The reform of the United Nations Security Council belongs among the most discussed topics in the field of international relations. The criticism calling for adjustments to the Council's structure arose with the transformation of the international scene during the years of the Cold War. The process of decolonisation and the subsequent growth of the UN membership along with the decline of Great Britain and France fuelled the international pressure calling for the UNSC to reflect this new situation in its composition. However, in spite of the great number of proposals, since 1963 there has not been any major change. France, a permanent member of the Security Council, continued maintaining its negative attitude towards the reform until the end of the Cold War. Nevertheless, shortly after the end of the Cold War, the position of France changed. This change was articulated through the speech of Alain Juppé at the plenary meeting of the General Assembly in 1993, where France openly supported the UNSC reform. It can therefore be said that in 1993 there was a great change in French foreign policy. This thesis analyses how this change is projected in political discourse. Its aim is examining the nature of argumentation in the abovementioned discourse along with the way it corresponds to the...

L’objectif de la présente recherche portant sur l’évolution du droit des États à recourir à la force dans les relations nternationales est de montrer suivant une approche historique fondée sur le droit international que la pratique des États en la matière a changé. Effectivement, du droit de « faire la guerre » reconnu comme un droit souverain, passant par les premières tentatives de son encadrement au XIXe siècle, la rupture significative est venue en 1945 avec la création de l’ONU ; la Charte des Nations Unies ayant consacré un principe d’interdiction du recours à la force, exception faite de la légitime défense et de l’autorisation du Conseil de sécurité. Toutefois, aucune précision n’ayant été apportée sur la forme que doit prendre cette autorisation du Conseil de sécurité, dès 1966 comme dans l’affaire rhodésienne, ce dernier autorisait explicitement l’usage de « la force ». À partir de 1990, il prend de l’assurance avec la technique de l’autorisation et retient la formulation implicite d’« autorise les États Membres à user de tous les moyens nécessaires ». Cependant, il arrive qu’une résolution du Conseil ne soit ni n’explicite, ni implicite, mais des États interviennent, arguant de l’existence d’une autorisation implicite du fait de l’émergence des doctrines comme « guerre préventive », « guerre contre le terrorisme » ou encore « intervention humanitaire ». Des cas d’interventions menées en 1992 au Libéria, 1999 en Sierra Leone et au Kosovo et en 2003 contre l’Irak, sont illustrateurs. Ainsi, sur la base de l’interprétation des résolutions du Conseil, l’autorisation implicite tend à devenir la règle en matière de maintien de la paix et de la sécurité internationales. Dès lors, afin d’éviter de réduire le jus ad bellum à un unilatéralisme excessif, et en démontrant la conformité de l’autorisation implicite au régime juridique établi du recours à la force en droit international, nous invitons à la redéfinition de celle-ci. / The purpose of this research on the evolution of the right of States to use force in international relations is to show, following a historical approach based on international law, that State practice in this area has changed. Indeed, from the right to "make war" recognized as a sovereign right, passing through the first attempts of its leadership in the nineteenth century, the significant rupture came in 1945 with the creation of the UN; the United Nations Charter has enshrined the principle of the prohibition of the use of force,except for the self-defense and the authorization of the Security Council. However, since no details were given as to the form this authorization of the Security Council should take, as early as 1966, as in the Rhodesian case, the latter explicitly authorized the use of "force". From 1990, he gained confidence with the technique of authorization and retained the implicit formulation of "authorizes Member States to use all necessary means". Though, sometimes a resolution is neither explicit nor implicit, but states intervene,arguing the existence of an implied authorization because of the emergence of theories like"preventive war","war on terror" or "humanitarian intervention". Cases of interventions in 1992 in Liberia, 1999 in SierraLeone and Kosovo and in 2003 against Iraq are illustrators. So, based on the interpretation of Council resolutions, implied authorization tends to become the rule in the maintenance of international peace and security. Therefore, to avoid reducing the jus ad bellum to excessive unilateralism, and by demonstrating the conformity of the implied authorization with the established legal regime of the use of force in international law, we invite the redefinition of this one.

