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Ideový rámec britské zahraniční politiky za vlády New Labour. / Ideational framework of British foreign policy under New Labour.Váška, Jan January 2016 (has links)
This doctoral thesis explores the ideational framework of British foreign and European policy in the era of New Labour governments (1997-2010). Drawing from social constructivism and the "linguistic turn" in social sciences, and using discourse analysis as its primary tool, it analyses a set of major foreign and European policy speeches by prime ministers and foreign secretaries, and Labour Party general election manifestos, to reconstruct the ideational structure in which empirical British foreign policy was embedded. It identifies conceptual ideas about the nature and rules governing the international order, distribution of power in the international system, hierarchy of issues in contemporary international agenda, international identity and role of the United Kingdom, its key international relationships, its power resources, and interests and values shaping British foreign policy, as held by the leading government figures of the era. Established changes and transformations of these governing ideas are contextualised in the empirical development in the international arena. While confirming the pro-stability and self-reproduction bias of ideational structures, via their constitution of agency and organization of the actors' discursive practices, the thesis identifies six events which sparked...
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[en] THE EUROPEAN SECURITY AND DEFENCE POLICY AND COLLECTIVE IDENTITY: THE UNITED KIGDOM UNDER TONY BLAIR / [pt] A POLÍTICA EUROPÉIA DE SEGURANÇA E DEFESA E A FORMAÇÃO DA IDENTIDADE COLETIVA: O CASO DO REINO UNIDO NO GOVERNO DE TONY BLAIRNATALIA VALERIA TOLOSSA 24 September 2004 (has links)
[pt] O objetivo desta dissertação de Mestrado é analisar o
processo de reformulação da identidade coletiva do Reino
Unido no governo de Tony Blair, em função de sua
participação na Política Européia de Segurança e Defesa da
União Européia, com base em conceitos desenvolvidos pela
teoria construtivista de Relações Internacionais. As
mudanças ocorridas no esquema de segurança e defesa
europeu
receberam um grande ímpeto por parte do Reino Unido, que,
tradicionalmente, tem se caracterizado por uma política
reticiente no que diz respeito a cooperação em questões
de
segurança e defesa. Argumenta-se que o novo enfoque da
política britânica com relação à Política Européia de
Segurança e Defesa, a partir de 1998, insere-se num
processo de redefinição da identidade coletiva com
relação
a União Européia, apos o Reino Unido ter sido relegado ao
segundo plano no que se refere a questões de uniao
política
européia. / [en] The aim of this dissertation is to analize the process of
identity reformulation of the United Kingdom under Tony
Blair through its participation in the European Security
and Defence Policy of the European Union. This analysis is
based on constructivism litterature. The changes that had
taken place in the european security and defence field
were, to a certain degree, the result of a british
attitude, which has traditionally been characterized as
sceptical in these areas. The argument is that this new
british approch is part of a deeper process of colletive
identity reformulation.
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Tony Blair, l'Europe et les relations anglo-américaines à travers The Economist (mai 1997-mai 2005)Bouachour, Adnan 23 November 2012 (has links) (PDF)
Depuis des décennies. The Economist est considéré comme une référence incontournable pour tous ceux qui s'intéressent à l'actualité politique et économique internationale. The Economist apparaît comme un journal d'opinion qui vise à renforcer l'influence d'une élite possédant un pouvoir économique et culturel dans le monde. L'hebdomadaire vante souvent son objectivité, son indépendance ainsi que sa vocation internationale ; cependant, le lecteur averti perçoit The Economist comme un magazine qui n'est pas si différent des autres dans la mesure où il cherche à défendre sa cause, sa doctrine et à faire valoir sa propagande. Cette thèse tente d'analyser l'image d'une personnalité politique, le Premier ministre britannique, Tony Blair, et de mettre en relief sa politique européenne et sa relation anglo-américaine à travers unelecture critique de The Economist de mai 1997 à mai 2005. Cette étude, qui se base sur l'approche de l'analyse critique du discours, envisage de souligner l'absence de partialité de The Economist, qui défend des valeurs néolibérales et tente ainsi de répondre aux attentes des lecteurs et de défendre sa vision du monde
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British Prime Minister Tony Blair's Decision to Go to War in Iraq: An Evaluation of Motivating FactorsLaCoco, Kimberly 05 1900 (has links)
Blair sent British troops to join U.S. forces in the invasion of Iraq in 2003 at great political cost to himself. What motivated him to take this step? Sources for this work include: autobiographies and biographies of individuals close to Blair; journal and newspaper articles and monographs on this topic; Prime Minister's speeches and press conferences. Part one is comprised of five chapters including the Introduction; Blair's years at school; Blair's early political career; and From Parliament to Prime Minister. Part two includes four chapters that analyze motivating factors such as, Anglo-American Relations; Blair's personality, faith, and his relationship with Gordon Brown; and finally, Blair's perception of Britain's Manifest Destiny. All of these factors played a role in Blair's decision.
