O artigo analisa o padrão de votação e de proposição de resoluções da China no Conselho de Segurança das nações Unidas, com o objetivo verificar se o aumento das capacidades de poder deste país tem levado a alterações do seu comportamento neste órgão. / This article analyses the patterns of China\'s voting and submissions of draft resolution IN the Security Council, in order to see if China\'s increasing power capabilities has influenced its behavior on this board.

O objetivo central desta tese é o de analisar a participação de Organizações Não Governamentais (ONGs) internacionais nas políticas e práticas do Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas (CSNU) voltadas às agendas temáticas Crianças e Mulheres. Com base no estudo de duas coalizões, Watchlist on Children and Armed Conflict e NGO Working Group on Women, Peace and Security, busca-se examinar o panorama político e normativo que condiciona a atuação das ONGs, bem como as estratégias específicas utilizadas por elas para adentrar no domínio de paz e segurança internacionais. Pretende-se discutir se as ONGs estão presentes nas discussões do órgão e, caso afirmativo, em que medida suas estratégias influenciam as decisões estatais. A metodologia empregada foi a análise dos documentos divulgados pelas coalizões e das resoluções aprovadas pelo CSNU. Além disso, foram realizadas entrevistas com funcionários das coalizões e das missões estatais para entender como funcionam as relações entre as ONGs e o CSNU. A partir das perguntas de pesquisa e da metodologia empregada, o estudo discutiu proposições teóricas sobre a possibilidade de os atores não estatais interferirem nas deliberações intergovernamentais. Sugere-se que o enquadramento das ideias e normas, a formação de coalizões e a mobilização por meio de redes de advocacia criam estímulos que aumentam as chances de os ativistas influenciarem as decisões dos Estados-membros do CSNU. As conclusões desta tese permitem considerar, de um lado, a participação das ONGs num espaço tradicionalmente fechado à sua presença e, de outro, o desenvolvimento do CSNU, com destaque às adaptações que viabilizaram uma maior aproximação com as ONGs. / The aim of this thesis is to analyze the participation of international Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) in the policies of the United Nations Security Council on Children\'s and Women\'s issues. Based on the study of two coalitions, Watchlist on Children and Armed Conflict and NGO Working Group on Women, Peace, and Security, it seeks to examine the political and normative framework that conditions the performance of NGOs. Furthermore, it looks at specific strategies used by them to enter into the field of international peace and security. The intention is to verify if NGOs are present in the discussions of this body and, if so, to what extent they influence state\'s decisions. From these research questions, the study discusses theoretical propositions about the possibility of non-state actors\' interference in intergovernmental deliberations. It suggests that framing of ideas and norms, the formation of coalitions and the mobilization through advocacy networks increase the likelihood of an impact on the decisions of member states. The conclusions allow us, firstly, to reflect upon the participation of NGOs in a space traditionally closed to their presence and, secondly, to visualize the development of the UNSC, highlighting some adaptations that led to a greater proximity with NGOs.

This thesis examines the portrayal of men and boys within the women, peace and security agenda, and in particular the United Nations Security Council’s (UNSC) security discourse on this theme. The relationship between the portrayal of victims and perpetrators, and the portrayal of men and boys are analysed and discussed based on the three-dimensional framework for Critical Discourse Analysis by Norman Fairclough. Through the theoretical framework of Martha Finnemore and Kathryn Sikkink on norm theory, this thesis furthers the understanding of the evolution of how men and boys are portrayed within the women, peace and security agenda. The results of this thesis are that the portrayal of victims often does not correspond with the portrayal of men and boys, while the portrayal of perpetrators often does correspond to the portrayal of men and boys. The study also shows that the portrayal of men and boys as the perpetrators as well as leaders in society has reached the third stage of the norm cycle by Finnemore and Sikkink; internalisation, and that the portrayal of men and boys as victims as partners to the female leaders in society has reached only reached the first stage of the norm cycle: norm emergence.

The international community has long relied on United Nations (UN) peace operations as the means of creating and maintaining international peace and security, however the realities of what a “successful” mission looks like remains obscured, as the experiences and definitions of success may differ between the various players involved. While a shared definition of success and operational structure remains elusive, it is clear that the assessment of UN missions must be conducted in a holistic manner, from mandate crafting, to mission transition and exit. Among these realities is that the assessment of UN peace operation success is all too often hindered by political partiality with the determination of mission success frequently held hostage by faulty political processes. It is essential that evaluative frameworks encompass the various stages of a peace operation, in order to illustrate the political challenges that often obstruct the planning and assessment of a UN mission. Highlighting the political obstacles associated with holistic mission planning and assessment, against the backdrop of ongoing, ad hoc UN peace operation deployments to Haiti, breaks down existing normative positions and exposes the realities and voids in current methodology.

