In recent years, the use of the mode of regional trade liberalisation has proliferated, while the multilateral talks through the WTO have proceeded slowly, resulting in a debate on the role of bilateral and multilateral trade liberalisation. This thesis aims to provide new insights to this debate by studying the welfare effects of different types of trade agreements and the equilibrium outcome(s) of trade negotiation. We apply the three-country and three-good “competing-exporters model" developed by Bagwell and Staiger (1999) as our basic trade framework. By comparing the equilibrium welfare of each country under different structures of trading blocs, we clarify the welfare impacts of each trade agreement. Then we model the process of trade negotiation as a trade negotiation game, in which each country endogenously decides whether to negotiate through multilateral or bilateral trade liberalisation. By solving the equilibrium of the game, the stable structure of trading blocs and the path(s) to reach it can be found. We start with a framework in which all countries are welfare maximising. We find that at the early stage of trade negotiation, a free trade agreement (FTA) is Pareto welfare improving, despite the fact that member countries benefit more than any non-member. Although being the hub is the best position, a spoke is in a worse position than being outside a single FTA. Thus, a “hub-and-spoke" structure cannot be achieved and the unique equilibrium outcome of trade negotiation is given by multilateral free trade (MFT) through a multilateral trade agreement (MTA). The welfare-maximising analysis is followed by the examination of cases in which each government is politically motivated. The political structure we use is similar to Ornelas (2005), which follows the basic framework developed by Grossman and Helpman (1995), emphasising the interaction between lobby groups representing the special interest of one industry and the government in their home country. We first consider a circumstance where the political pressures are only from the import- competing sector. It is then generalised to a case in which all sectors are allowed to lobby the local government. Furthermore, the analysis is extended into an asymmetric world that includes two big countries and one small country. Our results show that political economy forces usually reduce the likelihood of forming trade agreements and that when the political concerns are sufficiently large, all trade agreements can be prevented by political pressures. Also, our findings suggest that the option of bilateral FTAs does not cause an initially infeasible MFT to become feasible, while a previously feasible MFT is likely to be blocked by the option of FTAs. Thus, our thesis provides some evidence to support the argument that the formation of FTAs can be a “stumbling block" for global trade liberalisation. / Thesis (Ph.D.) - University of Adelaide, School of Economics, 2009

In recent years, the use of the mode of regional trade liberalisation has proliferated, while the multilateral talks through the WTO have proceeded slowly, resulting in a debate on the role of bilateral and multilateral trade liberalisation. This thesis aims to provide new insights to this debate by studying the welfare effects of different types of trade agreements and the equilibrium outcome(s) of trade negotiation. We apply the three-country and three-good “competing-exporters model" developed by Bagwell and Staiger (1999) as our basic trade framework. By comparing the equilibrium welfare of each country under different structures of trading blocs, we clarify the welfare impacts of each trade agreement. Then we model the process of trade negotiation as a trade negotiation game, in which each country endogenously decides whether to negotiate through multilateral or bilateral trade liberalisation. By solving the equilibrium of the game, the stable structure of trading blocs and the path(s) to reach it can be found. We start with a framework in which all countries are welfare maximising. We find that at the early stage of trade negotiation, a free trade agreement (FTA) is Pareto welfare improving, despite the fact that member countries benefit more than any non-member. Although being the hub is the best position, a spoke is in a worse position than being outside a single FTA. Thus, a “hub-and-spoke" structure cannot be achieved and the unique equilibrium outcome of trade negotiation is given by multilateral free trade (MFT) through a multilateral trade agreement (MTA). The welfare-maximising analysis is followed by the examination of cases in which each government is politically motivated. The political structure we use is similar to Ornelas (2005), which follows the basic framework developed by Grossman and Helpman (1995), emphasising the interaction between lobby groups representing the special interest of one industry and the government in their home country. We first consider a circumstance where the political pressures are only from the import- competing sector. It is then generalised to a case in which all sectors are allowed to lobby the local government. Furthermore, the analysis is extended into an asymmetric world that includes two big countries and one small country. Our results show that political economy forces usually reduce the likelihood of forming trade agreements and that when the political concerns are sufficiently large, all trade agreements can be prevented by political pressures. Also, our findings suggest that the option of bilateral FTAs does not cause an initially infeasible MFT to become feasible, while a previously feasible MFT is likely to be blocked by the option of FTAs. Thus, our thesis provides some evidence to support the argument that the formation of FTAs can be a “stumbling block" for global trade liberalisation. / Thesis (Ph.D.) - University of Adelaide, School of Economics, 2009

