La présente thèse interroge l'influence de la colonisation française dans la culture alimentaire en Tunisie sous le Protectorat (1881-1956). Nous avons choisi de nous concentrer sur l'alcool, et nous tentons plus précisément, de savoir s'il y a une alcoolisation de la Tunisie sous le Protectorat français (1881-1956), c'est-à dire une augmentation du volume d'alcool consommé et un nouvel intérêt pour ce produit dans la société tunisienne. Pour cela, nous interrogeons les sources journalistiques, littéraires, judiciaires, policières, hospitalières, ainsi que la correspondance de la haute administration. Ces différents documents nous permettent de mieux définir la mise en place d'une industrie agro-alimentaire viticole en Tunisie avec la colonisation française, les différents réseaux commerciaux d'écoulement des alcools, ainsi que les différentes habitudes de consommation. Dans ce dernier domaine, les métissages alimentaires, les tentatives de prohibition, les résistances ainsi que les acculturations en matière de consommation d'alcool sont interrogés. La mise en lumière de ces sociétés liées à l'alcool, des producteurs aux consommateurs, permet d'interroger des rapports sociaux à l'œuvre dans la société tunisienne de l'époque, qui sont autant de rapport de domination ou d'échange entre différents individus, non nécessairement liés à l'entreprise coloniale. / This PHD deals with the influence of the French colonizers on food culture in Tunisia during the French Protectorate (1881-1956). I chose to focus on alcohol and to try to know if an improvement of alcohol consumption and of the public interest from the elites can be noted, for example for public drunkenness. For it, I use different archives from newspapers, novels, judicial, police and hospitals administrations and I read different letters exchanged by the high administration. Thanks to these documents, I try to define the implementation of a wine industry in Tunisia in the beginning of colonization. Secondly, I try to understand more the different alcohol trade networks and consumption habits at that time. For habits consumption I question the different cultural mixing, attempts to prohibit alcohol, acculturations and resistances. These different questions are some ways to look at social groups, from producers to alcohol consumers, and to examine social exchanged or dominances reports, not always linked with the phenomenon of colonization.

En Tunisie, le caractère aléatoire du phénomène de la grêle, qui a comme corollaire son extrême variabilité, en fréquence d’apparition, en localisation et en intensité, a empêché un suivi permanent de ce type de précipitations. Le manque de périodes d’observation assez longues et les lacunes au niveau des données disponibles ont laissé cet aléa peu étudié donc peu connu. La trace de la grêle provoque de lourds dégâts agricoles chaque année et soulève des questions quant aux stratégies de gestion d’autant plus que les systèmes antigrêle sont quasiment absents. La présence des précipitations de grêle ou d’averse de grêle en Tunisie est commandée souvent par un rythme méditerranéen à l’instar des autres formes de précipitations telles que les pluies. Ce phénomène très localisé en Tunisie, concerne particulièrement le nord-ouest et le centre-ouest du pays, abritant les reliefs les plus élevés, demeurant ainsi le siège des trajectoires ouest/est, nord-ouest/sud-est et sud-ouest/nord-est des nuages de grêle. Les dégâts résultant de ce phénomène, qui touchent différents biens de valeur, menacent souvent le domaine d’agriculture qui est le secteur d’activités humaines le plus vital pratiquement en plein printemps et tout l’été ; certaines années, l’agriculteur voit ses récoltes totalement détruites par ce fléau. La région de Kasserine au Centre-ouest de la Tunisie est la région la plus vulnérable et ses vergers de pomme sont les plus touchés. Les pertes se classent le plus souvent très graves mais elles se trouvent d’autant plus prégnantes que les moyens antigrêle et les systèmes d’assurance agricole contre ce fléau ne sont souvent pas utilisés par les agriculteurs. [etc.] / In Tunisia, the random character of hail phenomenon, which has as corollary its extreme variability, in frequency, location and intensity, prevented a continued study of this kind of falls. The lack of long periods of observation and the gaps in the available data level explain the little interest that hail suggested among scientists. Hail falls cause heavy agricultural damage every year which raise different elements at risk especially crops while no efficient mean of protection is widely used. The hail falls in Tunisia follow a Mediterranean rhythm as the other forms of precipitation such as rain. This phenomenon which seems very localized in Tunisia, concerns particularly the northwest and the west central regions of the country, with the highest reliefs of the country. The tracks of hail showers follow west/east, northwest/southeast and southwest/northeast directions. In addition, and despite the damages that result from the phenomena which may touch many valuable sectors, agriculture is the economic sector that more suffers from hail especially when hail falls in spring and in summer. Some years, farmers find their harvests totally destroyed by this plague. The region of Kasserine in the central western of Tunisia is the most vulnerable region and its apple orchards are the most touched. The losses are mostly classified more and more dangerous when anti-hail tools and agricultural insurance systems against this plague are not often used by farmers. [etc.]

