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Showing 181 to 190 of 224 (0.043 seconds)Spelling suggestions: "subject:"ehe 2security council"" "subject:"ehe 2security ouncil""
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Law-Making by the Security Council in Areas of Counter-Terrorism and Non-Proliferation of Weapons of Mass-DestructionMirzaei Yengejeh, Saeid January 2016 (has links)
The purpose of this thesis is to determine whether the Security Council has opened a new avenue for law-making at the international level by adopting resolutions under Chapter VII of the UN Charter which create new norms of international law or modify international norms already in force (the normative resolutions). The normative resolutions analyzed in this study pertain to the areas of counterterrorism and the non-proliferation of weapons of mass-destruction. The new approach of the Security Council has been examined in light of the Third World Approaches in International law (TWAIL), as well as from the viewpoint of mainstream lawyers. Furthermore, 15 years of State practice relating to the implementation of these normative resolutions has been studied with a view to determining whether subsequent State practice confirms the exercise of a law-making function by the Security Council.
Despite some incremental success in promoting international standards in the fight against terrorism, this thesis illustrates that the Security Council has not succeeded in introducing a new viable form of law-making. The Security Council’s authority to exercise such a function is now under serious doubt and its legitimacy questioned, as its normative resolutions were improperly initiated and adopted under the influence of a Permanent Member of the Security Council. Furthermore, the Security Council’s intervention in areas that are already highly regulated runs the risk of contributing to the fragmentation of international law—a phenomenon that undermines the coherence of international law. Currently, the Council’s normative resolutions are facing serious challenges at the implementation stage and several proceedings before national and regional courts have either directly challenged the normative resolutions, or questioned their enforceability. The Security Council is under continued pressure to further revise its practice or potentially face additional challenges before national, regional, and even international courts which may annul or quash relevant implementing measures. Thus, in light of relevant State practice, it is almost inconceivable that the Security Council would repeat its use of normative resolutions as a means of law-making in the future.
Nevertheless, the increasing powers of the United Nations Security Council also stimulates an increasing demand to hold the United Nations accountable for the possible wrongful acts of its principal organ, particularly when its decisions harm individuals. It is argued that in the absence of a compulsory judicial mechanism at the international level, non-compliance with the Council’s decisions is the only viable way to challenge the Security Council wrongful acts. Yet, non-complying State or group of States should clearly identify their actions as countermeasures vis-a-vis ultra vires acts of Security Council and seek support from other like-minded States to avoid being declared recalcitrant, which may be followed by Security Council sanctions.
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| 182 |
Beneath the Surface : A qualitative analysis of United Nations Security Council decision-making on Responsibility to ProtectKoltai Edfast, Nike January 2023 (has links)
No description available.
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| 183 |
国際連合における拒否権の意義と限界 : 成立からスエズ危機までの拒否権行使に関する批判的検討 / コクサイ レンゴウ ニオケル キョヒケン ノ イギ ト ゲンカイ : セイリツ カラ スエズ キキ マデノ キョヒケン コウシ ニカンスル ヒハンテキ ケントウ瀬岡 直, Nao Seoka 19 September 2013 (has links)
博士(法学) / Doctor of Laws / 同志社大学 / Doshisha University
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| 184 |
L'exécution des décisions de la Cour internationale de Justice : faiblesses et malentendusSaint-Paul, Fritz Robert 12 1900 (has links)
"Mémoire présenté à la Faculté des études supérieures en vue de l'obtention du grade de Maîtrise en droit international (LL.M)" / L'une des critiques fondamentales adressée au droit international à partir du l6ème siècle
tient à l'absence des voies d'exécution efficaces. Pour cette raison, les négateurs du droit
intemational en contestent la juridicité. Le présent mémoire étudie l'ensemble des mesures qui tendent à l'exécution volontaire et forcée des décisions de la Cour internationale de Justice. Pour
ce faire, il analyse principalement l'article 94 de la Charte des Nations Unies qui est le siège de
la question y relative.
Cette étude s'attache, en un premier temps, à l'examen du fondement de l'obligation
d'exécution dans l'esprit du caractère consensuel de la justice internationale permanente. Dans
ce cadre, elle se penche sur les conditions et conséquences de la saisine de la Cour et accorde une
attention particulière aux applications pratiques. L'étude des affaires tranchées par la Cour
permet de faire remarquer que la plupart de ses arrêts ont été respectés par les parties perdantes.
