My dissertation investigates Thucydides’ presentation of Sparta. By viewing the war through Sparta, one is confronted with debates on the moral dimensions of war. Sparta decries the imperialism of Athens as unjust and while the Athenians imply that such claims are merely Spartan ‘hypocrisy’ and therefore that Sparta does not truly take justice seriously, my study contends that the Spartan concern with justice and piety is genuine. While the Athenians present a sophisticated and enlightened view of what they believe guides all political actions (a view most scholars treat as Thucydides’ own) my study argues that Sparta raises problems for key arguments of the ‘Athenian thesis.’ Through a closer study of Thucydides’ Sparta, including his neglected Book 5, I locate details of both Sparta’s prosecution of the war and their regime that must be considered before agreeing with the apparent sobriety and clear-sightedness of the Athenians, thus leading the reader into the heart of Thucydides’ view of morality in both foreign affairs and domestic politics. A portion of this research is currently being prepared as an article-length study on the broad and important issue of hypocrisy in foreign affairs among states.

In this study, I challenge previous assumptions on Thucydides’ silence on gender in the History in order to understand this erasure as a central component of the historian’s attempt at asserting authorial control over a narrative of crisis. My project investigates the gendered strategies employed by Attic tragedy and historiography to represent defiant speakers – characters who challenge traditional speech, like Antigone or the Corcyreans, or those who speak ambiguously, like Cassandra and Alcibiades – in the context of 5th century Athens. Rather than offering a historical reconstruction of the relationship between Thucydidean historiography and drama, my project presents a theoretical reorientation of how the two genres can and should be read in parallel. Methodologically, I integrate close readings with the insights afforded by Anne Carson’s creative engagements with antiquity in order to analyze how gender structures the meaning-making systems in these narratives. Following a chronotropic trajectory, this dissertation investigates how gender refracts through the ways in which the tragedians and Thucydides represent issues of time, space and place, and perception; it then ends by returning to time to offer a critical re-evaluation of the receptions and afterlives of Greek tragedy and history. Ultimately, this study offers a methodology that helps us model a parallel reading of Attic tragedy and Thucydidean historiography; not in order to “test out” the historicity of tragedy against Thucydides’ account, but rather to use tragedy to fill the gap of gender in the History. Probing this dialogue – a dialogue informed as much by silence and omission as by contact and shared vocabulary – among ancient and modern, tragic and historiographic, originary and receptive models of literary entanglement challenges us to rethink the political potential of transgressive speakers within canonical narratives, and to reflect on the role that gender has in shaping these discursive tensions.

Dedicamo-nos ao estudo do modo como ocorre a retomada da sofística em Nietzsche. Partimos, então, do pressuposto de que há uma ligação entre Nietzsche e os sofistas e, por isso, dialogamos com os principais estudos que aproximam Nietzsche e a sofística. Nosso objetivo é, primeiramente, apresentar a visão geral entre as investigações sobre a relação de Nietzsche com a sofística. Para, então, mostrar certos equívocos no modo habitual de relacionar a filosofia nietzschiana ao movimento sofista. Nossa principal investida é contra o modo habitual de aproximação entre Nietzsche e a doutrina do homem- medida de Protágoras. Também discutimos o lugar de Cálicles no pensamento nietzschiano, principalmente, porque na visão geral que aproxima Nietzsche e os sofistas, a doutrina de Cálicles, acerca do direito do mais forte, está relacionada à idéia nietzschiana de além-homem. Acreditamos que nem na abordagem de Protágoras nem na de Cálicles, há argumentos condizentes para uma retomada da sofística no pensamento nietzschiano. Nossa defesa é de que o sofista Górgias é a palavra-chave no entendimento da relação de Nietzsche com os sofistas. Nosso argumento tem sua base na importância do historiador Tucídides para a concepção nietzschiana de história. Defendemos uma influência da retórica sofista, cujo principal representante é Górgias, tanto na apresentação quanto no modo de investigação do trabalho tucidideano. Tal influência resultará em uma articulação entre Nietzsche, Tucídides, sofística e história. Para apresentação dessa articulação, nosso estudo expõe a importância do elemento ficcional, tanto para as reflexões nietzschianas quanto para a retórica sofística de Górgias, de modo relacionar essa importância à concepção de história de Tucídides. / We are dedicated to the study of how the recovery occurs in Nietzsche's sophistry. We follow the assumption that there is a connection between Nietzsche and the Sophists, and therefore, we dialogue with major studies nearing Nietzsche and sophistry. Our first objective is to show an overview of the research on the relationship of Nietzsche to sophistry. To then show some errors in the usual way of relating to the Nietzschean philosophy with sophistic movement. Our main onslaught is against the usual way of rapprochement between Nietzsche and the doctrine of man-measure of Protagoras. We also discussed the place of Callicles in Nietzsche's thought, mainly because the general view that approximates Nietzsche and the Sophists, the doctrine of Callicles, on the right of the strongest, is related to the Nietzschean idea of beyond-man. We believe that neither the approach of the Protagoras neither Callicles, there are consistent arguments for a resumption of sophistry in Nietzsche. Our defense is that the sophist Gorgias is the keyword in the understanding of Nietzsche's relationship with the Sophists. Our argument has its basis in the importance of the historian Thucydides to the Nietzschean conception of history. We support an influence of sophistic rhetoric, whose main representative is Gorgias, both in presentation as in the way research work tucidideano. Such influence will result in a connection between Nietzsche, Thucydides, sophistry and history. In this joint presentation, our study shows the importance of the fictional element for both Nietzschean reflections as to the rhetoric of Gorgias sophistry relating this to the importance of design history of Thucydides.

