En 2003, la Commission de vérité et de réconciliation du Pérou (CVR) publie un rapport sur la période de guerre interne et de violence qui a déchiré le pays entre 1980 et 2000. Ce rapport étudie ces deux décennies pour faire la lumière sur les événements et évaluer la position de divers secteurs de la société afin que les Péruviens puissent se réconcilier avec un pan de leur histoire. Dans son rapport, la CVR consacre une section aux médias, notamment la presse écrite, et salue le rôle « important » qu’ils ont joué, tout en notant au passage que leur couverture du conflit n’a pas favorisé la pacification du pays et a même pu la compromettre par moments. Ce mémoire vise à étudier la couverture de la guerre interne par les trois quotidiens péruviens les plus importants pour le tirage, Expreso, El Comercio, et La República. Il porte surtout sur la période comprise entre le début des hostilités, le 17 mai 1980, et le massacre de huit journalistes dans le village andin d’Uchuraccay, le 26 janvier 1983. Un regard est également jeté sur l’évolution du journalisme au Pérou depuis les années 1960, marquées par l’élection d’un gouvernement démocratique et aussi par l’instauration d’un régime militaire qui se maintiendra au pouvoir pendant 12 ans. Les bouleversements au cours de cette période difficile expliquent, au moins en partie, le désintérêt initialement manifesté par ces quotidiens, au-delà des différences idéologiques manifestes, à l’endroit des premiers pas du Sentier Lumineux et de sa « guerre populaire ». / In 2003, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) of Peru published a report on the internal war and violence that tore the country apart from 1980 to 2000. The report studied those two decades in order to shed light on the events, investigating the involvement of different sectors of society, so that Peruvians would be able to come to peace with their recent history. In its report, the TRC had a section on the media – including the written press. The report underscored the “important” role the media had played, but also stated that their coverage of the war might not have helped bring peace and may have even at times worsened the situation. This thesis aims to study the coverage of the internal war by the three daily newspapers with the largest circulation, Expreso, El Comercio and La República. It focuses on the period between the start of the war on May 17, 1980 and the massacre of eight journalists in the Andean village of Uchuraccay on January 26, 1983. It also considers the evolution of Peruvian journalism since the 1960s, when a democratic government was elected and a military junta subsequently took power and held it for 12 years. Beyond the ideological differences that characterize the three papers studied, this rocky period accounts for, at least partially, the initial lack of interest shown by the newspapers towards the first guerilla actions of the Shining Path and its popular war.

真相與和解委員會（Truth and Reconciliation Commission, TRC）是後衝突社會重建的主要機制，而TRC的運作是否具備性別面向，以及工作人員是否具有性別意識，影響著後衝突社會中的性別關係。基於此認知，本研究比較了獅子山和賴比瑞亞的真相與和解委員會，並且針對性別面向進行探討。透過分析兩國TRC的結構、策略、以及最終報告，本研究發現性別概念已制度化至TRC的運作之中。但兩國的TRC在落實其性別計畫時，仍面臨因為缺乏資源以及協調問題而導致策略無法有效實踐。因此，透過比較兩國TRC的運作，本研究進而提出改善TRC在操作性別議題上的政策建議，作為未來其他TRC運作上的參考。

Thesis (MA (English))--University of Stellenbosch, 2011. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: As a society that is only in its adolescence as a democracy, South Africa faces massive inequalities, both politically and socially. Within this context, Fanie du Toit of the Institute for Justice and Reconciliation urges us to remember that “nation-building in our young democracy requires opportunities for South African voices to be heard, particularly those from the margins of society, so often excluded, ignored or forgotten” (1). This thesis thus focuses on story-telling and representational acts of the marginalized in post-Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) texts. The term “post-TRC” is an indication of the framework I use to explore the poetics and politics of representation, as well as the past‟s impact on contemporary South Africa. In my overview of the TRC, I focus not on actual testimonies, but on the space provided for the marginalized to speak, as well as methodologies and techniques of representation that stem from the TRC process. Antjie Krog's Country of My Skull (1998), which mimics and expands on the TRC's work, sets the platform for my discussion as Krog incorporates many of the victims' testimonies into her narrative. In my second chapter, I explore the tension between advocacy and appropriation as various factors influence Krog's act of representation. In Chapters Three and Four, the complexities of representation are investigated in four post-TRC texts which feature a protagonist who is either represented as marginalized, or who engages with marginalized individuals. In Chapter 3, I turn to the homeless and the foreigner in Jonathan Morgan and the Great African Spider Writers' Finding Mr Madini (1999), and Phaswane Mpe's Welcome to Our