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Reformy britské státní správy: tradice - transformace - kontinuita? / British Civil Service Reforms: tradition-transformation-continuity?Hálová, Daniela January 2008 (has links)
The aim of this Master thesis is to analyse the British civil service reforms both in theory and practice. The author picked three areas where the reforms would be scrutinized. By analysing four essential documents that contributed to the reforms of the civil service: The Northcote-Trevelyan report, The Fulton report, Next Steps and Modernising Government, we would be able to evaluate the impact of these changes in the following areas: 1) Human Resources (recruitment, training and the promotion of the civil servants) 2) Administration and Accountability (the aspects of ministerial responsibility, accountability, special advisers) 3) Decentralisation and Fragmentation (impact of the multi-level governance including deconcentration, devolution and EU membership). The first chapter is the necessary introductory part that deals with the basic principles of the British civil service, its history and the challenges it faces today. The second chapter provides analysis and historical background of the four documents that are used in the next section. Finally, the third chapter discusses the three above mentioned problematic areas. By analysing and comparing the documents, we seek to understand the reforms of the British civil service and their impact.
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Zvláštní vztah, ESDP a britský národní zájem na přelomu nového tisíciletí / The Special relationship, the ESDP and the British national interest at the turn of the new millenniumKunertová, Dominika January 2012 (has links)
The Master's Thesis "The Special Relationship, the ESDP and the British National Interest at the Turn of the New Millenium" analyses the relationship of the United Kingdom to both the United States and the European Union during the premiership of Tony Blair. By using critical discourse analysis and applying three criteria within the framework of the procedural concept of national interest, the work seeks to determine whether the creation and further development of the European Security and Defence Policy was in the British national interest and whether it was compatible with the close UK-US relationship. After having examined the British public political discourse of three main political parties on security and defence, this thesis arrives at the conclusion that for Britain it was essential to keep NATO at the centre of its security, to maintain the close relationship with the US and to improve Britain's position in Europe. The core attitudes of the British political elite remained unchanged in the respected period. On the discourse level, the ESDP was in the British national interest as it was presented as an effort to strengthen the European pillar within NATO. Predicate and metaphor analysis of Blair's speeches unveiled that the British Prime Minister, considered as the initiator of a more...