In recent years, the use of the mode of regional trade liberalisation has proliferated, while the multilateral talks through the WTO have proceeded slowly, resulting in a debate on the role of bilateral and multilateral trade liberalisation. This thesis aims to provide new insights to this debate by studying the welfare effects of different types of trade agreements and the equilibrium outcome(s) of trade negotiation. We apply the three-country and three-good “competing-exporters model" developed by Bagwell and Staiger (1999) as our basic trade framework. By comparing the equilibrium welfare of each country under different structures of trading blocs, we clarify the welfare impacts of each trade agreement. Then we model the process of trade negotiation as a trade negotiation game, in which each country endogenously decides whether to negotiate through multilateral or bilateral trade liberalisation. By solving the equilibrium of the game, the stable structure of trading blocs and the path(s) to reach it can be found. We start with a framework in which all countries are welfare maximising. We find that at the early stage of trade negotiation, a free trade agreement (FTA) is Pareto welfare improving, despite the fact that member countries benefit more than any non-member. Although being the hub is the best position, a spoke is in a worse position than being outside a single FTA. Thus, a “hub-and-spoke" structure cannot be achieved and the unique equilibrium outcome of trade negotiation is given by multilateral free trade (MFT) through a multilateral trade agreement (MTA). The welfare-maximising analysis is followed by the examination of cases in which each government is politically motivated. The political structure we use is similar to Ornelas (2005), which follows the basic framework developed by Grossman and Helpman (1995), emphasising the interaction between lobby groups representing the special interest of one industry and the government in their home country. We first consider a circumstance where the political pressures are only from the import- competing sector. It is then generalised to a case in which all sectors are allowed to lobby the local government. Furthermore, the analysis is extended into an asymmetric world that includes two big countries and one small country. Our results show that political economy forces usually reduce the likelihood of forming trade agreements and that when the political concerns are sufficiently large, all trade agreements can be prevented by political pressures. Also, our findings suggest that the option of bilateral FTAs does not cause an initially infeasible MFT to become feasible, while a previously feasible MFT is likely to be blocked by the option of FTAs. Thus, our thesis provides some evidence to support the argument that the formation of FTAs can be a “stumbling block" for global trade liberalisation. / Thesis (Ph.D.) - University of Adelaide, School of Economics, 2009

This dissertation is a detailed study of Chickasaw removal, based on correspondence and other documents from the period 1794-1844. In addition to National Archives microfilm, information has been gathered from correspondence sent by the Office of Indian Affairs and miscellaneous Chickasaw records of the period, both collections located at the National Archives. A thorough investigation has been conducted into the communications between the Chickasaw Nation and the United States Department of War. An attempt was made to include the opinions expressed by Chickasaw leaders, American field personnel, and Department of War officials involved during this period. Thus, the major sources consulted include the letters of the Office of Indian Affairs which were either to, from, or about the Chickasaw.

