<p>Cracks in the Spirit of Community is a study of a Swedishtrade union in a period of change. Increasingly, traditionaltrade unions´ work based on collective solutions has comeinto question, and the customer perspective of trade unionactivities is becoming more prominent. At the same time, ageneration of mainstay trade union supporters at ourcountry´s workplaces are approaching retirement age. Howdo these - now ageing - children of Sweden´s"people´s home" hand over our society´s institutionsand pass on its traditions to a new generation? Is there a riskthat knowledge will be lost? And is anyone in the newgeneration ready to receive this knowledge?</p><p>A systematic and structured dialogue with participants fromSif, Sweden´s leading white collar union, helped developthis complex of problems. The work focused on the interactionbetween people to build up a community of understanding, whichwas at the core of earlier trade union tradition. Broadeningthe present pattern of action allows more long-term trends tobe traced. A disregard for matters of common concern, andunstated dissension, cause cracks in the spirit of community,cracks that undermine the power of collective action inpolitical matters. This dissertation poses complex questionsabout democracy, participation and common responsibility.</p><p>The case study was carried out as a series of dialogueseminars with a carefully-selected group of people from Sif.The dialogue seminar method was developed to bring to the foretacit knowledge in skills research. By focussing onvalue-based, shared human knowledge, the dissertation puts tothe test a new application of the dialogue seminar method. Thisstudy illustrates a shift from common interests to individualinterests. It points out general trends in the development ofour society - a trade union member, an employee and a citizenis often one and the same person.</p>

華隆這個個案的具體狀況，是資方在掏空案爆發後，仍繼續以壓縮勞動條件的方式茍延經營：華隆公司掌握著四、五千名員工的家庭生計問題作籌碼，持續向政府要求紓困；另一方面，又抓住工人擔心工作權與退休金不保的心理，對勞工予取予求，實行減薪、欠薪、利潤中心制等經營盈虧與工資連動的政策。華隆工會作為早期曾參與自主工會運動、至今也仍是苗栗縣產業總工會會員之一，近年來卻陷於工會幹部被開除、積極工會代表自殺抗議、工會對於資方的減薪裁員行為默不作聲之惡性循環。資方軟土深崛、工會步步退讓之表象下，工人有沒有過團結抵抗的機會？而這樣的機會又在過程中如何被解消？而台灣的自主工會運動在此場廠工會提供的協助為何？是我想要藉此個案研究加以釐清的問題。 / This thesis is about a plant trade union’s history. In this case, this company faced very serious financial crisis from the end of 1990s. The workers were owed salary for 3 months and then suffered serious salary-deduction problem after a failed wild-strike in Oct, 2001. It’s quite clear that the worker’s collective bargaining power is very weak in this plant and the internal democracy of this union is critical. I try to answer such problems such as, why can’t the workers unite under the leadership of their union committee members and fight back? How comes the labor movement in Taiwan do nothing for this plant trade union?

The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa6 (hereinafter the Constitution) gives everyone the right to fair labour practices.7 The Labour Relations Act8 (hereinafter the LRA) regulates the relationship between employers and employees as well as the relationship between employers and trade unions. These labour relations are quite extensively regulated by statutory measures. The same can unfortunately not be said about the relationship between a trade union and its members. Because a trade union is a legal entity, a trade union is controlled and managed by certain functionaries like any body corporate. The management structures of the trade union are defined in the trade union’s constitution. A trade union can not perform any legal functions which are not provided for in the trade union’s constitution. 9 The trade union’s constitution states the nature of the relationship between the union and its members.10 Workers join trade unions in order to protect themselves and their rights in the workplace. An expectation is therefore cultivated by the members that the trade union, through its representative power and mandate to act on behalf of the members, will do so in the best interest of the members. The disruption of the relationship can have negative implications for the trade union. In this study, relevant case law will be sited to explain the contents of the legal responsibility of a trade union to its members. The specific focus of the study is the legal responsibility of a trade union if its members would suffer pecuniary loss or harm as a result of the trade union’s actions. The purpose of this study is to discuss the regulation of the relationship between a trade union and its members in South Africa and to find a solution for the fragmented regulation or non-regulation thereof. The authority that a member grants to a trade union, mostly in the form of a contract, involves the expression of the will of the members that the trade union has the necessary power to perform judicial acts on its behalf. The discussion is limited to the actual authorization originated by a contract of mandate between a trade union and its members. In terms of the common law’s contract of mandate a representative is obliged to perform his orders with care and diligence, convey information, to act in good faith and to account for his actions. There are no statutory measures that regulate the nature of the legal relationship between a trade union and its members provided for in the trade union’s constitution. This study discusses the regulatory challenges that the regulation of the relationship between a trade union and its members in South Africa are facing, and some recommendations are made with regards to the possible application of existing legislation and the common law contract of mandate. / LLM (Labour Law), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2014