Hillbrow (2001). In Finding Mr Madini, Jonathan Morgan consciously employs a framework for interacting with the homeless that draws on processes of the TRC, and turns away from representing others towards providing a space for self-representation. Welcome to Our Hillbrow highlights the power of narrative in effecting marginalization or belonging, while demonstrating the fluidity of the identities of the self and the stranger. In Chapter Four, I look at novels featuring youth protagonists to investigate how genre and literary form shape representation. Using Patricia Schonstein Pinnock's Skyline (2000) and K. Sello Duiker's Thirteen Cents (2000), texts which evoke and deviate from the Bildungsroman form, I explore the ways in which these protagonists navigate their fragmented urban spaces. I also end with these novels to see what kind of future awaits these young people in which the marginalized have (not) been given a space to speak. All these protagonists grapple with the complexities of representation in various ways, as they create stories of self and others to restore a sense of home or belonging in contemporary South Africa. Furthermore, the past is shown to be implicated in the present as colonial and apartheid structures of domination and marginalization are shown to still play a significant role in shaping people's interaction with each other. At the same time, the collective indeterminacy of these texts' endings signals openness to the future, as well as the unfinished nature of the past. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: As demokrasie staan Suid-Afrika nog in sy kinderskoene. Die Suid-Afrikaanse samelewing staar daarom omvangryke ongelykhede, beide polities en sosiaal, in die gesig. Met hierdie konteks in gedagte noop Fanie du Toit van die Instituut vir Justisie en Versoening ons om in ag te neem dat “nasie-bou in ons jong demokrasie geleenthede vir Suid-Afrikaanse stemme, veral dié wat deur die samelewing gemarginaliseer, en sodoende dikwels uitgesluit, geïgnoreer en vergeet is, vereis” (1). Hierdie verhandeling fokus dus op vertelling en die voorstellingshandelinge van die gemarginaliseerdes in post-Waarheid en Versoeningskommissie-tekste. Die term “post-WVK” vorm die basis vanwaar ek die poëtiese en politieke aspekte van voorstelling, maar terselfdertyd ook die verlede se impak op die hedendaagse Suid-Afrika, ondersoek. In my oorsig van die WVK fokus ek nie op getuienisse nie, maar eerder op die ruimte vir seggenskap wat vir die gemarginaliseerdes daargestel is. Ek neem ook metodieke en tegnieke van voorstelling wat vanuit die WVK-verwikkelinge spruit in oënskou. Antjie Krog's Country of My Skull (1998) wat die WVK se werk weergee en bepeins, maar ook daarop voortbou, verskaf die basis vir hierdie bespreking aangesien Krog menigte slagoffers se getuienisse in haar boek vervat. Ek ondersoek verder die spanning tussen voorspraak en toe-eiening aangesien verskeie faktore haar voorstellingshandeling beïnvloed. Die daaropvolgende twee hoofstukke ondersoek die ingewikkeldhede van voorstelling in vier post-WVK-tekste. Hierdie tekste word telkens gekenmerk deur 'n protagonis wat óf self gemarginaliseer is, óf met gemarginaliseerde individue omgaan. In Hoofstuk Drie ondersoek ek die daklose en die buitelander in Jonathan Morgan en The Great African Spider Writers se Finding Mr Madini (1999), en Phaswane Mpe's Welcome to Our Hillbrow (2001). In Finding Mr Madini maak Jonathan Morgan doelbewus van 'n benadering, in pas met en beïnvloed deur WVK-werkinge, gebruik om met die daklose om te gaan. Hiermee beweeg hy dan weg van die voorstelling van ander na die skepping van 'n ruimte vir self-voorstelling. Welcome to Our Hillbrow plaas weer klem op die mag van vertelling om marginalisering, maar ook samehorigheid te bewerkstellig, terwyl dit ook die onstabiele aard van die identiteite van die self en die vreemdeling illustreer. In Hoofstuk Vier ondersoek ek romans met jong protagoniste om te toon hoe genre en literêre vorm voorstelling beïnvloed. Deur van Patricia Schonstein Pinnock's Skyline (2000) en K. Sello Duiker's Thirteen Cents (2000), tekste wat aan die Bildungsroman-genre herinner, maar ook daarvan afwyk, gebruik te maak, verken ek die maniere waarop hierdie protagoniste hul stedelike ruimtes reël en betree. Verder sluit ek met hierdie romans af ten einde te sien wat die toekoms, waarin die gemarginaliseerde seggenskap gegun is, al dan nie, vir hierdie jongmense inhou. Al hierdie protagoniste worstel op uiteenlopende maniere met die ingewikkeldhede van voorstelling. Dit is duidelik aangesien hulle stories van self en ander skep om 'n sin van tuiste en samehorigheid in hedendaagse Suid-Afrika te bewerkstellig. Die verlede blyk verder in die hede verwikkel te wees aangesien koloniale- en apartheidstrukture van onderdrukking en marginalisering steeds 'n betekenisvolle rol in die aard van mense se interaksie met mekaar speel. Terselfdertyd dui die kollektiewe onbepaaldheid van hierdie tekste se aflope op 'n oopheid vir die toekoms en die onafgehandelde aard van die verlede.

