Le principal reproche qui est adressé au droit international est la faiblesse de ses mécanismes de sanctions. Pour cette raison, plusieurs penseurs juridiques ont conclu que le droit international n'existait pas. Le présent mémoire vise donc à étudier la rhétorique derrière cette affirmation et à examiner sa validité. Pour ce faire, nous analysons dans un premier temps la relation entre la sanction et le droit à travers le cadre positiviste du XIXe siècle. Nous étudions tour à tour les soi-disant critères constitutifs de la sanction. Nous les comparons avec d'autres ordres non juridiques pour ensuite rejeter le postulat positiviste qui fait de la contrainte et de la centralisation des pouvoirs les éléments essentiels de la sanction. Nous étudions ensuite le cadre d'adoption des sanctions économiques du Conseil de sécurité des Nations Unies. Cette étape nous permet d'expliquer les principales faiblesses et limitations du droit international. Parmi celles-ci, le manque de coopération internationale, le droit de veto et le principe de la souveraineté nationale sont les éléments qui freinent l'adoption des sanctions coopération internationale. Nous examinons ensuite les objectifs derrière l'imposition des sanctions ainsi que leur efficacité. Finalement, nous étudions les embargos en général et les embargos sur les armes. Cette étude nous permet d'une part de démontrer les effets des sanctions économiques sur la population civile et sur les États tiers. D'autre part, elle nous permet de mieux comprendre les problèmes relatifs à l'administration d'une sanction, ainsi qu'aux mesures de contournement des interdictions. / The fundamental criticism addressed to internationallaw denounces the weaknesses of its sanctions mechanisms. For this reason, severallegal thinkers conc1uded to the inexistence of international law. The present text studies the rhetoric behind this statement and examines its validity. To do so, we analyze in the first place the relationship between sanction and law through the positivist framework of the XIXth Century. We examine in turn the so-called fundamental elements of sanction. We compare these elements with different non-Iegal orders so that we can ultimately reject the positivist theory according to which coercion and centralization ofpower are the fundamental elements of sanction. Chapter II examines the United Nations Security Council framework for adopting economic sanctions. This step allows us to underline the main sources ofweaknesses and limitations of internationallaw. In this respect we observe that the lack of international cooperation is the major weakness of internationallaw. Furthermore, an analysis of the relevant dispositions of the United Nations Charter shows that the veto right and the principle of international sovereignty are two elements that hamper international cooperation. We then study the objectives behind the adoption of sanctions as well as their effectiveness. Finally, we study general embargoes as well as arms embargos. This inquiry allows us to focus on the effects of economic sanctions on both civilians and third States. It also helps us understand the problems with regard to the administration of a sanction, as well as the ways to bypass the prohibitions. / "Mémoire présenté à la Faculté des études supérieures en vue de l'obtention du grade de Maîtrise en droit, option recherche (LL.M)". Ce mémoire a été accepté à l'unanimité et classé parmi les 10% des mémoires de la discipline. Commentaires du jury : "Excellent mémoire qui aborde de façon intelligente et stimulante un sujet par ailleurs complexe. Félicitations des membres du jury qui ont apprécié avoir le privilège de lire ce texte."

由美國911事件作為分水嶺，重新界定了日本對於現代情報戰爭的認知，當今21世紀的國際社會儼然成為情報戰場，換言之，情報研究科學早已隨社會需要，發展成跨越學科範疇之複合性知識。日本二戰後在國際上先以強大的情報力穩扎經濟領域，然其后陷入失落的二十年，國際影響力亦隨之萎靡，致使日本政府遂行原有情報組織體制之調整，及相關情報政策實務之運行，皆成為安倍政權引領日本必經的荊棘之道。 本文研究重點界分四面向：其一、戰後日本國家安全機制的發展與轉變，記錄其所歷經重大事態時之因應模式，介紹其安保政策結構化之過程；其二、從內外環境分析日本成立國家安全會議之意涵，先交代「南北韓仇日遺緒」、「中國崛起論」等當今亞太局勢，分析日本國家安全保障會議何以在歷史遺題中為安保政策解套；其三、解構日本國家安全保障會議制度，分析日本政治結構與社會，研究日本國家安全保障會議在創立後，其行政職權上如何調整日本情報組織之運作；其四、以特定秘密保護法分析日本國家安全保障會議之角色，闡述安倍政權必然以情報需求達到社會控制之強化，進而實踐其安保戰略。 日本情報組織隨國際環境變化而沿革，歷經1990至2000年的轉型期後，其於2000年迄今已表現出擴張之型態。在安倍內閣的戰略藍圖中是要以首相官邸為核心，使其成為統籌國家安全保障政策之司令塔，而日本國家安全保障會議與國家安全保障局之設立，即是其鞏固中央集權，並使首相意志能主導日本復興的戰略。 / The September 11 terrorist attacks marked a watershed moment for the recognition and dispose of intelligence, in other words, the research of intelligence has become an interdisciplinary knowledge. After the Second World War, Japan has consolidated its economic power by sound espionage system. But Japan has later on lost its international impact after gone through 20-Year-Recession. This made an intractable way for Shinzo Abe to readjust and innovate the espionage system. The thesis includes four dimensions: First, focusing on the transformation of national security mechanism in Japan after the Second World War, and the structuralization of Security Policy. Second, analyzing the implication of the found of Japan’s National Security Council(NSC) from domestic and international factors. Third, destructuring the NSC , try to analyze the social and political structure in Japan. Forth, analyzing the role of NSC from the perspective of Secret Protection Law, which for Abe is a way to further control the society and carry out the security strategy. The intelligence organization in Japan proceeds as the international situation changed. Till now it has strengthened its power and influence after going through a period of transforming from 1990 to 2000. Among Abe’s strategic viewpoints, making Prime Minister’s Office as a core to unify national security is the top priority. The found of NSC and National Security Agency(NSA) is also a way for Abe to centralize the authority and to carry out his will, which can eventually lead to the revival of Japan.