"The Organisation of African Unity (OAU), in spite of its commitments to human rights, failed to develop its institutions for conflict resolution and thus address the problem of massive and grave human rights violations that occurred as a result of conflicts. The OAU failed to actively engage the African Commission, which was established to promote and protect human rights, in addressing any of the conflicts in Africa. The OAU also failed to take action on the reports of the African Commission, in which the Commission had highlighted cases of massive and grave violations of human rights occasioned from conflicts. Consequently, most of the conflicts in Africa have not been fully resolved and there are still instances of sporadic outbreaks of violent conflicts with fatal consequences. The African Union (AU) improves upon the commitment of the OAU to human rights and conflict resolution by incorporating human rights norms into its Constitutive Act and the establishment of the Peace and Security Council of the African Union (AUPSC). However, the AU is yet to demonstrate its real commitment to human rights and conflict resolution particularly in taking action on reports of violations of human rights occurring as a result of conflicts. ... This thesis is composed of five chapters. This first chapter provides a general introduction to the thesis and outlines its structure. Chapter two looks at the relationship between human rights and conflict resolution and examines some of the tensions that exist between the two fields in terms of their normative standards, objectives and strategies. The third chapter then looks at the mechanisms for conflict resolution in Africa under the OAU, manely the Commission of Mediation, Conciliation and Arbitration (CMCA) and the Mechanism for Conflict Prevention, Management and Resolution (MCPMR), their successes and failures and the lessons that can be drawn from their performance and also discusses the role of the African Commission in conflict resolution. Chapter four discusses the AUPSC, its structure, powers, organisaton and performance so far. Chapter five covers the conclusions and recommendations of the study." -- Introduction. / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2004. / Prepared under the supervision of Dr. Enid Hill at the Department of Political Science, School of Humanities and Social Sciences, American University in Cairo, Egypt / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/llm1.html / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

This thesis investigates the topic of elected members of the United Nations Security Council by addressing the research question under what conditions is an elected member of the United Nations Security Council likely to influence decisions in maintaining international peace and security? In investigating the explanatory power of the theoretical argument ‘representative legitimacy’, which suggests that elected members making their proposed actions legitimate by anchoring these with the broader UN membership are more likely to face less opposition and thus increase the likelihood for influence, it tests the hypothesis an elected member anchoring its proposed actions with the broader UN membership is more likely to influence the UNSC decisions. The study is conducted through a structured, focused comparison of three elected members, New Zealand 2015-2016, Japan 2016-2017, and Sweden 2017-2018, and their influence in decisions made on the Syrian conflict. Chosen on a most similar case-design with dependent variable variation, and analyzed through resolutions, meeting records and statements, the empirics give partial support for the hypothesis. The results suggest that representative legitimacy can be a condition under which an elected member is likely to influence the Council, however, one case suggests that representative legitimacy is not necessary.

Angesichts der Gefahr für Kulturgüter, die sich gerade in jüngeren Konflikten wie beispielsweise dem Mali-Konflikt zeigen, untersucht das Paper die Rolle, die der Sicherheitsrat seit 1990 beim Schutz von Kulturgütern in bewaffneten Konflikten einnimmt. Anhand einer Wortlautanalyse der Resolutionen des Sicherheitsrates und einer Analyse der beschlossenen Maßnahmen wird die Entwicklung aufgezeigt, dass der Sicherheitsrat dem Schutz von Kulturgut in bewaffneten Konflikten eine zunehmend hohe Bedeutung beimisst und sich entsprechend auch verstärkt für dessen Schutz einsetzt. Es wird gezeigt, dass der Sicherheitsrat dazu im Rahmen der UN-Charta grundsätzlich auch kompetent ist und sich der verstärkte Einsatz durch das wachsende Bewusstsein der internationalen Gemeinschaft für die Gefahr für Kulturgüter in bewaffneten Konflikten sowie die generelle Ausweitung des Tätigkeitsbereichs des Sicherheitsrates erklären lässt. Die Entwicklung des Schutzes durch den Sicherheitsrat erscheint daher folgerichtig und wünschenswert und gleichzeitig noch nicht abgeschlossen. / In the light of recent conflicts like the conflict in Mali, which show the risks for cultural property during armed conflicts, the present paper evaluates the role of the Security Council in the protection of cultural property during armed conflicts. Based on an analysis of the wording of resolutions and of the measures adopted by the Security Council, a development will be illustrated: the Security Council attaches greater importance to the protection of cultural property in armed conflict and strengthens its effort for the protection. Furthermore it will be argued that the Security Council is competent in this matter according to the Charter of the United Nations and that its increased efforts can be explained by the growing awareness of the international community about the risks for cultural property during armed conflict and the general increase of the Security Council’s activities. The development of the protection of cultural property provided by the Security Council therefore seems reasonable and not yet completed.