Les cas d'exécution difficile nous enseignent à ne pas sous-estimer le rôle des négociations entre
les parties ou l'action des tiers dans la phase post-juridictionnelle.
Ensuite, elle met l'accent sur la voie d'exécution forcée prévue au deuxième paragraphe.
En raison du pouvoir discrétionnaire que détient le Conseil de sécurité et des risques d'utilisation
du droit de véto par l'un des membres permanents, ce mécanisme est d'une efficacité réduite.
Dès lors, il est loisible au créditeur de la décision d'adopter des mesures compatibles avec le
droit international pour contraindre l'État défaillant à y donner suite. Le rôle des organes de
l'O.N.U. ou institutions internationales et l'impossibilité pour certains États d'adopter des
contre-mesures amènent à conclure que ce degré d'efficacité réside dans le manque d'intégration
de l'ordre juridique intemational. / One of the main criticisms addressed to international law from the 16th century
denounces the weaknesses of its enforcement's mechanisms. For this reason, some positivist
thinkers question its existence. This thesis studies complîance with decisions of the intemational
Court of Justice. To do so, it examines mainly Article 94 of the United Nations Charter, which
takes both their binding effect and their enforcement into account.
On one hand, the obligation of execution in the spirit of a consenting justice has been
analyzed. A special attention has been paid to the conditions under which a dispute is presented
to the Court and the practice followed. This step helps understand the fundamental role of the
parties or tierce in the post-judicative phase.
On the other hand, emphasis has been placed on the legal framework for enforcement
of the lntemational Court of Justice's decisions. The role of the Security Council of the United
Nations under Article 94 (2) has been emphasized. Its action in a case of non-compliance with a
final judgment or an order indicating provisional measures is uncertain because one of the five
permanent members may use its power of veto. Other remaining possibilities such as the
recourse either to some intemational institutions or to unilateral coercive measures may not be of
a greater practical importance. This research concludes that the strengthening of the procedure
under Aliicle 94 (2) is not an option for improvement as long as the international society is not
sufficiently integrated.
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| 185 |
United States counter-narcotics policies towards Burma, and how the illegal myanmar regime is manipulating those policies to commit ethnic genocide.Hochstedler, Robert. 06 1900 (has links)
US counter-narcotic policies towards Burma have possessed a singular-focus. In other words, they have been based on the traditional bilateral triumvirate strategies of eradication, education, and interdiction. Eradicate the crops used to produce illicit narcotics, interdict the flow of illicit drug traffickers, and educate the general population on the dangers of continual drug usage. In the country of Burma though, there are other US policies which also have a singular focus, which have undermined the effectiveness of these policies. Since the Burmese military regime's brutal suppression of the pro-democracy movement in 1988, the US has severed all economic relations with the country. The Burmese economy, which was already far from stable, fell into a downward spiral as a result of these US-led policies. This did not result in a democratic transition. Over seventeen years since these economic sanctions have been in place, the US has not achieved a peaceful regime change in Burma. Furthermore, the attempts to remove the significant flow of illicit narcotics from the country have failed as well. The reason these two singular-oriented policies have failed is that they are targeted at a country much more complex than these strategies have been designed to handle. First of all, there are 135 ethnicities in Burma, while only a small portion of the Burman population maintains political and economic control. Although this would result in ineffective policies with little collateral impact, the ruling Tatmadaw regime has manipulated these policies to commit ethnic genocide upon the ethnic minorities within their territory. Unless a re-assessment of these policies is undertaken by the US and its allies, the only result of their policies will be the elimination of millions of ethnic minorities in this totalitarian state. Therefore, the US must re-assess its position of isolating the Myanmar regime, and focus on a policy of engagement. Only if a structured and progressive incentive policy of economic development is created in conjunction with the regime, can the separate triumvirate policies of counter-narcotics against the ethnic minorities in Burma become effective. / US Navy (USN) author.