Magister Legum - LLM / This paper analyses head of state immunity, a traditional rule of international law, in relation to the indictments by the International Criminal Court (ICC) in 2009 against the current Sudanese President Omar Hassan Ahmad Al Bashir. It can be agreed that the doctrine of immunity in international law attempts to overcome the tension between the protection of human rights and the demands of state sovereignty. The statutes and decisions of international criminal courts make it clear that no immunity for international crimes shall be attached to heads of states or to senior government officials. However, the case against the Sudanese President, where the jurisdiction of the ICC was triggered by the UN Security Council‟s referral of the situation in Darfur to the Court, represents the first case where a serving head of state has, in fact, been indicted before the ICC. From this case, a number of legal issues have arisen; such as the questions where the ICC‟s jurisdiction over an incumbent head of state, not party to the ICC Statute, is justified, and the obligations upon ICC state parties to surrender such a head of state to the requesting international criminal court. This paper gives an analysis of these questions. / South Africa

The aim of this diploma thesis is to evaluate the role of the United Nations Organization in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. It describes the positions of both the State of Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization in the United Nations. The thesis furthermore assesses reactivity and objectiveness of UN in this conflict. There are no doubts that the conflict has always been in the centre of interest of the United Nations. However, the importance of UN is perceived to be decreasing since the 70's. This paper evaluates whether UN is still contributing to the resolution of the conflict and if yes, in what particular fields. In the first chapter I discuss the main conflict resolution instruments available to UN. The second chapter describes the origins and the course of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict throughout the 20th century leading to the current situation. The last three chapters present an analysis of three levels of UN activities in the conflict - political, security and humanitarian.

The United Nations is an international organization founded in 1945. It is obvious that the status quo from that year cannot reflect the needs of present world. Because of this fact it is necessary to approach a reform. But the question is what the reform should deal with. There are plenty of reforming efforts in discussion. These proposals do not take into consideration only the reform of the Security Council but also other bodies within United Nations. In my thesis I will focus only on reforming the Security Council as a main body of the whole organization that should be able to react on security threats flexibly. The feasibility of UN reform depends on the agreement of the permanent members that can due to their veto right block any of the proposals. And for the time being, they use their privilege to do so because they are afraid of limitations of their rights and position. We cannot come up only with a clear proposal how to reform but also it is necessary to focus on the proper arguments why the permanent members should agree with the reform. The main target of the following master thesis is to find out whether the reform is feasible based on accessible information with respect to hindrances and positions of permanent members that are currently more passive than active.

A tese estuda a evolução histórica do atitude multilateral do Brasil. Parte da noção que o multilateralismo é um aspecto significativo da política externa brasileira, desde as primeiras conferências internacionais dos países americanos, que começam ainda no fim do século XIX. Em tempos recentes, na Liga das Nações, mas sobretudo nas Nações Unidas, a importância das instituições multilaterais só fez crescer. O estudo parte, no ângulo teórico, da perspectiva de que o multilateralismo tem uma lógica própria e que, ao aceitá-la, o comportamento diplomático dos Estados deve naturalmente estar em sintonia com o que aquela lógica impõe. A concepção de John Ruggie apóia a parte teórica da tese e sustenta o seu objetivo central, que é o de procura definir o que seriam constantes do comportamento multilateral do Brasil. Procura-se mostrar que suas origens estariam nas reações que a diplomacia brasileira teve ao Pan Americanismo, se fixaram com nossa participação na II Conferência da Haia, quando, com Ruy Barbosa, defendemos que as instituições multilaterais deveriam estar fundadas na igualdade entre os Estados e com a aspiração a uma participação influente nos processos decisórios internacionais, expresso recentemente com a aspiração a um lugar permanente no Conselho de Segurança das Nações. / The thesis studies the evolution of Brazil´s multilateral attitude. It accepts the notion that multilateralism has been a meaningful aspect of Brazilian foreign policy since the first conferences of American States, a series of international gatherings that began at the end of nineteenth century. From them on, after the creation of the League of Nations and, specially, the United Nations, the importance of multilateral institutions for Brazil has grown consistently. From the theoretical perspective, the thesis accepts the idea that multilateralism is defined by a singular logic and States, when working in multilateral institutions, are bound by that logic. John Ruggie´s conception of nultilateralism supoorts that idea and frames the main goal of the thesis, that is, a investigation of the constant patterns of Brazil´s multilateral behavior. The origins of those patterns could be identified in the diplomatic reactions to the challenges of the Pan American conferences. But, the patterns became more evident during our participation in the II Peace Conference (Hague, 1907) when our delegation, headed by Ruy Barbosa, advocated the understanding that necessary foundation of the multilateral institutions is the equality among States. Another constant is the Brazilian wish to have a more influential participation in the decision making process of the international institutions, as today shown in our aspiration to occupy a permanent seat at the Security Council of the United Nations.