The purpose of the thesis is to make a contribution to the development of an empirically informed theory of identity work in organisations on the basis of a gestalt paradigm. Since its emergence almost three quarters of a century ago, gestalt has been applied to therapy, personal development, leadership education and organisational consulting. Gestalt remains, however, fundamentally a paradigm, which preferentially projects onto and deals with complex and dynamic organisational phenomena at individual, dyadic or small group levels. It can be argued that, with its focus on phenomenology and awareness, the gestalt paradigm is predominantly methodological, with only ambiguous or weak links to explicitly articulated epistemology or ontology. A long-term professional, consulting relationship with a trade union branch enabled conducting action research in order to explore the constituents and dynamics of its organisational identity, prior to and following significant change. The subsequent dismantling and closure of the branch demanded an adjustment of research design. The new situation offered a unique opportunity to follow the existentially challenged organisation as its members reacted to and made sense of the closure. The research is contextualised in three analytical clusters: identity and identity work, gestalt paradigm, and trade unions as organisations, institutions and social movements. An ontology of the intersectional field is posited, and on this foundation, four statements, seen as fundamental conditions for identity work, are operationalised through six propositions explicating identity work in a gestalt paradigm perspective. Methodologically, the overall design is informed by a constructivist grounded theory approach, moving abductively - iteratively and even recursively - between inductive and deductive analysis and reflection. The empirical component of the thesis comprises participant observation, field notes, in-depth interviews during and subsequently two years after the closure, and memos. The data proved relevant and informative in terms of identity work in the organisation. The result of the research is a hypothesis about identity work in organisations, firmly anchored in and commensurate with a present-day revised gestalt paradigm, which contribute to a formal development of a gestalt organisational theory. The hypothesis states that: “Identity work in organisations is a dialectical positioning, both individual and collective, between the existential polar opposites of inclusion and exclusion. The processes through which identity work is enacted are cognitive, affective, and conative, instrumentally served by the contact boundary dynamics of egotisming, confluencing, projecting, retroflecting, introjecting, and deflecting. “ The empirical findings are considered robust, and the theory formulation meaningful. Acknowledging the specific circumstances of the study organisation and empirical design, however, a more general application of the hypothesis requires further research in diverse contexts for verification and possibly refinement of the gestalt theoretical concepts at the organisational level. The research results are of interest to gestalt practitioners who teach or work in or with organisations, and equally so for those interested in dynamic process perspectives in which attention shifts - whether at the level of the individual, group, or organisation - from static assessment of reified identity to real-time identity work; from structure to mutual interaction and influence, in order to balance the well-being of the human beings “in” and “profitability” of the organisation.

Since the collapse of the New Order regime in 1998, democratisation and economic liberalisation have combined to create both opportunities and constraints for the revival of organised labour in Indonesia. The picture of post-authoritarian labour movements painted by various scholars is almost universally bleak, portraying helpless trade unions in the face of economic impasse and the undemocratic remnants of the old forces. Being overtly cautious of the new democracy, this line of analysis has not done justice to Indonesian labour movements. It overestimates the ghost of the old dictatorship and underestimates the power of budding organised labour. Using trade union as the unit of analysis, this dissertation seeks to offer a different view of Indonesian labour movements. It looks at shifting political opportunities in the regions and the agency of trade unions which constitute a political force that is far from being consolidated but has certainly made a significant contribution to the broadening of democratic politics. In negotiating pressures that originate from an increasingly liberalised economy, trade unions have adopted a strategy which is called „playing politics‟ in this dissertation. The term means that in the absence of significant market power, trade unions enter into the realm of power politics primarily by organising labour as social movements and attempt to ally with political elites, exploit the conflicts that emerge within state institutions and between the state and business, and try to join the ruling classes. In developing this argument, this dissertation makes two contributions to the study of labour politics in Indonesia: its reassessment of the historiography of the first ten years of post-authoritarianism and its offer of insights into possible future directions of labour politics.