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A política externa do Brasil nas questões de ampliação do Conselho de Segurança da ONU (1989-2005) / Brazil´s foreign policy and the reform of the United Nations Security Council (1989-2005)Oliveira, Daniel França 15 February 2006 (has links)
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Previous issue date: 2006-02-15 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The recent Brazilian to a United Nations Security Council permanent seat is the expression of a historical desire in having a place among the great powers. The path followed by the so-called Great Power Foreign Policy begins in the political tentative in being elected to a permanent seat in the League of Nations Council. It also passes through a process of diplomatic negotiation with the United States to occupy a permanent seat in the Security Council during the establishing process of United Nations and goes through the nuclear parallel policy project in the Geisel period. Its recent manifestation begins when President Sarney takes the initiative to release Brazilian candidacy to a permanent seat in the Security Council, in 1989. Since then, the other government periods have given distinct diplomatic treatment and emphasis during the debate process of the Council expansion. For instance, in the beginning of the 90´s, president Collor promotes an exploration diplomacy that corresponds to the immature atmosphere of first debates about the Council s reform. Recently, President Lula, emphasizing a policy willing for leadership, gives an intense treatment to the Brazilian campaign in the Council s expansion. Even if, having a diplomacy accurately constructed to get a great power status to Brazil in the Council _ which the most important alliance is the G-4, a group formed by Brazil, Germany, Japan and India to propose a unified resolution to the Council s reform _ Lula has not been successful in getting Brazil a permanent seat. The present study is an analysis of the main reasons that have taken Brazil s proposal to an unsuccessful stage. It is based in three main possibilities: the Brazilian lack of power projection capacity in the international relations, the non-regional consensus on Brazilian proposal, and the political rivalry between Japan and China, showing a misperception in Brazil diplomacy view, having joined the G-4. With this specific purpose, an analysis is executed based on the Great Power Foreign Policy historical fundaments and on how the foreign policy since president Sarney to Lula contributed to this unwished result / A atual candidatura brasileira para um assento permanente no Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas é a expressão de um antigo desejo brasileiro de ocupar um lugar no concerto das grandes nações. O trajeto percorrido pela chamada política externa de grande potência, nesse sentido, inicia na tentativa de ocupar uma cadeira permanente no Conselho da Liga das Nações, passa pela negociação com os EUA por um lugar permanente no Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas durante sua criação, assim como também tem passagem na política nuclear paralela do governo Geisel, e culmina na iniciativa do presidente Sarney quem lançou a candidatura atual brasileira, em 1989, e a qual sobrevive até os dias atuais, no governo Lula. Desde o governo Sarney, a participação brasileira nos debates acerca da ampliação do CS têm tido diferentes ênfases e graus de importância nos governos subseqüentes: desde a diplomacia de desbravamento de Collor no início dos debates sobre a reforma até a política para uma busca de liderança explícita de Lula, promovendo uma campanha intensa para eleger o Brasil ao Conselho. Mesmo com uma diplomacia arquitetada para lograr a vontade brasileira de obter status de potência mundial, cuja aliança mais importante é o G-4 (grupo formado por Alemanha, Brasil, Japão e Índia que propõe uma única resolução para a reforma do Conselho), Lula não elege o Brasil para o Conselho. Esse estudo é uma análise de como os resultados até o momento atual não favoreceram o pleito brasileiro no Conselho, tendo os EUA e a China vetado a proposta de reforma do G-4. Nos baseamos em três principais possibilidades que possam ter culminado nesse resultado: a ausência de capacidade do Brasil de projetar poder nas relações internacionais, o não consenso regional para com o pleito brasileiro, e a rivalidade sino-japonesa, mostrando um misperception da diplomacia brasileira ao aderir o G-4. Para tanto, ao longo do estudo, analisamos desde o histórico da política externa de grande potência até a construção de um mapa político desde o governo Sarney até Lula para verificar essas possibilidades
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| 187 |
The role of the United Nations in preventing violent conflicts : lessons from Rwanda and SudanChikuni, Eshilla 28 May 2013 (has links)
The occurrence of internal armed conflict in Africa has increased over the last two decades. As such, Africa continues to be viewed by many as a troubled continent. In an attempt to avoid further conflict in Africa, organisations such as the United Nations have implemented comprehensive tools and strategies to prevent further conflicts from occurring. However, the genocide in Rwanda and the on-going unrest in Sudan have shown that there is still a lot of work to be done. In both these cases, the conflicts took place or escalated even with UN presence on ground. This paper will thus examine the UN's legal role in the prevention of internal armed conflict and establish the type of lessons that could be learnt from Rwanda and Sudan. / Public, Constitutional, & International / LL.M.