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Den föraktade friheten : En idéhistorisk analys av några politiska värderingar i öst och väst / The despised freedom : An idea-historical analysis of some political values in the East and the WestBerger, Ingela January 2022 (has links)
Tal och texter kan innehålla så mycket; både uppenbara budskap och det som finns mellan raderna. Jag tror att vi kan lära oss mycket genom att ta del av andra människors ord och begrepp. Genom de begrepp vi använder uttrycker vi våra värderingar – det vi ser som bra och dåligt, viktigt och oviktigt. Människor i Västvärlden har genom historien generellt representerat ett idéarv som kan sägas vara specifikt för just Västvärlden. Ett sätt att tänka, se och tolka världen, som skiljer sig från människor i Öst. Annorlunda i Östs ögon. Och i Västs ögon är det Öst som är annorlunda. Där har man i generationer istället formulerat och omfamnat andra sätt att tänka, se och tolka världen. Ingen av dessa diskurser har förstås något självklart tolkningsföreträde och ingen kan ensam göra anspråk på sanningen. Men en tydlig konflikt existerar mellan de olika världsbilderna. Och den blir synlig bland annat i valen av ord och begrepp. Ord som frihet, framsteg, lydnad och rättvisa kan skapa olika associationer hos människor i Öst och Väst. Bakom orden och begreppen döljer sig de värderingar som är förhärskande i respektive diskurs. Jag har tittat närmare på några sådana värderingar för att se om de kan ge svar på frågor om orsakerna till konflikterna mellan Öst och Väst. Jag har härlett dessa värderingar bakåt i tiden för att komma åt de idéarv som två av diskurserna bygger på. Det är två diskurser med djupa rötter i historien – till synes oförenliga. Båda säger sig ha det rätta perspektivet och ofta även lösningar på världens problem. Men de tycks tala förbi varandra och se på varandra genom ett slags filter av fördomar, förutfattade meningar och oförsonlighet. När jag zoomat in några av dessa diskursers företrädare har jag sett att de båda diskurserna går att förstå och förklara genom att tillämpa teorier från idéhistorien. Jag har med hjälp av teorier om orientalism och occidentalism velat sätta fokus på politiska hållningar som kan uppfattas som ”extrema” och till synes liberala uppfattningar. Men vad är egentligen vad? Kan Usama Bin Laden hylla kärleken? Kan Tony Blair kräva lydnad? Det är angeläget att söka förståelse för de historiska sammanhang som ofta förblir outtalade eller ensidiga men som har betydelse för vår samtid. Jag är intresserad av hur Väst och Öst talar till och förhåller sig till varandra, med varandra och mot varandra. Med denna uppsats hoppas jag kunna bidra till lite större klarhet och insikt i den språkförbistring som orsakar konflikter i världen.
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Terrorism, war and international law: the legality of the use of force against Afghanistan in 2001Williamson, Myra Elsie Jane Bell January 2007 (has links)
The thesis examines the international law pertaining to the use of force by states, in general, and to the use of force in self-defence, in particular. The main question addressed is whether the use of force, which was purported to be in self-defence, by the United States, the United Kingdom and their allies against al Qaeda, the Taliban and Afghanistan, beginning on 7 October 2001, was lawful. The thesis focuses not only on this specific use of force, but also on the changing nature of conflict, the definition of terrorism and on the historical evolution of limitations on the use of force, from antiquity until 2006. In the six chapters which trace the epochs of international law, the progression of five inter-related concepts is followed: limitations on the resort to force generally, the use of force in self-defence, pre-emptive self-defence, the use of forcible measures short of war, and the use of force in response to non-state actors. This historical analysis includes a particular emphasis on understanding the meaning of the 'inherent right of self-defence', which was preserved by Article 51 of the United Nations' Charter. This analysis is then applied to the use of force against Afghanistan which occurred in 2001. Following the terrorist attacks of 11 September, the US and the UK notified the United Nations Security Council of their resort to force in self-defence under Article 51. Each element of Article 51 is analysed and the thesis concludes that there are significant doubts as to the lawfulness of that decision to employ force. In addition to the self-defence justification, other possible grounds for intervention are also examined, such as humanitarian intervention, Security Council authorisation and intervention by invitation. This thesis challenges the common assumption that the use of force against Afghanistan was an example of states exercising their inherent right to self-defence. It argues that if this particular use of force is not challenged, it will lead to an expansion of the right of self-defence which will hinder rather than enhance international peace and security. Finally, this thesis draws on recent examples to illustrate the point that the use of force against Afghanistan could become a dangerous precedent for the use of force in self-defence.
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