Thesis (master's)--Universität, Mainz. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 195-205).

La fin de la guerre froide, marquée par l'accord retrouvé des cinq grandes puissances membres permanents au Conseil de sécurité de l'ONU, au lieu de connaître un déclin dans les interventions militaires extérieures de celles-ci, a vu au contraire leur nombre se multiplier, ce qui portait atteinte à la règle générale, considérée comme une norme impérative (de jus cogens), celle de l'interdiction du recours à la force dans les relations internationales. Malgré les tentatives de justification des différentes interventions de grande envergure, menées au nom de la sécurité collective (interventions autorisées par le Conseil de sécurité) ou unilatéralement, celles-ci se sont écartées des prescriptions du droit international et de la Charte des Nations unies. En conséquence, elles s'avèrent à des degrés divers des actions entachées d'illégalité En effet, elles ont été fondées sur des interprétations extensives des dispositions de la Charte ou en violation de celles-ci, voire en violation des résolutions du Conseil de sécurité lui-même, ainsi qu'on peut le percevoir à travers les grandes interventions menées en Irak par les coalisés en 1991, celles de l'OTAN au Kosovo en 1999, des États-Unis en Afghanistan, à travers l'occupation américano-britannique de l'Irak en2003, l'intervention de la Russie en Géorgie (2008), de l'OTAN en Libye (2011) et celle de la France au Mali (2013). Cela n'a pas manqué de relancer le débat, récurrent dans les instances internationales concernées, sur la nécessité de réformer le Conseil de sécurité (élargissement de sa composition et règlementation du veto) ainsi que d'instituer un véritable contrôle de légalité sur ses actes. / The end of the cold war, marked by the agreement between the five major permanent member states of the United Nations Security Council, instead of a decline in their external military interventions, has, on the contrary, increased in number, which detracted from the general rule, considered as an imperative norm Qus cogens), that of the prohibition of the use of force in international relations. Despite the attempts to justify the various large-scale interventions carried out in the name of collective security (interventions authorized by the Security Council) or unilaterally, they have departed from the requirements of international law and the United Nations Charter. As a result, they appear to be in varying degrees to illegal actions. Indeed, they have been based on extensive interpretations of the Charter or on the breach of it or even in violation of the resolutions of the Council Security itself, as can be seen from the major interventions carried out in IRAK by the allies in 1991, those of NATO in KOSOVO in 1999, the US in AFGHANISTAN, through the US and British occupation of IRAQ in 2003, the intervention of Russia in GEORGIA (2008), NATO in LIBYA (2011) and that of FRANCE in MALI (2013). This did not fail to revive the debate, recurrent in the international bodies concerned, on the need to reform the Security Council (enlargement of its composition and regulation of the veto) as well as to establish a real contrai of legality on its acts.