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Developing countries and humanitarian intervention in international society after the Cold WarVirk, Kudrat January 2010 (has links)
This thesis examines the policies, positions, and perspectives of developing countries on the emerging norm of humanitarian intervention after the Cold War, focusing on the period between 1991 and 2001. In doing so, it questions the role of opposition that conventional wisdom has allotted to them as parochial defenders of sovereignty. Instead, the thesis reveals variation and complexity, which militates against defining the South, or the issues that humanitarian intervention raises, in simplistic either-or terms. Part I draws on insights about ‘sovereignty as what states make of it’ to break the classic pluralism-solidarism impasse that has otherwise stymied the conversation on humanitarian intervention and confined the South as a whole to a ‘black box’ labelled rejectionism. It reconstructs the empirical record of developing countries at large on six cases of military intervention (northern Iraq, Somalia, Haiti, Sierra Leone, Kosovo, and East Timor), revealing variation that defies easy categorization. It also charts a cumulative and dynamic trend within the South towards a grey area between pluralism and solidarism that shows how these were not diametrically opposed positions. Following from that, Part II looks in-depth at India and Argentina. Whereas Argentina accepted the idea of humanitarian intervention, India remained reluctant to countenance it and persistently objected to the development of a new rule in its favour. Part II argues that the level of congruence between the emerging norm and the two countries’ prevailing values, aspirations, and historically constructed ways of thinking played a key role in determining the different levels of acceptance that the idea found with them. Part III delves deeper into the substance of their views. It shows how neither country constructed mutually exclusive choices between pluralism and solidarism, sovereignty and human rights, and intervention and non-intervention. Rather, both exhibited an acute awareness of the dilemmas of protecting human rights in a society of states, and a wariness of yes-no answers. Cumulatively, this thesis thus points away from thinking about the South itself as a given category with clear, shared or pre-determined ideas, and towards a more nuanced and inclusive conversation on humanitarian intervention.
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L’autorisation de recourir à la force accordée par le Conseil de sécurité des Nations UniesEkomodi Totshingo, Patrice 08 1900 (has links)
L’autorisation de recourir à la force est une pratique par laquelle le Conseil de sécurité permet à des États membres des Nations Unies ou à des accords ou organismes
régionaux, voire au Secrétaire général des Nations Unies de recourir à la coercition
militaire. Elle est l’une des circonstances excluant l’illicéité face à l’interdiction de
recourir à la force dans les relations internationales dont la règle est posée à l’article 2,§ 4 de la Charte des Nations Unies.
Il est évident que cette pratique ne correspond pas clairement à la lettre de la Charte mais elle tire sa légitimité du fait qu’elle permet au Conseil de sécurité de s’acquitter de sa mission principale de maintien de la paix et de la sécurité internationales, étant donné que le système de coercition militaire prévu par la Charte s’avère inapplicable dans la pratique. Il reste que cette pratique est empreinte d’ambiguïté : elle apparaît tantôt comme
une intervention des Nations Unies, tantôt comme une action unilatérale au profit de
certaines puissances capables de mener des opérations de grande envergure. Cette ambiguïté est encore exacerbée par le problème de l’autorisation présumée que certainsÉtats pourraient déduire des actes du Conseil de sécurité, pour intervenir dans divers conflits.
Dans les faits, la pratique de l’autorisation de recourir à la force semble actualiser une tendance belliciste qui caractérisait les époques antérieures. Elle peut, si l’on n’y prend garde, refondre, par pans entiers, les legs du droit contre la guerre (jus contra bellum) issu
du XXème siècle, droit qui a été le fruit de longues tribulations dans l’histoire des relations internationales. Le danger le plus grave est que des acquis chèrement négociés risquent d’être jetés par-dessus bord avec trop de facilité et sans délai, pour servir des visées à court terme. / Authorization to use force is a practice whereby the Security Council allows member
States of the United Nations or regional arrangements or agencies or the Secretary
General of the United Nations to use military coercion. Such authorization circumvents the wrongfulness of using force in international relations as prohibited by article 2, § 4 of the UN Charter.
It is obvious that this practice does not match the letter of the Charter, but it derives its legitimacy from the fact that it allows the Security Council to fulfill its primary mission of maintaining peace and security, since the system of military coercion under the Charter is inapplicable in practice. Nonetheless, this practice is marked by ambiguity: sometimes it appears as a UN intervention, and yet sometimes as a unilateral action of certain powers capable of conducting major operations. This ambiguity is exacerbated by the issue of presumed consent to intervene in various conflicts that some States attribute to
the Security Council.
