to a degree in the chosen measuring points though differences can also be found within the study between the two parties.

<p>Title: Similarities or differences within the centre-right? A study of the potential for party fusions within in the Swedish centre-right</p><p>Author: Charlie Weimers</p><p>Aim: The thesis seeks to find the potential for party fusions within the Swedish centre-right by analyzing the ideological similarities and differences between the parties.</p><p>Method/Material: In the thesis, four dimensions of the parties’ ideologies are analyzed: view of man, theory for societal structures, fiscal theory and moral values. The results of the study of the ideologies are then compared. The investigation is done with the party manifestos as starting point and with the analysis of ideas as theoretical tool.</p><p>Main Results: The comparative analysis, based on the parties’ ideological views, shows specific party constellations are more probable than others. The biggest ideological similarities are to be found between the Liberal People’s Party and the Centre Party, out of which I conclude that these two parties have the best potential for a fusion. The Moderate Party and the Christian Democratic Party also have clear similarities, thus there is a potential for fusion to a certain degree. The Moderate Party also shows some similarities with the Liberal People’s Party and the Centre Party, hence the possibility for a merger can not be excluded. My conclusion is based upon social liberalism and neo-conservatism as ideal types, which gives the Christian Democratic Party a position to the right. Thus, it would possible to claim that this party has the least options regarding fusion partners. The Moderate Party has the most alternatives, since the party is in a kind of “middle ground” between social liberalism and neo-conservatism.</p><p>Number of pages: 49</p><p>Course: Political Science C</p><p>University: Faculty of Social and Life Sciences, Karlstad University</p><p>Period: Fall, 2006</p><p>Tutor: Anders Broman</p><p>Keywords: centre-right, Sweden, party fusion, ideology, Moderate Party, Liberal People’s Party, Christian Democratic Party, Centre Party</p>

ALENCAR, Gustavo Magno Barbosa. Pelas tramas da política: a constituição do partido liberal moderado na província do Ceará (1830-1837). 2014. 196f. – Dissertação (Mestrado) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Programa de Pós-graduação em História, Fortaleza (CE), 2014. / Submitted by Márcia Araújo (marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2014-11-28T13:56:50Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2014_dis_gmbalencar.pdf: 1509716 bytes, checksum: bd5a3a3cf3a0e00ed8f8c954eea18857 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Márcia Araújo(marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2014-11-28T16:45:53Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2014_dis_gmbalencar.pdf: 1509716 bytes, checksum: bd5a3a3cf3a0e00ed8f8c954eea18857 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-11-28T16:45:53Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2014_dis_gmbalencar.pdf: 1509716 bytes, checksum: bd5a3a3cf3a0e00ed8f8c954eea18857 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014 / The following study will analyze how the liberal moderate party was constituted in the province of Ceará and what aspects were involved in this process. It was attributed as its formation period and political acting the time interval between 1830 (when José Martiniano de Alencar arrived at the Deputies Chamber and began to write letters to various political powers of Ceará) and 1837 (when he left the Presidency of Ceará province, reflection of the moderate party fall and the beginning of the conservator Regress). As sources of investigation, we have personal letters, newspapers, official correspondences, proclamations, laws, among other things. This work is organized on three aspects: the first is geared to understand the liberal moderate ideas and its bases, the second aims to show the meanders involved in the moderate party formation in the province and the third intends to comprehend the characteristics of José Martiniano de Alencar‟s provincial administration, the consolidation time of liberal moderate political project in Ceará. / O presente trabalho analisará como se deu a constituição do partido liberal moderado na província do Ceará e que aspectos estiveram envolvidos neste processo. Atribuiu-se como período de sua formação e atuação política o intervalo entre 1830 (quando José Martiniano de Alencar chegou à Câmara dos Deputados e iniciou a troca de correspondências com diversas forças políticas cearenses) e 1837 (quando ele deixou a Presidência da Província do Ceará, reflexo da queda do partido moderado na Corte e do início do Regresso conservador). Como fontes de pesquisa teremos cartas privadas, jornais, correspondências oficiais, proclamações, leis, dentre outras. O trabalho se estrutura sobre três aspectos: o primeiro é voltado à compreensão do ideário liberal moderado e suas bases de sustentação, o segundo objetiva evidenciar os meandros que envolveram a formação do partido moderado na província e o terceiro visa compreender as características da administração provincial de José Martiniano de Alencar, enquanto momento da consolidação do projeto político liberal moderado no Ceará.

CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeÃoamento de Pessoal de NÃvel Superior / O presente trabalho analisarà como se deu a constituiÃÃo do partido liberal moderado na provÃncia do Cearà e que aspectos estiveram envolvidos neste processo. Atribuiu-se como perÃodo de sua formaÃÃo e atuaÃÃo polÃtica o intervalo entre 1830 (quando Josà Martiniano de Alencar chegou à CÃmara dos Deputados e iniciou a troca de correspondÃncias com diversas forÃas polÃticas cearenses) e 1837 (quando ele deixou a PresidÃncia da ProvÃncia do CearÃ, reflexo da queda do partido moderado na Corte e do inÃcio do Regresso conservador). Como fontes de pesquisa teremos cartas privadas, jornais, correspondÃncias oficiais, proclamaÃÃes, leis, dentre outras. O trabalho se estrutura sobre trÃs aspectos: o primeiro à voltado à compreensÃo do ideÃrio liberal moderado e suas bases de sustentaÃÃo, o segundo objetiva evidenciar os meandros que envolveram a formaÃÃo do partido moderado na provÃncia e o terceiro visa compreender as caracterÃsticas da administraÃÃo provincial de Josà Martiniano de Alencar, enquanto momento da consolidaÃÃo do projeto polÃtico liberal moderado no CearÃ. / The following study will analyze how the liberal moderate party was constituted in the province of Cearà and what aspects were involved in this process. It was attributed as its formation period and political acting the time interval between 1830 (when Josà Martiniano de Alencar arrived at the Deputies Chamber and began to write letters to various political powers of CearÃ) and 1837 (when he left the Presidency of Cearà province, reflection of the moderate party fall and the beginning of the conservator Regress). As sources of investigation, we have personal letters, newspapers, official correspondences, proclamations, laws, among other things. This work is organized on three aspects: the first is geared to understand the liberal moderate ideas and its bases, the second aims to show the meanders involved in the moderate party formation in the province and the third intends to comprehend the characteristics of Josà Martiniano de Alencar&#8223;s provincial administration, the consolidation time of liberal moderate political project in CearÃ.

This study focuses upon the adaptation of the Swedish Social Democratic Party and Moderate Party towards the European Union. Adaptation is explored by examining attitudes the political parties have on different issues related to the EU. In other words it is assumed that adaptation is dependent on attitudes, amongst other things, and the attitudes are examined by studying officially expressed opinions by the parties in party programmes and in parliamentary protocols. By expanding the study to three years possible alterations in the attitudes can be detected and something can be said on the level of adaptation the parties show towards the EU in each research question. The questions are (1) Should Sweden take an active part in developing the European integration process?, (2) Is it believed that participation in international collaboration provides output benefits that the nation state no longer can provide?, (3) Is pooling of sovereignty problematic?, (4) Is military non-alignment important for Sweden? and (5) Is it important that Sweden participates in a common European security policy? The three years of research are 1995, 2006 and the first half of 2010. Two of the questions are developed by utilising the fusion perspective, that is a part of the fusion approach, which is also the theoretical framework of this study. The findings of this study show that both the Social Democratic Party and the Moderate Party experience attitudinal alterations in almost all the questions investigated. This causes some shifts in their level of adaption towards the European Union. Furthermore the results show that the Social Democratic Party and the Moderate Party are adapted towards the Union in most of the years researched.

The past decade has been a relatively tumultuous time in Swedish parliamentary politics with minority governments, a new party challenging the status quo and ultimately the breaking of the second largest coalition in Swedish politics. The decade also saw some policy changes in parties, most strikingly the Moderate party which once an outspoken proponent of a lax immigration policy, saw a clear shift to a more restrictive policy after the 2015 refugee crisis. The first aim of this study is to explain what the shift in immigration policy looks like in terms of whether it was a positional change or a change in ideological emphasis too. By using the method of comparing manifestos the conclusion was reached that the Moderate party shifted both their positional policy and their ideological emphasis. The question of what drives political parties to change policy is a hotly debated one with a wide array of theories and perspectives contributing to the discussion. In addition this study also attempts to apply the theory first proposed by Harmel and Janda (1994) “An Integrated Theory of Party Goals and Party change” on the Moderate party to explain the driving force behind the shift in immigration policy. This was done by comparing Moderate party manifestos from the year 2006 to 2018 in three issues (immigration, private actors in the education sector and private actors in the healthcare sector) that saw the public opinion clearly shift away from the party. Mostly through the process of elimination the study concludes that the Moderate party likely shifted their position on immigration issues in order to have better chances of forming more advantageous coalitions in order to change their opposition status in the future.