[pt] O presente trabalho realiza uma investigação da (des)igualdade soberana como um fenômeno que se manifesta nos diferentes níveis de instituições da sociedade internacional. A análise é desenvolvida a partir do estudo de caso do processo contra Omar Al Bashir, presidente em exercício do Estado do Sudão, no Tribunal Penal Internacional. Esse caso evoca uma discussão acerca da autoridade desempenhada pelo Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas nas instituições do pós-1945, em especial, no direito internacional penal. Considerando que normas e regras possuem um papel social nas múltiplas relações existentes em meio a agentes e a estrutura, ou seja, elas transformam as relações no sistema internacional, o trabalho investiga as disposições e princípios presentes tanto no âmbito do Tribunal Penal Internacional, quanto também da Organização das Nações Unidas, que autorizam uma discriminação entre os Estados. Essa distinção implica a imposição de regras internacionais para alguns atores e, ao mesmo tempo, a manutenção de certas prerrogativas soberanas para outros. Mais especificamente, a justiça internacional penal é caracterizada pela seletividade nos julgamentos, uma vez que é conferida a alguns países certa autoridade sobre o regime. Nesse sentido, defende-se que a (des)igualdade soberana que está presente no direito internacional penal é, simultaneamente, manifestação e condição de possibilidade da hierarquia na arquitetura social, e portanto normativa institucional, e política do sistema internacional. Argumenta-se, assim, que a presença dessa (des)igualdade soberana pode ser identificada nos diferentes níveis das instituições da sociedade internacional, na medida em que elas influenciam umas às outras, de sorte que as características de uma refletem-se nas demais. / [en] This work carries out an investigation of sovereign (in)equality as a phenomenon that manifests itself in the different levels of institutions of the international society. The analysis departs from the case study of the process against Omar al-Bashir, acting President of the State of Sudan, at the International Criminal Court This case evokes a discussion about the authority exercised by the United Nations Security Council over post-1945 institutions, especially international criminal law. Considering that rules and norms have a social role in the multiple relations existing between agents and the structure, that is, they transform the relations in the international system, the work investigates the dispositions and principles present both in the scope of the International Criminal Court, as well as of the United Nations, which authorize a discrimination between States. This distinction implies the imposition of international rules for some actors and, at the same time, the maintenance of certain sovereign prerogatives for others. More specifically, international criminal justice is characterized by selectivity in judgments, as some countries are given certain authority over the regime. In this sense, it is defended that the sovereign (in)equality, which is present in international criminal law is simultaneously a manifestation and condition of possibility of hierarchy in the social, and therefore institutionalnormative, and political architecture of the international system. It is argued, therefore, that the presence of this sovereign (in)equality can be identified at different levels of the institutions of international society, insofar as they influence each other, so that the characteristics of one are reflected in the others.

The article focuses on the current situation in Syria in light of international criminal law and international humanitarian law. In particular, the author focuses on events and developments carried out from mid 2013 until September 2014. The author begins her research by providing a brief summary of the reasons that have lead to an armed conflict in Syria, and, inturn, examines the issue of the humanitarian consequences of the conflict, as well as some of the measures that have been adopted by the international community to address such consequences. Some of the main sources for this article are the reports adopted by the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Syrian Arab Republic, which provide a crucial tool in order to assess the legal nature and characterization of the armed conflict, particularly in light of the increasing presence of new parties to the conflict. The evolution of the conflict allows the author to further examine the nature of the specific crimes that are being documented in Syria, giving way to an analysis within the field of international criminal law and international criminal responsibility. In the last section, the author examines the role of the UN Security Council in ensuring accountability for crimes in Syria. In particular, the vote on the referral of the Syria situation to the International Criminal Court is thoroughly assessed, leading, in turn, to the current debate on the use of the veto in situations involving crimes under international law. / El presente artículo analiza la situación actual en Siria a la luz del derecho penal internacional y el derecho internacional humanitario. El artículo se enfoca, principalmente, en los desarrollos que tuvieron lugar a partir de mediados de 2013 hasta septiembre de 2014. La autora inicia su investigación con un breve resumen del devenir del conflicto, para luego proceder a analizar las consecuencias humanitarias del mismo y algunas medidas adoptadas por la comunidad internacional. Seguidamente, y tomando como fuente esencial de investigación los informes de la Comisión Internacional Independiente de Investigación sobre la República Árabe de Siria (Comisión de Investigación sobre Siria), la autora analiza la naturaleza y calificación jurídica del conflicto, tomando en cuenta la presencia de nuevos actores en el conflicto. A su vez, la evolución del conflicto exige el análisis de los crímenes concretos que se vienen cometiendo en Siria, lo que lleva a la autora al plano del derecho penal internacional y la responsabilidad penal internacional del individuo. Finalmente, la autora procede a analizar detalladamente el rol del Consejo de Seguridad en promover medidas de accountability en Siria, lo cual lleva al análisis detenido de la votación en el seno del Consejo en torno a la remisión de la situación en Siria a la Corte Penal Internacional, así como al debate actual respecto al empleo del derecho al veto ante situaciones que involucran crímenes bajo el derecho internacional.

This thesis Collective Actions of the UN Security Council for the Protection of Human Rights deals with, as the title suggests, collective actions for the protection of human rights with the mandate of the UN Security Council. The thesis is divided into an introduction, conclusion, and four chapters. In the first chapter, the system of human rights protection is described, as it was set up within the newly-formed United Nations after World War II. This chapter also deals with collective actions of the UN Security Council, with or without the use of force, on a theoretical level, e.g. their authorization and possibility of measures that can be taken within the UN system against the perpetrator. Second chapter deals with examples of collective actions of the UN Security Council during the Cold War period. In this era, collective actions of the UN Security Council were authorized only twice, in case of South Africa as a reaction to their policy of apartheid, and in case of South Rhodesia as a reaction to the unilateral declaration of independence by the white minority government. Both cases are described in the chapter. The following chapter describes the development of human rights theories after the end of Cold War. With the end of the bipolar system, there is a shift in the perception of human...