Le traité de paix est un acte juridique de nature conventionnelle, conclu entre deux ou plusieurs États en vue de mettre fin à une guerre qui les oppose. Cependant, au regard des conditions de sa conclusion aussi bien que de son contenu, l’instrument présente un certain nombre de caractères peu compatibles avec le modèle classique du traité international. En effet, l’exigence d’une rencontre de volontés à la fois libres et égales se heurte tant à l’existence d’un recours préalable à la force qu’au défaut de réciprocité des droits et obligations convenus. Pour autant, l’instrument ne peut être réduit au simple enregistrement d’un rapport de forces entre les parties, au profit duquel le vainqueur dicterait arbitrairement ses conditions à un vaincu contraint de les accepter. Au contraire, la pratique révèle l’inscription du traité de paix dans un faisceau de mécanismes juridiques qui détermine en partie le contenu, le sens et la mesure des droits et obligations respectifs des belligérants. Essentiellement empruntés au droit de la responsabilité internationale et au droit de la sécurité collective, ces mécanismes invitent à envisager le traité de paix, non comme le produit de l’application exclusive du droit des traités, mais comme le résultat des exigences simultanées et potentiellement contradictoires de différents corps de règles. Cette approche dynamique de l’instrument permet de porter une lumière nouvelle sur les règles matérielles qui régissent la fin des conflits armés internationaux, autant que de mettre en question certaines représentations parfois hâtivement associées à la forme du traité international. / Peace treaty is an international legal act of a contractual nature, concluded by two or more States in order to end the war between them. Nevertheless, regarding both the circumstances of its conclusion and its content, this instrument is remotely compatible with the classical figure of international treaty. The requirement of free and equal wills faces both the existence of a prior use of force and the lack of reciprocity on the agreed rights and obligations. This does not mean that the instrument is solely the product of two forces confronting each other. In practice, the winner does not arbitrarily dictate its terms to a coerced vanquished. On the contrary, a peace treaty finds itself at the intersection of several legal mechanisms which partly determine the content and the extent of the respective rights and obligations of belligerents. Those mechanisms are mostly borrowed from the law of international responsibility and the law of collective security. They invite to consider the peace treaty not as the product of the exclusive application of the law of treaties, but as the result of simultaneous and potentially conflicting requirements of different bodies of rules. This dynamic approach of the instrument brings a new light on the substantive rules governing the end of international armed conflicts. It also permits to discuss certain representations sometimes hastily associated with the very concept of treaty.

A presente dissertação objetiva analisar a forma de recepção dos tratados internacionais em matéria tributária pelo ordenamento jurídico brasileiro. Para isso, é fundamental verificar a relação entre o direito internacional e o direito interno, por meio da análise das teorias monista e dualista. Apresenta-se o Direito Tributário Internacional como uma das variações do Direito Internacional Público, com o objetivo de introduzir a matéria tributária. Estudam-se os tratados como uma das principais fontes do direito internacional e o modo como o Poder Executivo e o Poder Legislativo participam de sua ratificação. Detalham-se, assim, os objetivos e os métodos dos tratados internacionais em matéria tributária, os quais visam a evitar a ocorrência do fenômeno jurídico da bitributação. Concluída a análise do procedimento de internalização desses tratados pelo ordenamento brasileiro, há a possibilidade de surgirem conflitos entre a norma internacional recepcionada e a lei interna anterior ou superveniente. E, por essa razão, apresentam-se os critérios gerais e específicos adotados pela doutrina e pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal para solucionar antinomias jurídicas. / The present dissertation aims to analyze the form of reception of international tax treaties by the Brazilian domestic order. For this to happen, it is important to verify the form as the international law is related with the domestic law. By presenting the International Tax Law as one of the branches of the Public International Law, it is also relevant to study the international treaties as one of the main sources of the International Law, along with the way how the Executive and the Legislative participate of its ratification. Besides that, the dissertation also points for international tax treaties objectives and methods to avoid the double taxation. After the reception of these international treaties, it can appear conflicts with the internal order. And that is te reason to study the general and specific methods adopted by the doctrine and the Federal Supreme Court to solve the legal antinomies.

This dissertation analyses and appraises factors that lead SADCC/SADC to restructure in 1992 and in 1999 respectively. Regime theory is used as an analytical tool of these factors throughout this study. The restructuring of regional organisation in the world is often associated with a decision that is taken by regional leaders, only to hide failures of these organisations to deliver. Studies of this phenomenon, however, frequently fail to research the underlying causes. In the case of SADCC/SADC, apart from the fact that the organisation failed to achieve its intended objectives, such as regional integration, economic independence, regional security, and more, this study argues that there were a lot of elements that influenced the pace and the operations of SADCC/C in achieving regional integration and other objectives. The basic debate in this study thus revolves around the fact that the restructuring exercise in SADCC/SADC was a result of many factors and this argument is supported by the regime theory. / Political Science / M.A. (Political Science)