abstract: The Arab Spring revolutions of 2010-11 raised important questions about how social-movement actors use new communication technologies, such as social media, for communication and organizing during episodes of contentious politics. This dissertation examines how organizers of and participants in Tunisia’s Arab Spring revolution used communication technologies such as Facebook, blogs, news websites, email, television, radio, newspapers, telephones, and interpersonal communication. The dissertation approaches the topic through the communication paradigm of framing, which the author uses to tie together theories of social movements, neo-patrimonialism, and revolution. The author traveled to Tunisia and conducted 44 interviews with organizers and participants about their uses of communication media, the frames they constructed and deployed, their framing strategies, their organizing activities, and their experiences of the revolution. The most common frames were those of the regime’s corruption, economic issues, and the security forces’ brutality. Interviewees deployed a hybrid network of media to disseminate these frames; Facebook represented a single node in the network, though many interviewees used it more than any other node. To explain the framing process and the resonance of the frames deployed by revolutionaries, the dissertation creates the concept of the alternative narrative, which describes how revolutionaries used a hybrid network to successfully construct an alternative to the narrative constructed by the regime. The dissertation also creates the concept of authoritarian weakening, to explain how citizens can potentially weaken neo-patrimonial regimes under conditions concerning corruption, poverty, and the introduction of civil society and of new communication technologies. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation Journalism and Mass Communication 2018

Le projet de recherche s'est concentré sur les rôles des associations féminines en Tunisie depuis l’indépendance du pays au lendemain de la révolution de janvier 2011. Sur le plan conceptuel, je reprends la notion de « agency » en tant que cadre d’analyse pour étudier l’engagement et les moyens de mobilisation des individus qui militent dans les associations féminines. Dans la mesure où ce concept de « agency » indique un engagement dans la société, cette notion se prête parfaitement aux démarches épistémologiques dans mes enquêtes auprès des personnalités des associations féminines. Cette notion de « agency » me donne un cadre pour penser à la fois les actions des femmes et des hommes qui agissent au sein des associations étudiées mais aussi au niveau de l’influence qu’elles/ils laissent dans la société de par leurs actions. J’ai cherché à comprendre si l’agency, en tant que capacité individuelle de s’imposer dans des domaines de la vie sociale, politique ou économique pour apporter des innovations et modifications, pourrait s’appliquer à un groupe et donc pourrait être utile pour comprendre un pouvoir collectif. En analysant les entretiens que j’ai conduits avec les membres des associations féminines, j'ai cherché à suivre l’histoire de ces organisations et leur impact dans la société tunisienne durant le dernier demi-siècle depuis l’indépendance de la Tunisie à nos jours, et cela dans les domaines économique, social, politique et légal afin de répondre à ma question principale : quel est le rôle des associations féminines en Tunisie postcoloniale, notamment avant et après la révolution de 2011, surtout à l’égard du processus de la démocratisation dans le pays ? / The research project focused on the rôle of the feminist associations since the indipendence of Tunisia until the revolution of 2011, analyzing the context of the creation and the process, putting the accent on different women's associations which engaged themselves in order to ensure that the gained women's rights are respected and diffused in all country with the intention to improve women to became « fully citizens ».Every time I went to Tunisia, I had some interviews with the members of the organisations during the years before and after the revolution, in order to observe the evolution of their involvement in the association and in the society.The objective of this thesis is to contextualize the socio-political rôle occupied from the four associations in the history of the country, since their creation until the present day.On the conceptual plan, I included the « agency » notion, in order to analyse the involvement and the ressources of mobilisation of the people who participate in the work of the feminist associations.I tried to understand if « agency », as individual ability to impose on the domaines of the social, political and economic life to change something, it could be a collective ability, then a collective power. Analyzing the interviews with members of the associations, I attempted to track the history of the feminist tunisian organisations and their impact on the social life of the country, to answer to a final question : which is the rôle of the feminist associations in the postcolonial Tunisia, especially before an dafter the revolution of january 2011, mainly in relation to the democratic process of the country ?