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This thesis examines the status of amnesties and the duty to prosecute gross and systematic human rights violations in international law. The thesis begins by distinguishing amnesty from other related concepts, such as impunity, pardon and statutes of limitations and so on. Unlike these related concepts, amnesty aims to address major social or political crises in society, such as to resolve an armed conflict, allow the return of political refugees or bring about peaceful political transition. Amnesty is linked to the duty to prosecute, because it is so often in direct conflict with international law norms and standards on the duty to prosecute and to compensate victims of human rights violations. Before the First World War, amnesty was a well-established customary practice. Even where a peace treaty was silent on the mater, amnesty was implied. Compensation was also part of the regime of peace treaties, but not followed as consistently as amnesty. This practice changed dramatically after the First and Second World Wars, because, in a break with the past, the victors did not consider themselves to be on the same level as the vanquished. This resulted in the abolition of the traditional practice of granting amnesty and the demand rather that those responsible for aggression be prosecuted and compelled to pay compensation, as was the case with Germany. Since 1948, with the adoption of the United Nations' Charter, and other international human rights treaties, the power of states to grant amnesty gradually became constrained by the obligation to prosecute perpetrators of gross human rights violations and to pay compensation to the victims of war crimes. Nevertheless, this phenomenon did not put an end to the practice of states granting amnesty for gross human rights violations. Internal armed conflicts during and after the end of the Cold War, with no victors and no vanquished, made amnesty an inevitable option. A considerable number of states continue to utilise amnesty as a device for peace and reconciliation, and they have granted amnesty for war crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity. In customary international law, there is a gap between the actual state practice and the existence of the customary norm creating a duty to prosecute. As a result, the status of the so-called "palatable amnesties" (à la South Africa), often granted as part of a truth and reconciliation process, still remains unclear in international law. This is further exacerbated by the inconsistent practice of the United Nations as the main depository and sponsor of human rights instruments. South Africa and Sierra Leone are used as case studies to illustrate this inconsistency in both state and UN practice on the status of amnesties in international law. As a result, the study proposes a balanced approach model, which is an attempt to strike a balance between accountability, political transformation and social stability in transitional democracies. The balanced approach model proceeds from the premise that the international criminal justice system is not flawless and, therefore, it is important to acknowledge its limitations, such as the lack of enforcement agencies, difficulties in the collection of reliable evidence and a lack of resources to prosecute. In terms of the model, consideration is given to (i) the need to respect the legitimacy of the political process that gives rise to the granting of amnesty; (ii) the amnesty must be proportional to the crimes committed and must be rationally connected to the aims of achieving peace and national reconciliation, the interests of justice, compensation for victims; and finally (iii) the general commitment of the state that grants amnesty to respect international law obligations, which includes the implementation of international obligations as part of municipal law and treaty monitoring obligations as preconditions for the amnesty to pass muster in the balanced approach model. In conclusion, the study proposes model Policy Guidelines on Amnesties Granted for Gross and Systematic Human Rights Violations in International Law for the Assembly of States of the International Criminal Court (ICC) to take note of, and to commend to states and international courts and tribunals, leaving its content to be taken up in the normal processes of the application and development of international law. The status of the Guidelines is that of a code of conduct or guide to practice. In that sense, the Guidelines do not have the character of a binding legal instrument and will serve as the basis for the development of sound principles of international law on amnesties. / Constitutional and International Law / L.LD