C’est à travers une succession de crises rapprochées : le phylloxéra, les deux Guerres mondiales, la prohibition, la crise de 1929, les grèves de 1936, que s’est constitué dans le champagne un modèle social original. Celui-ci forme le fondement sur lequel l’ensemble des professionnels ont pu bâtir ensuite, dans la seconde moitié du XXe siècle, leur prospérité. La Maison Veuve Clicquot de 1908 à 1964 représente une bonne illustration de ce phénomène. Au cours de cette période, elle met en place un large système de protection sociale pour ses ouvriers. Cette politique s’inscrit alors dans une stratégie de gestion de la main-d’œuvre visant à stabiliser une aristocratie ouvrière au sein de laquelle la culture du métier constitue un élément central. Cette politique sociale sait évoluer et s’adapter à la fois aux changements de la société et de la production. Ainsi, lorsque la mécanisation, mais aussi l’émancipation des travailleurs remettent en cause ce modèle établi, les dirigeants abandonnent le paternalisme pour se tourner vers des relations plus paritaires grâce à l’institution d’un système d’intéressement.Parallèlement à cette politique interne, les négociants développent des politiques sociales vers l’extérieur, au bénéfice de leurs fournisseurs. Il s’agit de fidéliser les vignerons livreurs en leur garantissant une stabilité économique en dépit des aléas importants sur la période des expéditions de champagne. On observe dans ce domaine la même évolution des relations du paternalisme vers une nouvelle forme de paritarisme que manifeste la constitution d’institutions interprofessionnelles de type corporatif. Dans leur genèse, la Maison Clicquot joue un rôle déterminant. / It is throughout a great number of consecutive crises : the phylloxera, the two World Wars, Prohibition, the 1929 crisis, the 1936 strikes, that champagne built its original social model. This social model is the foundation on which the professionals were able to develop their business during the second part of the twentieth century. From 1908 to 196, Veuve Clicquot is a good illustration of this phenomenon. During this period, the firm created a social protection for its workers. This policy was part of a management plan which tried to maintain the stability of workers elite for whom the trade culture was a central aspect. This social policy was able to follow society and production shifts. For instance, when mechanization and workers emancipation appeared, throwing the model back into question, the executive gave away paternalism to introduce new joint relationships (between labor and management) thanks to the institution of a profit-sharing system.At the same time, the champagne houses developed external social policies that were beneficial for their suppliers, the wine growers. The stakes of these social policies were to secure their loyalty and to warrant them an economic stability despite the great variations of the market during the period of champagne sales. The same evolution from paternalism to a new kind of classless relationships, that can be observed in this field of activity, is demonstrated with the constitution of corporate interprofessional institutions. Veuve Clicquot played a decisive part in this setup.