This dissertation explores the role of social media in political activism in authoritarian societies, using as case studies the use of YouTube as an alternative channel of communication and resistance during the political crises in Pakistan, Tunisia, and Egypt. I studied Pakistan because it is one of the few majority Muslim countries in which social media were part of the media mix during the mass uprisings that led to the overthrow of the regime of military leader, General Pervez Musharraf in 2007. Tunisia and Egypt were chosen because these two countries are seen as the iconic nations of the Arab Spring 2011. The study argues that the term "Arab Spring" itself limits the scope of ongoing online and offline political uprisings in the Muslim World, which is spreading beyond the geographical boundaries of the Middle East. The investigation uses "social movements" as defined and theorized by Hirschman (1970), Lohmann (1994), Olson (1965), and Tarrow (1994; 1998) as its theoretical foundation, in order to describe and explain how YouTube was part of the information activism of the social movements that sprang up during the revolutions in Pakistan, Tunisia and Egypt. A comparative methodological approach enables me to analyze the "most viewed" YouTube videos of political protests in the three countries. By examining a purposive sample of 60 most viewed protest-related YouTube videos, the study explores how these videos served as a "voice," (alternative channels of communication) when the authoritarian governments controlled all the media in the three countries. Using quantitative content analysis and thematic analysis approaches, the study investigates YouTube's role and content during Pakistan's political crisis of 2007, and compares it with that platform's role as an alternative avenue of communication, as well as its content in the 2011 political uprising in Tunisia and Egypt, which are the core of the Arab Spring in North Africa. Eight research questions were asked for this investigation. These questions were derived from Hirschman (1970), Lohmann (1994), Tarrow (1998), and Perlmutter's (1998) works. Issues that were investigated in these questions include: identifying the cultural and ideological frames used in the most viewed videos of each revolution, YouTube videos as "informational cascades," Al-Jazeera's role as "informational cascade," YouTube videos as a "Voice," and the most iconic images of each revolution. The findings of these research questions suggest that in the absence of traditional media sources, YouTube can serve as an alternative platform of communication and dissent. The study finds that the social movements in the three countries (The Lawyers' Movement of 2007 in Pakistan, the so-called Jasmine Revolution of Tunisia (2010), and the Arab Spring of Egypt 2011) utilized YouTube as an alternate channel of communication to disseminate information on political protests against the dictatorial regimes for purposes of promoting resistance. The visual content analysis of these videos revealed that the YouTube videos of political protests utilized common religious and national ideologies as a part of cultural and ideological frames to spread the narratives of political protests online. The findings of this study support that the most viewed videos contributed to serve as informational cascades for the observers (YouTube viewers) of these protest-related videos. The findings also highlight that the pan-Arabic TV channel Al-Jazeera utilized YouTube as an alternative platform to disseminate its protest-related videos, particularly when the channel was banned in the three countries. The visual content analysis of the most viewed videos of protests suggest that social movements in Pakistan, Tunisia and Egypt used YouTube to amplify their voice against corruption, unemployment, and authoritarianism in the three countries. The findings of this dissertation identify that three images (one from each country) were treated as the icons of outrage in the 60 most viewed protest-related videos. These icons of outrage include the images of Mohamed Bouazizi's self-immolation (Tunisia), torture-disfigured face of Khaled Said (Egypt), and the arrest of Pakistani Chief Justice, Iftikhar Chaudry. Based on its findings, the dissertation argues that the ongoing political struggle in Muslim-majority countries is a much bigger phenomenon than the "Arab Spring." This study also makes a strong case that Pakistan experienced online informational activism long before the Arab Spring of 2011. Since political communication in Pakistan is a relatively under-researched field, academic archives do not provide sufficient information on the role and emergence of social media in the country, including how the new modes of digital communication serve as alternative channels of political activism against dictatorship. This dissertation intends to fill this void. The study also contributes to the existing literature on communication, social movements and political activism, which is predominantly specific to Western settings. Since this study applies Western approaches of social movements to non-Western settings, it helps to explicate the applicability of such approaches to non-Western societies and contexts. Furthermore, it is important to understand the role of social media as alternative channels of communication in closed, authoritarian societies where the traditional media serve only the interests of the ruling elites. In addition, the study helps to explain how the increasingly popular social media, e.g. YouTube, are contributing to civil liberties by challenging the authoritarian regimes of the Muslim World.

The misappropriation sanctions refer to the European Union sanctions adopted against foreign kleptocrats to address the suspected theft of public funds. After the regimes had been successfully overthrown in the Arab Spring in Tunisia and Egypt in 2011 as well as the Maidan Revolution in Ukraine in 2014, the misappropriation sanctions were imposed, in all three cases, as the ousted leaders and their close associates were suspected of stealing vast amounts of public funds from their respective countries and hiding the misappropriated funds overseas. The misappropriation sanctions take the form of asset freezes against individuals considered being responsible for “misappropriation of state funds”. The sanctions in question have been extensively reviewed by the Court of Justice of the European Union as numerous of the targeted individuals have applied for annulment of the sanctions in the parts that concern them. The purpose of this thesis is to examine, on the basis of the case law of the CJEU, the threshold for legitimate listing of a targeted individuals in the misappropriation sanctions. It is concluded that threshold vis-à-vis the criteria or the listing grounds must be regarded as reasonable, while the threshold concerning the respect of fundamental rights is creating a heavy burden to bear.