"Although the United Nations (UN) has often been pivotal in forging the international response to serious human rights crimes in such settings, the justice gap in countries such as the Democratic Republic [of] Congo (DRC) (the focus of this study) underscores the need for more systematic UN efforts. The war in the DRC has resulted in one of the world's worst humanitarian crisis with over 3.4 million displaced persons scattered throughout the country. An estimated 3.5 million people have died as a result of the war. The armed conflict has been characterised by appalling widespread and systematic human rights violations, including mass killings, ethnic cleansing, rape and the destruction of property. The most pressing need to be addressed is the question of justice and accountability for these human rights atrocities in order to achieve a durable peace in the country and also in the Great Lakes region (Rwanda, Burundi, Uganda, Angola and the DRC, to name just a few). In this respect, this study will address the grave human rights violations committed in the DRC and the mechanisms for dealing with them. It is particularly true in post-conflict situations where justice systems have been either partially or completely destroyed, that national courts are not capapble of arriving at a uniform stance, or willing to provide justice for atrocities in the immediate future. As a result, international justice seems to be a crucial and last resort that must continue to be fortified against efforts to undermine it. ... Chapter one will set out the content of the research, identify the problem and outline the methodology. Chapter two will discuss the state obligations in international law to prosecute gross violations of human rights and gives a summary of the human rights violations situation during the Congolese war. Chapter three will discuss the available naitonal mechanisms for accountaiblity in the DRC. It will discuss if national courts and TRC are able to deal with these atrocities committed in the DRC. Chapter four will analyse the extent to which the ICC could deal with the Congolese case and challenges. Chapter five will discuss the trends towards accountability in the DRC and the way forward. Chapter six will draw a conclusion on how to break the cycle of impunity in the DRC." -- Introduction. / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2004. / Prepared under the supervision of Prof. Boukongou Jean Didier and Dr. Atangcho Akonumbo at the Catholic University of Central Africa, Yaounde, Cameroon / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

In 2015, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada (TRC) called on Ministries of Education, Faculties of Education, school administrators, and K-12 teachers to integrate Indigenous knowledges and pedagogies across the school curriculum. The TRC explicitly emphasized that education would be the intergenerational key to reconciliation in Canada and most provinces and territories quickly implemented curricula and developed resources to respond to the Calls to Action. Despite this mandate and these commitments, many teachers and teacher candidates continue to report that they do not have the skills, knowledge, or confidence to teach about the history of the Indian Residential Schooling system, Indigenous knowledges, or reconciliation. Research suggests that teacher resistance to "difficult knowledge" is a crucial contributing factor toward teachers avoiding, ignoring, and dismissing reconciliation work and upholding colonial logics. Moreover, teacher candidates and teachers often rely on the inaccurate and incomplete narratives they have learned about Canadians and First Nations, Inuit, and Métis Peoples. This impacts what and how they teach about these relationships, complicating the transformational changes the TRC urgently called for. How, then, might teachers unlearn these colonial stories and move from learning about Indigenous peoples to learning from them? Drawing on Donald’s concept of "ethical relationality", this study employed a qualitative approach to conduct conversational interviews with teacher candidates, teachers, staff, and students at two research sites. This study asks, "What are the curricular and pedagogical significances of ethical relationality to processes of unlearning colonialism?" Using a hermeneutic approach to interpret the stories shared, this study weaved within and between the landscapes of home and place. Findings reveal that teachers who experience supportive, multi-layered, and extended opportunities to unlearn settler colonialism and learn Indigenous wisdom traditions and knowledges from Indigenous peoples have the opportunity to understand a new story about Canadian-Indigenous relations. This study suggests that unless teachers begin to unlearn colonial logics, deeply understanding that they are implicated in ethical kinship relations with the places in which they live and with First Nations, Inuit, and Métis peoples, there is a significant possibility that curricula, professional development, and resources will not manifest in the transformational change that the TRC called for.