Magister Administrationis - MAdmin / The African continent has over the past 40 years witnessed a continued scourge of violent conflict and human rights abuses. These conflicts have significantly undermined the social, political, and economic prosperity of African citizens. Additionally, women and children are particularly affected by these conflicts. Women and children are regarded as ‘the most vulnerable’ as they often become the targets of sexual abuse by the enemy. The African Union (AU) is primarily responsible for the resolution of conflicts on the continent. It professes to be committed to the prevention of human rights abuses and the protection of African women (and children) during armed conflicts. It has thus developed an array of mechanisms, protocols, and instruments to address the exploitation and sexual abuse of women during conflict periods. These instruments include: The Constitutive Act of the AU (2000); The Solemn Declaration of Gender Equality in Africa (2003); the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa- ACHPRWA (2004); and the Protocol relating to the Peace and Security Council. In this research project, I consider whether the narratives used in these AU documents sufficiently and explicitly address the use of rape as a strategic weapon during armed conflicts; or whether these narratives inadvertently contribute to a culture that perpetuates war-time rape. My analysis shows that these AU documents deal with war-time rape in very vague and euphemistic terms. Although gender discrimination, sexual violence, exploitation, discrimination, and harmful practices against women are condemned, the delegitimization of rape as a weapon of war is not specifically discussed. This allows for varying interpretations of AU protocols, including interpretations which may diminish the severity of strategic rape. This has lead me to propose that the narratives used in these AU protocols and related documents draw on patriarchy, perpetuate patriarchy, and thus inadvertently perpetuates a culture that perpetuates the use of rape as a weapon of war

La promotion de la paix, de la sécurité et de la stabilité est un objectif fondamental de l’Union africaine, l’Organisation continentale panafricaine. Cet objectif constitue désormais une fonction juridique essentielle pour laquelle a été mise en place au sein de l’Organisation un mécanisme approprié : l’architecture de paix et de sécurité (APSA). Bâtie sur une articulation juridique actualisée, au cœur de laquelle se trouve le Conseil de paix et de sécurité, cette fonction se trouve placée dans des conditions juridiques, devant permettre à l’Union africaine d’agir efficacement dans les situations d’atteinte à la paix, à la sécurité et à la stabilité. Plus d’une décennie après la mise en place de la nouvelle Organisation, le caractère fondamental de cette fonction pousse dès lors à s’interroger sur sa place exacte, à la lumière des capacités de l’Organisation à l’assurer à l’épreuve des faits. Cette interrogation éclaire les conditions d’émergence de la fonction mais place sa dynamique de mise en oeuvre dans un contexte ambivalent marqué tout à la fois par le caractère extensif des compétences de l’Organisation dans ce domaine mais également par la portée limitée de celle-ci face à la multiplication des conflits. / The Promotion of Peace, security and stability is a fundamental objective of the African Union, the Pan African continental organization. This aim is a now a core legal function for which has been established an appropriate scheme within the Organization: the Architecture of Peace and Security in Africa (APSA). Within an updated legal articulation, at the heart of which is the Peace and Security Council, this function is placed in legal conditions that must allow the African Union to act effectively in the cases of breach of peace, security and stability. More than a decade after the establishment of the new organization, the fundamental nature of this function, pushes therefore to question its proper place, in light of the capacity of the Organization to ensure it, at the facts test. This question illuminates emergence conditions of this function but identifies also an ambivalent dynamic in its implementation, marked at once by the extensive nature of the competences of the Organization in this area but its limited scope when facing increasing conflicts.

This paper offers a thorough examination of the United States 2002 National Security Strategy. The document is explored in its broader context, which allows us to understand it in its uniqueness and therefore offer sufficient interpretation. Special attention is devoted to the decision making process of the U.S. National Security Council due to primary responsibility of NSC for coordination of American security policy. Further attention is paid to three particular problem- related parts that are often considered to be the most revolutionary issues of this document. Preemption, unilateralism and U.S. support for the spread of democracy are examined in the broader context of the U.S. foreign policy tradition, American identity and historical development. On the basis of thorough research, the paper supposes that all major parts of this particular document are rather compatible with the development of U.S. security policy and they represent rather the outcome of developments than a fundamental change or reformulation of the strategy. The role of strategic documents is implicitly examined as well, while the study suggests that it should be perceived as a product of bureaucratic politics as summarized in a model by Graham Allison.