Presentations of Oriental people as subordinated the West and their ideals was one way for Europeans to expand and keep control over their colonies in Africa during the nineteenth- and twentieth centuries. France and Great Britain controlled their colonies in different ways which has led to diverse legacies. Today, tourism is a source of revenue for former colonies, such as Tunisia and Kenya, and tourism also helps to spread knowledge and images of distant countries. A guidebook is one way that knowledge of other countries and people are spread to travelers. During history, images of distant people were based on a colonial discourse in which the west was seen as superior; but is that still the case? The purpose of this paper was to analyze how Tunisia and Kenya are presented in the Lonely Planet guide to Tunisia and the Lonely Planet guide to Kenya to investigate if they are constructed through a colonial discourse, and to see if there are any dissimilarities on how they are presented. With a postcolonial theory and critical discourse analysis and with a colonial discourse as framework, the guidebooks were examined to see how people and culture were presented. The research showed that Lonely Planet guidebooks use a colonial discourse in the presentation of Tunisia and Kenya where distinctions are made between the inhabitants and the western world. The Orient was subordinated the superior Occident which reinforces the notion of others as being different and less than the west. Diversities between how Tunisia and Kenya were drawn in the guidebooks were found. The colonial heritage was more present in Tunisia than in Kenya, while in Kenya the people were presented as more brutal than in Tunisia. Reasons for that could be many, but the critical issue is why the western world still constructs other people as subordinate and different.

This study is about Tunisian women's work and lives in the present era of economic neoliberalism. The focus is women in the city of Bizerte, Tunisia, both those who work in Bizerte's export processing zone (EPZ), as well as those who work outside it. This study is a qualitative examination of formal and informal employment, set inside and outside of women's traditional political and economic domain, the home. Through ethnography of women's work and lives, this study's purpose is to contribute evidence against conflating women's "empowerment" with incorporation into global production. However, this study also lends itself to considerations of the possibilities for exertions of power, powers that women in Bizerte now seek that opened through the forces of globalization.

Diss. (sammanfattning). Uppsala : Sveriges lantbruksuniv., 2003. / Härtill 6 uppsatser.

Cette thèse étudie l’attractivité des territoires et le rôle de la localisation des IDE sur l’économie tunisienne. Il s’agit d’examiner les facteurs d’attractivité de la Tunisie aux IDE et les effets de ces derniers sur l’économie tunisienne. Dans une première analyse empirique, une enquête administrée à un échantillon d’entreprises étrangères ou ayant une participation étrangère a été mise en œuvre dans le but d’identifier les déterminants des IDE. L’utilisation du modèle économétrique de type « logit » nous a permis d’estimer d’une part la probabilité que la Tunisie soit un pays attractif avant la révolution et d’autre part la probabilité que l’entreprise étrangère implante une autre filiale en Tunisie après la révolution. Afin de confirmer l’analyse empirique sur l’identification des facteurs d’attractivité déterminants des IDE, nous avons mis en œuvre, dans une deuxième analyse empirique une autre méthode économétrique à travers un modèle de gravité. Dans une dernière analyse empirique, nous avons étudié les effets des IDE sur l’économie tunisienne en utilisant un modèle à système d’équations simultanées tenant compte des effets spillovers des IDE. / This thesis studies territories attractivity and the role of direct foreign investment localization on the Tunisian economy. It is about examining the factors of attractivity of Tunisia on direct foreign investment and their effects on the Tunisian economy. On a first empirical analysis, an administrative enquiry to a sample of foreign, or having foreign participation enterprises, has been implemented to identify the direct foreign investment determinations. The use of an econometric example of « logit » type allowed us to estimate on one part the probability that Tunisia is an attractive country before the revolution and on the other one that the foreign enterprise implants on other filial in Tunisia after the revolution. To confirm our empirical analysis on the identification of the factors of attractivity determining the direct foreign investment, we implemented, on a second empirical analysis, an other econometric method through a gravity example. On a last empirical analysis, we studied the DFI effects on the Tunisian economy by using a simultaneous equations system example taking into account the DFI spillovers effects.