O objetivo desta dissertação é examinar o grau de concertação política do IBAS no ano de 2011, período onde os três países – Índia, Brasil e África do Sul – participaram pela primeira vez como um bloco e como membros não permanentes do CSNU. Como objetivo geral, a pesquisa examinará por intermédio do comportamento de votação e temas de agendas como forma de verificar se a concertação do IBAS para temas de alta política, de fato pode ser caracterizada como eixo central desta coalizão. Para examinar o comportamento do bloco, serão abordados os conceitos teóricos de potências médias, de system affecting states e de geometria variável para melhor compreender o prestígio e legitimidade internacional deste bloco, percebido na forma limitada de influenciar o sistema internacional. Além disso, também se examinará a partir do discurso de Bandung e da Declaração de Brasília, se o IBAS se mantém na retórica ou se de fato insere um mecanismo novo para apoiar e promover o desenvolvimento na plataforma do eixo Sul-Sul. A pesquisa se fundamentou em levantamento documental dos seguintes referenciais bibliográficos: a) artigos e literatura acadêmica com abordagem conceitual sobre as coalizões, potências médias, cooperação Sul-Sul; b) declarações multilaterais; c) reportagens; d) think-tanks em torno deste tema e o site oficial da ONU (Conselho de Segurança-UNBISNET). Diante do examinado, a hipótese central foi constatada, sendo que o IBAS de fato tem como pilar central o eixo Sul-Sul Hard como plataforma para fortalecer o grau de influência para a ampliação e reforma do CSNU. Conclui-se que a convergência apresentada pelo bloco em 2011 como membros não permanentes imprimiu uma postura que foi além da interlocução, mostrando um alinhamento e convergência quantos aos temas de alta política voltados para os temas de governança global. / The aim of this dissertation will examine the degree of political consensus of IBSA in 2011, a period where the three countries participated in the first time as a block, and as non- permanent members of the UNSC. As a general objective, the research will examine through voting behavior issues and agendas as a way to verify that the IBSA dialogue to issues of high politics, in fact it can be characterized as the centerpiece of this coalition. For examining the behavior of the block will be approached the theoretical concepts of middle power, the System Affecting States and the variable geometry coalition to better understand the prestige and international legitimacy of this block , realized in a limited way to influence the international system. Furthermore, also it will examine the speech from Bandung and Brasilia Declaration, if the IBSA remains in rhetoric or actually inserts a new mechanism to support and promote the development plataform on the South-South axis. The research was based on documentary survey of the following bibliographic references : a) articles and academic literature on the conceptual approach to coalitions; middle powers; South-South cooperation; b ) multilateral declarations; c ) reports; d ) think-tanks around this theme and the official website of the UN (Security Council - UNBISNET). Before the examination, it was concluded that IBSA actually has as the central pillar of the South- South Hard as a platform to strengthen the degree of influence on the expansion and reform of the UNSC. It is inferred that from the consultation policy presented by the bloc in 2011 as non-permanent members, printed a posture that was beyond the dialogue, it showed an alignment and convergence on the issues of high politics focused on issues of global governance.

Orientador: Maria Filomena Gregori / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-14T10:09:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Cruz_AnaPaulaGaldeano_D.pdf: 2888775 bytes, checksum: dbcf916322339d7c86835b45dd0fcae8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009 / Resumo: Esta tese investiga a participação da sociedade civil na discussão das políticas de segurança e prevenção da violência em São Paulo. Através da pesquisa de campo em bairros socialmente distintos - Sapopemba, Zona Leste e Campo Belo, Zona Sul -, o trabalho discute as narrativas da violência entre os moradores, suas opiniões sobre os (assim considerados) ?agentes da insegurança? e as possíveis soluções para resolver os problemas. O universo empírico central são os Conselhos Comunitários de Segurança, onde policiais, representantes das prefeituras, ?moradores comuns?, líderes de associações de bairros e entidades de defesa dos direitos reúnem-se para falar sobre seus problemas locais. No conflito multifacetado de narrativas destacam-se mudanças relacionadas à linguagem dos direitos e as bases desiguais do debate - estereótipos feitos pelos critérios de classe, gênero, etnicidade, idade e, às vezes, religião. No intuito de contribuir para uma discussão mais ampla dos obstáculos institucionais e simbólicos na elaboração de políticas, a pesquisa acompanhou favelas que foram objeto de operações policias (Operação Saturação) e os encontros da Comissão Independente e Mista, formada em caráter extraordinário para investigar as mortes que se sucederam aos ataques da facção Primeiro Comando da Capital (PCC) em maio de 2006. / Abstract: This dissertation investigates civil society participation in debates on public security and violence prevention in São Paulo. Through fieldwork in two socioeconomically distinct neighborhoods - Sapopemba and Campo Belo - I seek to understand citizens' narratives of violence and their opinions about the (so called) ?perpetrators? and the possible solutions to solve the problems. The principal site of fieldwork were the Local Security Councils in which policemen, municipal officials, ordinary people, community leaders and human rights organizations get together to talk about local problems. In this multifaceted conflict of narratives, I highlight changes in the language of rights employed in, and the inequalities that underlie the debate - stereotypes of class, gender, ethnicity, age, and sometimes religion. To contribute to a wider discussion about the institutional and symbolic obstacles to establish a public prevention policy, I also did fieldwork in favelas targeted for police operations (Operação Saturação) and at the meetings of the Joint Independent Commission (Comissão Independente e Mista), an ad-hoc body charged with investigating the murders that followed the May 2006 wave of attacks perpetrated by the Primeiro Comando da Capital (PCC) faction. / Doutorado / Doutor em Ciências Sociais