Syftet med den här studien var att undersöka hur en diskursiv berättelse skrivs fram i Aftonbladets granskning av fackförbundet Kommunal i januari 2016. Artikelserien handlade om fackliga företrädares bristande samklang mellan ord och handling. Politiker i regeringsställning drogs in och det fanns gott om aktörer som offentligt uttryckte sin kritik. En dryg vecka efter att artikelserien startat annonserade förbundsordföranden sin avgång. Materialet utgjordes av Aftonbladets pappersutgåva under perioden 13 – 21 januari 2016. Undersökningen genomfördes med en kombination av kvantitativ och kvalitativ metod. Först gjordes en kvantitativ innehållsanalys för att skapa översikt över materialet. Därefter gjordes en kvalitativ text- respektive bildanalys för att komma åt den diskursiva berättelsen. För den kvalitativa textanalysen användes modeller och begrepp från medieretorik, diskursanalys och retorik. I den kvalitativa bildanalysen användes en modell byggd på semiotik. Undersökningen pekar mot en diskursiv berättelse som konstrueras av följande delar: Två övergripande teman, ett samspel mellan nyhets- och opinionstexter, en tydlig och närmast arketypisk rollfördelning, fakta som framhäver konflikter och kontraster samt dramatiska effekter i språk och bild. Nyhetsberättelsen om ”Kommunals förlorade heder” överensstämmer i hög grad med John B. Thompsons fem kännetecken för en politisk skandal. Aftonbladet presenterar en konflikt som utvecklas genom komplikationer och polariseringar mellan inblandade parter, vilka i enlighet med triangelhypotesen tvingas reagera offentligt på varandras agerande. / The aim of this study was to examine how a discursive narrative is performed in Aftonbladets investigations on the trade union Kommunal in January 2016. Trade union representative’s lack of consistency between word and action were depicted in a series of articles. Politicians representing the government were involved and there were plenty of actors voicing their criticism. About a week after the start of the series, the chairwoman of the union announced her resignation. The sample consisted of Aftonbladets printed edition between the 13th and the 21st of January 2016. The study was performed with a combination of quantitative and qualitative methods. It began with a content analysis to get an overview of the material. After that, qualitative text respectively image analyses were carried out to get at the discursive narrative. For the qualitative text analysis methodology and concepts from media rhetoric, discourse analysis and classical rhetoric were used. The image analysis was carried out with a methodology based on semiotics. The study points towards a discursive narrative constructed of the following parts: Two general themes, interaction between news and commentary items, clear and almost archetypal roles, facts utilized to highlight conflicts and contrasts, and dramatic effects in language and images. The news narrative about ”The lost honor of Kommunal” conforms to a great degree to John B. Thompson’s five characteristics of a political scandal. Aftonbladet presents a conflict developed through complications and polarizations between the actors concerned who according to the triangle hypothesis are made to react publicly on each other.

Esta dissertação analisa o chamado \"turismo sindical\" por meio de uma abordagem teórica, histórica e conceitual. O turismo sindical por meio de colônias de férias de entidades sindicais e associativas de trabalhadores do setor público e privado são um meio de hospedagem que surge na Era Vargas e se desenvolve até os dias de hoje, alcançando seu apogeu nas décadas de 1960 e 1970, especialmente após o golpe militar de 1964. A ação efetiva do Estado, especialmente em tempos de regimes autoritários, não se limitou a um arcabouço jurídico-normativo (intervenção por regulação), mas estendeu-se a uma efetiva implementação das colônias de férias e do turismo sindical (intervenção por participação). Tudo isso ocorre concomitantemente a uma nova divisão internacional e territorial do trabalho que vai tornando o capitalismo hegemônico como modo de produção global e universal. A exigência do constante desenvolvimento das forças produtivas não se limita ao ambiente fabril, devendo atingir a inteira cotidianidade da classe trabalhadora. Por isso tempo de trabalho e tempo livre são meticulosa e estrategicamente organizados, geridos e fiscalizados, não pelos trabalhadores, mas pelos capitalistas e pelo Estado. Todo esse processo não ocorre de maneira localizada, pois, por ser um processo geral do capital, ocorre em escala planetária. O turismo sindical e as colônias de férias são uma pequena, mas importante fração deste processo que organiza as condições gerais da produção e desenvolve as forças produtivas. O materialismo histórico e dialético sustenta o caminho analítico escolhido. / This dissertation analyzes the so-called \"trade union tourism\" through a theoretical, historical and conceptual approach. Trade union tourism through holiday colonies of trade unions and associations of workers from the public and private sector are a means of lodging that emerges in the Vargas Era and develops until today, reaching its apogee in the 1960s and 1970s, especially after the military coup of 1964. The effective action of the State, especially in times of authoritarian regimes, was not limited to a legal-normative framework (intervention by regulation), but extended to an effective implementation of the holiday colonies and trade union tourism (intervention by participation). All of this takes place concomitantly with a new international and territorial labors division that makes hegemonic capitalism as a global and universal way of production. The demand for the constant development of the productive forces is not limited to the factory environment, and must reach the whole day-to-day of working class. Therefore, working time and free time are meticulous and strategically organized, managed and supervised, not by the workers, but by the capitalists and the State it self. All this process does not occurs in a localized way, because, being a general process of capital, it occurs on a planetary scale. Trade union tourism and holiday colonies are a small, but important part of this process that organizes the productions general conditions and develops the productive forces. Historical and dialectical materialism supports the analytical path chosen.