Poderia o episódio da ocupação de Pilos, narrado no Livro IV da História da Guerra do Peloponeso, de Tucídides, constituir-se em uma peripécia ateniense? Asserção provocativa, que supõe sobre as categorias míticas, presentes na referida passagem, o entendimento da obra tucidideana por ditames artísticos, assim denominados, por Francis M. Cornford, mithistóricos. Interpretado, pelo autor, como fruto de uma teoria trágica da natureza humana supostamente apropriada de Ésquilo - o encadeamento de Týche, Áte, Apáte, Elpís e Hýbris, figuraria o início da ruína política de Atenas, onde Tucídides, propondo-se a descrever objetivamente os eventos da guerra, acaba por se aproximar do drama. Mas, como admiti-lo se, em seu prólogo, Tucídides declara a exclusão do fabuloso ( ) de sua escrita? Em que sentido mythôdes pode ser apreendido como o mthos, propriamente dito? Na memorização das ações humanas, a história tucidideana se volta, então, para a fragilidade dessa humanidade, revelando a face de sua própria tragicidade. / Could one consider the Pilos episode narrated in the Book IV of Thucydides History of the Peloponnesian War, an Athenian reversal (peripéteia)? An assumption, whose provocative tone, would imply to the mythical categories in the episode the artistic moulding of Thucydides narrative. The mythistorical passages of the work, as interpreted by Francis M. Cornford are, therefore, a consequence of the tragic theory of human nature, which Thucydides would have taken from Aeschylus, and where Tyche, Ate, Apathe, Elpis and Hybris would represent the beginning of Athens political doom. Thucydides writing style, intentionally an objective journal of the war, ended up being similar to the dramatic one. But how could one accept this possibility, if in Thucydides Prologue he states the absolute exclusion of the fabulous ( ) from his narrative? In which sense can the concept of mythôdes be taken as the one of mthos. In the memorization of the human actions Thucydides history turns to the fragility of this humanity, revealing the face of its own tragic condition.

Government / This report aims to broaden the horizon of research questions in international relations by encouraging a greater appreciation for the complexity of individual and collective motivations. More specifically, the report focuses on why the honor motive is ignored in the discipline and why it deserves more attention. / text