In fact, the practice of authorization reinforces a hawkish tendency that characterized earlier periods. It can, if unchecked, undo the legacy of the law against war (jus contra bellum) of the twentieth century, which was the fruit of much effort in the history of international relations. The most serious danger is that hard-won negotiated achievements be thrown easily overboard and without delay, in order to serve short term goals.
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Le contrôle du Conseil de sécurité en matière d'occupation impliquant ses membres permanentsSaihi, Majouba 05 1900 (has links)
Le Conseil de sécurité est l’organe principal du système onusien chargé du maintien de la paix et de la sécurité internationales. Face à une situation illégale, il ne peut donc l’ignorer et s’en désintéresser. Cependant, la perpétration d’un acte à la légalité controversée par l’un
ou plusieurs de ses membres permanents peut nous laisser entendre que l’organe politique onusien aura des difficultés à remplir son rôle. Les membres permanents vont tenter d’instrumentaliser le Conseil de sécurité afin de diminuer l’illégalité de la situation. Ceci pose avec acuité le problème du contrôle de son activité en matière de maintien de la paix. L’accomplissement d’un acte illégal par un ou plusieurs membres permanents du Conseil de sécurité nécessite alors de réfléchir à des moyens d’ordre juridique pour limiter son pouvoir. Cette réflexion s’avère particulièrement pressante lorsque le Conseil est confronté à une occupation de guerre impliquant ses membres permanents ou, lorsqu’il crée ou
autorise des opérations de paix de grandes envergures suite à un conflit armé impliquant ses membres permanents.
Afin de limiter les prérogatives du Conseil de sécurité, le régime juridique de l’occupation tel qu’énoncé par le Règlement de La Haye (IV) de 1907 et la IVe Convention de Genève de 1949 devrait être appliquer par l’organe politique onusien lorsqu’il intervient dans une situation d’occupation de guerre impliquant ses membres permanents. L’objectif est d’éviter qu’il n’attribue aux puissances occupantes des missions qui dépassent le cadre juridique imposé par le droit des conflits armés.
L’autorisation, par le Conseil de sécurité d’opérations de paix, telles qu’une administration civile transitoire ou une force multinationale avec un mandat de la paix avec recours à la force armée, suite à un conflit armé impliquant ses propres membres permanents, ouvre le
débat sur leur réglementation. Alors, il sera proposé une interprétation progressiste de la définition de l’occupation telle qu’énoncée par le Règlement de La Haye (IV) de 1907 et la IVe Convention de Genève de 1949 afin d’y intégrer ces nouvelles formes d’occupations pacifiques, présentant de grandes similitudes avec les occupations de guerre. Ainsi, le régime juridique de l’occupation pourra leur être appliqué. / The Security Council is the primary body of the UN system responsible for peacekeeping and international security. In cases of violations of international law, the Security Council cannot turn a blind eye. Nevertheless, in cases when Security Council members are themselves perpetrators of international law violations one could conclude that this political body has difficulties in fulfilling its mandate. The danger exists that Security Council members in violation of international law will implicate the Security Council in justifying illegal decisions. This therefore raises the question of Security Council accountability. The violation of international law by a Security Council member therefore requires a legal
mechanism to limit the powers of this body. This is particularly relevant for cases of occupation involving its permanent members, or, when the Security Council creates or authorizes large-scale peace-keeping operations following an armed conflict involving its
own members.
In order to limit the powers of the Security Council, this study proposes to impose a legal regime of administration as stipulated by the IV (1907) Hague and the 4th 1949 Geneva Convention, according to which the Security Council intervenes when a territory is administered by one of its permanent members. The goal is to avoid that the Security Council gives too much freedom to an administrative power during interventions which go
beyond the legal framework defined by the law on administrated territories.
The authorization by the Security Council of peace-keeping operations, such as transitional civil administration or multinational peace-keeping force mandated to use force, following an armed conflict involving its own members, opens the debate of their regulation. Consequently a progressive interpretation of occupation as defined by the IV (1907) Hague and the 4th 1949 Geneva Convention is proposed in order to encompass new forms of peaceful occupations which contain clear similarities with military occupations. Thus, they will fall under the legal mechanism of the latter.
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