O trabalho apresentado visa discorrer acerca da complementariedade da Jurisdição Penal Internacional a partir Tribunal Penal Internacional, doravante denominado TPI, para julgamento de crimes internacionais elencados no Estatuto de Roma, quais sejam, genocídio, crimes contra a humanidade, crimes de guerra e crimes de agressão. Esse caráter complementar há de ser enfrentado nesse trabalho no sentido de identificar qual forma de aplicação, condições, tendo-se como base o Estatuto de Roma criador do TPI. Esta ação complementar do Tribunal surge quando o Estado se mostra ineficaz ou não desejoso para julgar internamente os autores ou responsáveis por tais condutas ilícitas. Ao ser ineficaz o Estado deixa de concretizar justiça, de efetivar a jurisdição perante a comunidade internacional e evitar ocorrências de novos crimes, ferindo direitos humanos em nível internacional. Esses crimes que afligem aos Estados em geral no mundo devem ser julgados internamente, visando realizar justiça evitando-se impunidade. A ineficácia do Estado para concretizar essa justiça é marcante no instante em que não se julga, seja por não dispor de condições, ou porque não querem, ou ainda, quando o fazem sem apresentar resultados concretos e satisfatórios. A conseqüência maior nesse cenário é o senso de impunidade e desvalor à dignidade da pessoa humana. O Estado, assim, não contribui para o sistema global de proteção de direitos humanos. Visa-se assim via complementariedade do TPI evitar essa sensação de impunidade. Nesse sentido, surgem dúvidas acerca de como age o TPI no âmbito de sua complementariedade, daí a necessidade de dirimir tais dúvidas sobre sua aplicabilidadede e abrangência diante do Estado, bem como esse tema vem sendo tratado. A partir de pesquisas bibliográficas nacionais e internacionais, será tratado o aspecto complementar do TPI, valendo ressaltar que é um tema novo em discussão em nível internacional. Tenta-se contribuir assim para o desenvolvimento dos estudos, debates, pontos de vista acerca esse novo instrumento de proteção a direitos humanos que é o TPI que conta hoje com 105 países participantes, os quais se engajaram no processo de formação de uma jurisdição internacional penal permanente. Vislumbra-se a importância do estudo desse tema ao se deparar com um nível elevado de países que perceberam o caráter desse novo órgão, tendo sido eles sensíveis à nova percepção de soberania, permitindo assim aplicabilidade jurisdicional internacional ainda que esta apresente normas divergentes ao ordenamento jurídico interno dos Estados. Ao trazer à luz posicionamentos sobre o tema, construindo novos entendimentos e percepções, se lançará mão de uma melhor compreensão desse objeto de estudo lançando-se respostas acerca da compreensão da complementariedade do TPI. Busca- se contribuir ainda para o processo de debates sobre consolidação dos mecanismos de proteção de direitos humanos e interagir com outros estudos em andamento nas academias e, conseqüentemente, apresentar um posicionamento obtido a partir de todo trabalho desenvolvido

A presente dissertação objetiva analisar a forma de recepção dos tratados internacionais em matéria tributária pelo ordenamento jurídico brasileiro. Para isso, é fundamental verificar a relação entre o direito internacional e o direito interno, por meio da análise das teorias monista e dualista. Apresenta-se o Direito Tributário Internacional como uma das variações do Direito Internacional Público, com o objetivo de introduzir a matéria tributária. Estudam-se os tratados como uma das principais fontes do direito internacional e o modo como o Poder Executivo e o Poder Legislativo participam de sua ratificação. Detalham-se, assim, os objetivos e os métodos dos tratados internacionais em matéria tributária, os quais visam a evitar a ocorrência do fenômeno jurídico da bitributação. Concluída a análise do procedimento de internalização desses tratados pelo ordenamento brasileiro, há a possibilidade de surgirem conflitos entre a norma internacional recepcionada e a lei interna anterior ou superveniente. E, por essa razão, apresentam-se os critérios gerais e específicos adotados pela doutrina e pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal para solucionar antinomias jurídicas. / The present dissertation aims to analyze the form of reception of international tax treaties by the Brazilian domestic order. For this to happen, it is important to verify the form as the international law is related with the domestic law. By presenting the International Tax Law as one of the branches of the Public International Law, it is also relevant to study the international treaties as one of the main sources of the International Law, along with the way how the Executive and the Legislative participate of its ratification. Besides that, the dissertation also points for international tax treaties objectives and methods to avoid the double taxation. After the reception of these international treaties, it can appear conflicts with the internal order. And that is te reason to study the general and specific methods adopted by the doctrine and the Federal Supreme Court to solve the legal antinomies.