A regulamentação da terceirização pela lei 13.429 de 2017 consolidou o forte avanço desse tipo de vínculo empregatício no mercado de trabalho brasileiro. Demandada desde os anos 1960 por setores da administração pública, a subcontratação de mão de obra por empresa interposta cresceu lentamente nas décadas seguintes em algumas atividades dos setores de comércio e serviços, chegando de modo avassalador, nos anos 1990, ao setor industrial. Desse modo, a terceirização passou a abranger uma importante parcela do mercado de trabalho formal, pois, no final dos anos 2000, já representava cerca de 30% dele. Essa transformação do mercado de trabalho impactou o contexto da ação sindical, de modo geral. O surgimento de uma massa de trabalhadores terceirizados cobrou representatividade pelo sindicalismo nacional. Nesta dissertação, refletimos acerca de alguns impactos da terceirização no sindicalismo brasileiro por meio da consideração sobre a trajetória de um sindicato de trabalhadores terceirizados, o SINDEEPRES (Sindicato dos Empregados em Empresas de Prestação de Serviços a Terceiros, Colocação e Administração de Mão de Obra, Trabalho Temporário, Leitura de Medidores e Entrega de Avisos do Estado de São Paulo.) a maior organização de interesses dos trabalhadores desse segmento no Estado de São Paulo. Como esse sindicato apresentava uma taxa de sindicalização incomum (30%), desafiando a bibliografia sobre o tema, estabelecemos como objetivo principal compreender sua ação sindical, uma vez que essa engloba o fenômeno da filiação. No decorrer da pesquisa, o SINDEEPRES revelou-se como uma entidade poderosa. Mostrou-se articulada com os interesses políticos e econômicos que estiveram engajados para legalizar a terceirização. No contorno da ação desse sindicato ganha destaque o auxílio prestado aos trabalhadores filiados por meio da oferta de serviços e de proteção jurídica. Contudo, a pronunciada estratégia cooperativa que mantém com o sindicato patronal é o que melhor qualifica o perfil da atuação do SINDEEPRES. Essa relação constitui-se em fonte de poder decisiva para a realização dos interesses desse sindicato de trabalhadores terceirizados. / The outsourcing regulation by law 13.429 of 2017 bolstered the growth of that sort of employment relationship in Brazilian labor market. Since 1960s, public administration has been demanding subcontracting, which slowly expanded in the following decades over certain activities in commerce and services sector, disastrously reaching industrial sector. Nevertheless, outsourcing begun to include a meaningful share of formal labor market, representing around 30% of that by the end of 2000s. Overall, such adjustment had further impact over the work of trade unions for the emergence of massive outsource employees sought for national representability. Therefore, in this master thesis deals with consequences of outsourcing over Brazilian trade unions by analyzing the path of a trade union for outsource employees named SINDEEPRES (Trade union for representing employees of outsourcing, labor placement, temporary job, meter reading and delivery of notifications companies in São Paulo state.) the largest organization to support that labor segment in São Paulo state. As SINDEEPRES unionization rate was uncommon (of 30%), challenging the bibliography on the theme, our main goal was to understand its syndical action, since that embraces the phenomenon of affiliation. Our investigation has shown that SINDEEPRES is a powerful organization, which is interconnected with political and economic interests engaged in legalizing subcontracting. Regarding its syndical action, we highlighted the assistance offered to affiliated workers through services and legal protection. Nevertheless, the cooperative strategy between SINDEEPRES and the employer union is the most striking feature of SINDEEPRES action profile, consisting of the major power source for achieving its interests.

The purpose of this essay was to examine how eight Swedish newspapers reported on a trade union conflict between dock workers and a employer organisation in the winter of 2019. Further it will examine how the conflict is portrayed in the newspaper and if both of the organisations gets their voices heard in the newspapers. We will also examine what context the conflict mention within. We analyzed eight Swedish newspapers that wrote about the conflict, at the time 7 January - 14 Mars 2019, with help of a quantitative content analysis.  The result of this study showed us that the newspapers in Sweden in generally used Primary Definers to get their information so they could write articles about this conflict. It also showed us that the two parties in this conflict, the trade union and the employer, get the chance to speak in the newspaper almost as much as each other. Other findings were made and one of those was that two of Sweden’s largest newspaper barely wrote about this conflict. But when they were writing about this conflict they wrote that this conflict has a big impact on the Swedish economy.