Dedicamo-nos ao estudo do modo como ocorre a retomada da sofística em Nietzsche. Partimos, então, do pressuposto de que há uma ligação entre Nietzsche e os sofistas e, por isso, dialogamos com os principais estudos que aproximam Nietzsche e a sofística. Nosso objetivo é, primeiramente, apresentar a visão geral entre as investigações sobre a relação de Nietzsche com a sofística. Para, então, mostrar certos equívocos no modo habitual de relacionar a filosofia nietzschiana ao movimento sofista. Nossa principal investida é contra o modo habitual de aproximação entre Nietzsche e a doutrina do homem- medida de Protágoras. Também discutimos o lugar de Cálicles no pensamento nietzschiano, principalmente, porque na visão geral que aproxima Nietzsche e os sofistas, a doutrina de Cálicles, acerca do direito do mais forte, está relacionada à idéia nietzschiana de além-homem. Acreditamos que nem na abordagem de Protágoras nem na de Cálicles, há argumentos condizentes para uma retomada da sofística no pensamento nietzschiano. Nossa defesa é de que o sofista Górgias é a palavra-chave no entendimento da relação de Nietzsche com os sofistas. Nosso argumento tem sua base na importância do historiador Tucídides para a concepção nietzschiana de história. Defendemos uma influência da retórica sofista, cujo principal representante é Górgias, tanto na apresentação quanto no modo de investigação do trabalho tucidideano. Tal influência resultará em uma articulação entre Nietzsche, Tucídides, sofística e história. Para apresentação dessa articulação, nosso estudo expõe a importância do elemento ficcional, tanto para as reflexões nietzschianas quanto para a retórica sofística de Górgias, de modo relacionar essa importância à concepção de história de Tucídides. / We are dedicated to the study of how the recovery occurs in Nietzsche's sophistry. We follow the assumption that there is a connection between Nietzsche and the Sophists, and therefore, we dialogue with major studies nearing Nietzsche and sophistry. Our first objective is to show an overview of the research on the relationship of Nietzsche to sophistry. To then show some errors in the usual way of relating to the Nietzschean philosophy with sophistic movement. Our main onslaught is against the usual way of rapprochement between Nietzsche and the doctrine of man-measure of Protagoras. We also discussed the place of Callicles in Nietzsche's thought, mainly because the general view that approximates Nietzsche and the Sophists, the doctrine of Callicles, on the right of the strongest, is related to the Nietzschean idea of beyond-man. We believe that neither the approach of the Protagoras neither Callicles, there are consistent arguments for a resumption of sophistry in Nietzsche. Our defense is that the sophist Gorgias is the keyword in the understanding of Nietzsche's relationship with the Sophists. Our argument has its basis in the importance of the historian Thucydides to the Nietzschean conception of history. We support an influence of sophistic rhetoric, whose main representative is Gorgias, both in presentation as in the way research work tucidideano. Such influence will result in a connection between Nietzsche, Thucydides, sophistry and history. In this joint presentation, our study shows the importance of the fictional element for both Nietzschean reflections as to the rhetoric of Gorgias sophistry relating this to the importance of design history of Thucydides.

Poderia o episódio da ocupação de Pilos, narrado no Livro IV da História da Guerra do Peloponeso, de Tucídides, constituir-se em uma peripécia ateniense? Asserção provocativa, que supõe sobre as categorias míticas, presentes na referida passagem, o entendimento da obra tucidideana por ditames artísticos, assim denominados, por Francis M. Cornford, mithistóricos. Interpretado, pelo autor, como fruto de uma teoria trágica da natureza humana supostamente apropriada de Ésquilo - o encadeamento de Týche, Áte, Apáte, Elpís e Hýbris, figuraria o início da ruína política de Atenas, onde Tucídides, propondo-se a descrever objetivamente os eventos da guerra, acaba por se aproximar do drama. Mas, como admiti-lo se, em seu prólogo, Tucídides declara a exclusão do fabuloso ( ) de sua escrita? Em que sentido mythôdes pode ser apreendido como o mthos, propriamente dito? Na memorização das ações humanas, a história tucidideana se volta, então, para a fragilidade dessa humanidade, revelando a face de sua própria tragicidade. / Could one consider the Pilos episode narrated in the Book IV of Thucydides History of the Peloponnesian War, an Athenian reversal (peripéteia)? An assumption, whose provocative tone, would imply to the mythical categories in the episode the artistic moulding of Thucydides narrative. The mythistorical passages of the work, as interpreted by Francis M. Cornford are, therefore, a consequence of the tragic theory of human nature, which Thucydides would have taken from Aeschylus, and where Tyche, Ate, Apathe, Elpis and Hybris would represent the beginning of Athens political doom. Thucydides writing style, intentionally an objective journal of the war, ended up being similar to the dramatic one. But how could one accept this possibility, if in Thucydides Prologue he states the absolute exclusion of the fabulous ( ) from his narrative? In which sense can the concept of mythôdes be taken as the one of mthos. In the memorization of the human actions Thucydides history turns to the fragility of this humanity, revealing the face of its own tragic condition.