Esta dissertação tem como tema o instituto das Indicações Geográficas (IGs), signo distintivo da área do Direito denominada Propriedade Intelectual, situada no campo da propriedade industrial que, no Brasil, é regulada pela Lei de propriedade industrial 9.279, de 14 de maio de 1996. As IGs relacionam um produto ou a prestação de um serviço ao seu local de origem e têm importância estratégica para os envolvidos, protegendo produtos ou serviços desde a elaboração até sua comercialização. As IGs possuem papel destacado no mundo, especialmente no setor da vitivinicultura, e na Serra Gaúcha onde estão localizadas as primeiras IG’s para vinhos finos e espumantes do Brasil, o que motivou, de forma decisiva, a escolha desse tema. O objetivo da dissertação foi analisar a titularidade das IGs no Brasil, comparando a legislação brasileira com a de Portugal e da Argentina, além da legislação de organismos internacionais. A normatização das IGs no Brasil iniciou no século XIX, porém, foi no fim do século XX, em consonância com o avanço dos acordos multilaterais, que a atual lei que regula o sistema de Propriedade Industrial e, consequentemente das IGs, foi aprovada. Mas foi somente em 2002, que o Brasil registrou sua primeira IG nacional, a Indicação de Procedência Vale dos Vinhedos. O estudo evidenciou que tanto na Argentina quanto em Portugal existe legislação específica para IGs de vinhos que abarcam mais aspectos e de forma mais precisa. A aplicação afirmativa do instituto das IGs no Brasil é recente e o estudo comparativo evidenciou que a legislação brasileira possui lacunas e aspectos não definidos explicitamente, além do que o direito à titularidade das IGs não é implementado na forma como previsto em lei. Uma revisão das normas que regem o sistema de Propriedade Industrial e que oportunize e implemente o amparo legal pode propiciar um avanço na proteção das regiões, dos produtos e dos produtores e pode consolidar, cada vez mais, o instituto das Indicações Geográficas no Brasil. / Submitted by Ana Guimarães Pereira (agpereir@ucs.br) on 2015-02-24T18:27:02Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Andresa Colloda.pdf: 1142566 bytes, checksum: 517fc87b8a7b6b5bfe0ab957e1e04396 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-02-24T18:27:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Andresa Colloda.pdf: 1142566 bytes, checksum: 517fc87b8a7b6b5bfe0ab957e1e04396 (MD5) / This dissertation is about Geographical Indications (GIs), a distinctive feature of the Law area known as Intellectual Property, belonging to the field of industrial property, which is, in Brazil, regulated by the Industrial Property Law, number 9279, from May 14, 1996. GIs relate a product or the provision of a service to their place of origin and have strategic importance for those involved, protecting products or services since the development up to the commercialization. GIs have a prominent role in the world, especially in the sector of viticulture, and to the Serra Gaúcha, where are located the first GIs to fine wines and sparkling wines from Brazil, which led, in a decisive way, to the choice of this theme. The aim of this dissertation was to analyze the ownership of GIs in Brazil, comparing the Brazilian legislation with Portugal´s and Argentina´s, in addition to legislation of international organizations. The standardization of the GIs in Brazil began in the nineteenth century, but was in the late twentieth century, in line with the advancement of multilateral agreements, that the current law that regulates the Industrial Property system, and consequently of GIs, was approved. But it was only in 2002 that Brazil had its first national GI, the Indication of Origin of Vale dos Vinhedos. The study showed that both Argentina and Portugal have specific legislation for GIs of wines that covers more aspects and are more specific. The effective application of the GIs in Brazil is recent, and the comparative study showed that Brazilian legislation has gaps and issues not explicitly defined, and in addition, the right to the ownership of GIs is not implemented in the way foreseen by law. A review of the rules governing the Industrial Property system that oportunize and implement the legal support may provide a breakthrough in the protection of regions, products and producers, and can consolidate, increasingly, the Geographical Indications in Brazil.