Intelligence services are vital security systém elements of each democratic state. Access to the important intels without any lags is basic for state to survive. No state, nor the democratic nor the totalitarian can survive withou intelligence. On the other hand, strong based and rooted oversight is nature in democratic states. Basic purpose of this work is in examination of the situation in the Czech republic, where intelligence systém reform should be prepared as soon as possible. Especially in the light of missuse of the military intelligence by prime minister's mistress in 2013. In advance, the limits of current oversight methods and systém should be find. Deborah Stone's, proffesor of Dartmouth university, in the Czech republic rare theory called Policy Paradox is used as main for this work. It was choosen because it brings new view on the current intelligence system setup and its oversight. This analytical model see creation of public policy as continuous clash of personal and public interests. In advanced it is in opposition to the traditional view of policy from the market perspective and it provide new view as ancient polis where you have to beer the public interest on your mind. Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)

Reform of the United Nations Security Council has already become an evergreen of international politics. There are many reform proposals, but it's impossible to find satisfactory solution. One of the main candidates for new permanent membership is Germany, which published its bid in 1992. During 90's also emerged first proposals mentioning the possibility of future permanent membership of the European Union. This thesis contributes to debate on Europeanisation of foreign policies of EU member states. The aim is to find out, whether has German bid for permanent membership in the UN Security Council been influenced by membership of Germany in the European Union. For a better recognition of possible Europeanisation effects is German case compared with Japan, which published its bid only one year later and shares similar characteristics to Germany. Content analysis method is used to compare German and Japanese argumentation with regard to four topics: equitable representation, economic power, multilateral cooperation and responsibility.

The thesis explores the use of the term European Strategic Autonomy in the Common Security and Defence Policy (CFSP) of the European Union. The security environment around Europe has become increasingly unstable in the last 15 years. The EU Commission has tried to take account of the deteriorating geopolitical landscape by publishing an EU Global Strategy document in 2016 to share its vision for a stronger Europe. The document calls for strategic autonomy without properly defining it. Since then, many policy papers have captured the term and used it as a popular buzzword. Because it has not been properly defined on the political level, European Strategy Autonomy (ESA) was subject to speculations and national interpretations which did not help to advance the debate. Based on an extensive literature review the paper provides a comprehensive understanding by giving an historic overview and presenting different configurations of ESA in the contemporary context. A comparative case study, including France, Germany, and the Czech Republic has been conducted to assess their interpretation of the notion. The result of the case studies showed inherently different perceptions underlaid by different motivations and identifies the political layer to be the biggest challenge for moving forward with the topic....

The aim of this research was to find out whether or not the use of the veto by one or more of the permanent members in the UNSC had an impact on the behaviors of the warring parties by looking at the interventions that would be imposed by the Council. Much of the research on this topic looks at what it takes for a conflict to get to the UNSC and what happens after sanctions are put into place, but what about if the resolution does not receive support and is not adopted? Two cases are looked at using the structured focused comparison method in relation to two conflict periods in the Kosovo conflict, before the veto (during-UNSC) and after the veto (post-UNSC) asking the question how can the use of the veto in the UNSC by one, or more, of the permanent members of the Security Council impact a conflict? The evidence collected shows that the hypothesis was not supported due to there not being a large change in the behavior of the warring parties from one conflict period to the next. The conclusion shows that the impact by the UNSC on the conflict was not severe.

In the era of the Arab Spring, the people of Libya and Syria have fought for freedom and democracy. This essay aims to examine and analyze how The United Nations Security Council works to solve international problems in the world.   The main questions of my study are:   - How did the UN work on the basis of R2P in Libya and Syria?  - Why could the UN Security Council to agree on R2P in Libya but not in Syria?  Under the Arab Spring as the context, the purpose of this essay is to study the role of the United Nations UN in Syria and Libya. So, I highlight to the role of UN in R2P Responsibility to Protect in Libya and Syria. In 2011, the UN Security Council adopted Resolution 1973, which established a no-fly zone over Libya. The UN’s actions in Libya succeeded to remove the dictator Muammar Al-Gaddafi by R2P's principle, while The UN failed to remove dictator Bashar AL-Assad in Syria. The purpose of the R2P in Libya was to establish a no-fly zone and safe areas to protect civilians, but this led to the overthrow of Al-Gaddafi's regime in violation of the UN Security Council Resolution 1973.  I have used the theory of Realism and Liberalism to adapt them with my own theory to achieve the aim of my essay. In this paper, I used also content analysis as a guide of Method to reach conclusions. The materials used for this essay are documents, books and articles etc.  The results of my study are that the most important reason for Russia and China to use their veto in the UN Security Council is fear for the misuse of the international resolution to overthrow the regime in Syria. And thus, harm the very strong Chinese and Russian interests in Syria.