This thesis expands upon the notion that Thucydides’ plague narrative in his History of the Peloponnesian War punctuates his argument for the unique greatness of the Peloponnesian War. Through the plague, Thucydides displays the collapse of Greek society’s standards and practices. He does this by describing a plague which does not conform to 5th century BCE Greek medical ideas. Balance, human art, and divine intervention all fail in their attempts to restore the health of the individual and society. Thucydides portrays the plague as a narrative aggressor whose intent is to topple Athens and its ideals. Lucretius’ plague narrative, because it narrates the same historical moment but from a different perspective, is then discussed in order to demonstrate how other authors have used Thucydides’ technique.

No description available.

Des « gens broüillons & méchans », voilà la réputation des Étoliens résumée par J. Spon1 au XVIIe s. et qui a encore aujourd'hui la force d'une image commune.En raison de la nature et de l'origine de la documentation ancienne conservée et en raison des topoi formés dans l'Antiquité ou l'époque moderne, une étude sur les Étoliens doit emprunter le chemin de l'histoire des représentations. Les sources imposent en effet deux contraintes, dues à leur disproportion en faveur du IIIe s. et à l'absence de sources littéraires d'origine étolienne.Ce travail propose une analyse de la formation et de l'évolution des représentations de l'Étolie et des Étoliens dans les sources, depuis la fondation des grands sanctuaires jusqu'à la réorganisation de la Grèce du Nord-Ouest par Auguste. Il permet de dater l'apparition de certaines images et d'en comprendre les différents contextes : le contexte historique de l'événement narré et le contexte historique et littéraire de production du récit. La contextualisation des représentations permet de distinguer ce qui relève de la propagande politique et ce qui relève de représentations communes. Enfin, l'analyse précise des sources laisse entrevoir le point de vue étolien, ou du moins permet de saisir des bribes du discours étolien.La première partie est consacrée à l'image géographique de l'Étolie et des Étoliens et permet de distinguer ce qui, dans les représentations des Étoliens, relève de topoi ou de grilles d'analyse modernes. Les trois parties suivantes suivent la chronologie des événements et des sources. La deuxième partie analyse l'image des Étoliens dans l'épopée et l'entrée des Étoliens dans le récit historique, qui correspond à leurs premières confrontations de l'époque classique avec les autres Grecs. La troisième partie montre comment, à l'époque hellénistique, les Étoliens devinrent des porte-drapeau de l'hellénisme et comment Polybe construisit son discours anti-étolien de façon à inventer une « idée étolienne » qui fut, en grande partie, à l'origine de l'image des Étoliens chez les Modernes. La quatrième partie analyse les conséquences du rôle des Étoliens sur leurs représentations pendant la période romaine, et propose une synthèse sur l'image des Étoliens dans l'opinion romaine qui permet notamment d'évaluer la fortune du discours polybien dans l'Antiquité.Cette étude se veut enfin une contribution à la définition des méthodes, des objets et des limites de l'histoire des représentations pour l'Antiquité. / In the 17th century, J. Spon condensed the Aitolians’ reputation in a phrase, “gens broüillons & méchans”1, which still bears the strength of a common image nowadays. Because of the nature and origin of the ancient documents and of the topoi created during Antiquity or the Modern age, Aitolian studies need to turn towards cultural history. Sources generate two constraints, with a bulk of documents from the 3rd c. and a lack of literary sources of Aitolian origin. This thesis analyses the formation and the evolution of the representations of Aitolia and Aitolians in the sources, since the foundation of the main sanctuaries and until the reorganization of north-western Greece by Augustus. It enables us to date the apparition of some images and to understand their various contexts: the historical context of the narrated event and the historical and literary context of the narrative production. By contextualizing representations, what stems from political propaganda can be distinguished from what results from common representations. Finally, thanks to a precise analysis of the sources, the Aitolian point of view may be glimpsed, at least through fragments of Aitolian discourse. The first part deals with the geographical image of Aitolia and Aitolians, showing where topoi or modern interpretation grids generate representations. The next three parts follow the chronology of the events. The second one analyses the Aitolians’ image in the epic and the entry of Aitolians in the historical narrative, which corresponds to their first confrontations to other Greeks in the classical period. The third part shows how the Aitolians became the standard-bearers of Hellenism in the Hellenistic era and how Polybius designed his anti-Aitolian discourse so as to create an “Aitolian idea” which largely contributed to shaping how the Aitolians were seen in the modern era. The fourth part looks into the consequences of the Aitolians’ role on their representations during the Roman period and gives a synthetic picture of the Aitolians in the Roman opinion, leading to an assessment of the popularity of the Polybian discourse during Antiquity.This thesis contributes to defining the methods, objects and limits of the history of cultural representations in Antiquity.