This work narrates a qualitative sociological exploration with auto-ethnographic underpinnings. It deals with the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (SATRC) as a contextual case among others. The thesis seeks to answer the question of whether countries following a TRC route did better than those that did not use TRCs, when it comes to establishing civil control over the military. The author's exposure and involvement in the process as participant, participant observer, observer participant and observer inform the study. With the SATRC as one cornerstone other cases reflected upon include Argentina and Chile (Latin America), Spain and Portugal (Southern Europe), Namibia, Nigeria and Rwanda (Africa). / Sociology / D.Litt. et. Phil. (Sociology)

This study is an attempt to critique the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission from a theological ethical perspective. The central critique and argument of this study will be that, it is impossible to reconcile the dispossessor and the dispossessed or the oppressor and oppressed in the way the South African TRC did. As such, it will be befitting to start off this study which explores some of the noticeable lessons and challenges emerging from the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (hereafter, the TRC) by elucidating that this study is an attempt to contribute to the on-going discussions on reconciliation. It is also vital to mention up front that this study attempts to contribute to the discussion on reconciliation which seeks to remove injustice at the root. It contributes to a discussion of the weeds of alienation and fragmentation, and it stands in contrast to the frequent use of reconciliation merely to reach some political accommodation and not to address the critical questions of justice, equality and dignity (Boesak & DeYoung 2012). It is also befitting to point out that two central themes – political pietism and Christian quietism – form the backdrop to this study (Boesak & DeYoung 2012). The study contends that reconciliation in South Africa was used merely to reach some political accommodation and did not address the three critical questions of justice, equality and dignity. These arrangements perpetually favour the rich and powerful but deprive the powerless of justice and dignity. Hitherto, this reconciliation is presented as if it does respond to the need for genuine reconciliation and employs a language that sounds like the truth, but it is in fact deceitful – and this we call political pietism. It is also vital to mention that “reconciliation” is a Christian concept, and as such, Christians’ measure matters of reconciliation with the yardstick of the gospel and therefore should know better. However, as it will be shown in this study, when Christians in South Africa discovered that the TRC was not really promoting reconciliation, they became complicit in a deceitful reconciliation. This may have been for reasons of self-protection, fear or a desire for acceptance by the powers that govern the world. Whichever way one looks at it, they tried to seek to accommodate the situation, to justify it and to refuse to run the risk of challenge and prophetic truth telling. As a result, they denied the demands of the gospel and refused solidarity with the powerless and oppressed. This is called Christian quietism (Boesak & DeYoung 2012:1). This study in its attempt to critique the South Africa TRC from a theological ethical perspective will point out that, the TRC which was obviously the product of the negotiated settlement needs to be understood against the background of the global struggle of particularly Third-World countries which were resisting authoritarian regimes put in place by the West for the benefit of the West. As such, this study will point out how the West, in their attempt to keep a grip on the Third-World countries – particularly on their resources – had to recommend and promote their notion of democracy. Democracy became the only option for Third-World countries as a result of the fall of the Soviet Union. It must, however, be mentioned that the problem is not democracy but the manifestation thereof under capitalism. This is because the notion of democracy was recommended to Third-World countries when capitalism was becoming global. As such, this presented some contradictions because democracy emphasizes joint interests, equality and common loyalties whilst capitalism is based on self-seeking inequality and conflicting individual and group interest (Terriblanche 2002). This means that a transition to democracy (especially constitutional democracy) means that the former oppressor or dispossessor will hold on to economic power. As such, the sudden interest of both the NP and the corporate sector in South Africa to a transition to democracy needs to be understood against this background. This study will argue and demonstrate how the ANC was outsmarted during the negotiations in that, at the formal negotiations, the ANC won political power whilst the NP/corporate sector in South Africa won economic power. This is mentioned to here to point out that both the elite compromise reached at the formal and informal negotiations and the influence of the Latin-American truth commissions led to the inability or unwillingness of the TRC to uncover the truth about systemic exploitation. As such, this study will argue and demonstrate that, on the one hand, reconciliation was not added to the truth commission for the purpose of confronting the country with the demands of the gospel and, on the other hand, the TRC was set up (from its inception) for failure. / Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology / D.Th. (Theological Ethics)

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