The Department of Education, as part of the public sector, employs educators in terms of the Employment of Educators Act (EEA),1 whereas the rest of the public servants are employed in terms of the Public Service Act (PSA). If an educator is absent for more than 14 consecutive days without the permission of the employer, the educator is deemed to be discharged according to section 14(1)(a). With regard to the rest of the public sector, a similar provision is put in place, where section 17(5)(a) provides for the discharge of a public officer who is absent from his / her duties without the permission of the Head of Department for a calendar month (31 days). Sometimes long absent periods are caused by personal circumstances of the employee which are unforeseen. If the employee reports for duty after the dismissal, section 14(2) of the EEA provides that, the employee may be reinstated by the employer on good cause shown, after a post-dismissal hearing. If an employee in the public sector is discharged based on these deeming provisions, the employment is terminated by the operation of the law and there is no dismissal. This means that the employer is not responsible for the termination, meaning than there exists no option to review the dismissal. The supreme law of the Republic of South Africa (RSA) is the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa (the Constitution).5 The question at hand is whether the deeming provision of section 14 of the EEA6 is constitutional. The Labour Relations Act (LRA) goes further by stipulating that every person has the right not to be unfairly dismissed, and not to be subjected to unfair labour practice.7 Section 23 of the Constitution provides that everyone has the right to fair labour practices. Furthermore, section 33 of the Constitution provides for fair administrative action. The question is whether these provisions, dealing with the dismissal of educators, limit the employee’s constitutional right to a fair labour practice.

Common law does recognise the concept of dismissal based on operational requirements. It recognises dismissals that are based on breach of expressed or implied terms of contract of employment. The concept of operational requirements has its roots in the Labour Relations Act 28 of 1956. This Act recognised termination of employment of a number of employees due to ability, capacity, productivity, conduct and operational requirements and needs of undertaking industry trade or occupation of the employer as legitimate. Under the 1956 LRA, employers were allowed to dismiss employees if employees refused to accept the proposed change to conditions of employment. The dismissal is called lock-out dismissal. This kind of dismissal entitled employers to dismiss employees on condition that the dismissal was temporary and the workers would be re-employed when they agree to the demands of the employer. After the contract of employment was terminated between the employer and employees, the employer was allowed to implement the changes using scab labour. The 1995 Labour Relations Act introduced section 187(1)(c) that was intended to re-enforce the abolishing of the lock-out dismissal. This section strictly forbids the dismissal of employees in order to compel them to accept demands of the employer in matters of mutual interest. Such dismissals are regarded as automatically unfair. In terms of section 64(4) of the 1995 LRA employers are not permitted to unilaterally effect changes to employees’ terms and conditions of employment. They are required to seek and obtain consent of the affected employees. If employees refuse to accept the proposed changes, the employer can use lock-out as defence. Firstly, the employer can initiate lock-out until employees accede to its demand. Secondly, the employer can lock-out employees in response to the notice of strike or strike of the employees. The employer can use scab labour during this lock-out period. Unlike the lock-out dismissal, lock-out under the 1995 LRA does not include termination of contract of employment. iv In contrast, employers are allowed to dismiss employees who refuse to agree to change to their terms and conditions of employment on the ground of operational requirements provided a fair procedure is followed. This reason for dismissal is not viewed by the courts as a dismissal to induce employees to accept the demand of the employer. The question that this study seeks to examine is the relationship between automatic unfair dismissal in terms of section 187(1)(c) of the Labour Relations Act and dismissal for operational requirements. A dispute between the employer and employees regarding change to terms and conditions of employment is a mutual interest dispute; and it therefore falls under collective bargaining. The same dispute can easily fall to rights dispute, because the reason for the proposed change to the production system and demand to the pursuit of improved efficiency and better achievement of profit objective related to operational requirement. There is obvious overlap between operational requirements and wage work bargaining. In Schoeman v Samsung Electronics, the court held that the employer is entitled to run its business in a prosperous way and this may entail affecting changes to terms and conditions of employment when the market forces demand so. In Mwasa v Independent Newspapers, the court held that change to terms and conditions of service of an employee can be proposed as a way to avoid retrenchment; dismissal of employees for refusing to accept the change is not covered by section 187(1)(c). In Fry’s Metals v Numsa, the court has rejected the notion that there is tension between section 187(1)(c) and section 188(1)(a)(ii). The court held that section 186(1) refers to dismissal or termination of workforce with the intention to end the employment contract and replacing the workforce with employees that are prepared to accept terms and conditions of employment that suit the employer’s operational requirements. The court argued further that the meaning of dismissal should be a v starting point when one wants to dispute the two sections. On the other hand, section 187(1)(c) was effected with a certain purpose, which is to prohibit the employer from dismissing employees in order to compel them to accept its demand in dispute of mutual interest. The court held that the dismissal in this case was final. The employer dismissed its employees because it did not need them anymore. This dismissal is in accordance with section 186(1). The court rejected that operational requirements is confirmed to saving business from bankruptcy. The court argued that the principle includes measures calculated to increase efficiency and profitability. The employer can dismiss and make more profit.

Gender disparity in healthcare sector leadership positions is a major problem among female healthcare professionals in Southern Ethiopia. This study explored gender disparities among healthcare professionals in healthcare sector leadership positions. The findings would be used to develop guidelines to reduce gender disparities in healthcare leadership in healthcare sectors to a minimum in Ethiopia. This study used exploratory and descriptive cross-sectional research design incorporating a mixed methods research approach to collect both quantitative and qualitative data simultaneously which were analyzed during the same phase of the research process. The quantitative survey data was collected using piloted structured questionnaire while qualitative data was collected using semi-structured interview guide containing open questions. Quantitative data was collected from a random sample of 414 healthcare professionals and qualitative data from a purposive sample of 21 healthcare professionals from seven districts having the experiences of gender disparity in healthcare leadership positions. Quantitative data had a compliance rate of 98% and it was entered into EpiData version 3.1 and exported to SPSS (version 24) for further analysis, and the qualitative data was coded and analyzed manually into thematic content. Quantitative findings of the study revealed that only 26% (n=108) of the participants reported that representation of women in healthcare sector leadership positions in the past few years has been increased. The majority of leadership positions assumed by study participants were at department head level while only 1.3 % were on chief excutive officers and 2.3% medical director positions respectively. Of these none was a female and 67%, n=264 of the participants do not have leadership role in a health service facility. Study participants having bachelor degree level of education were 2.3 times more likely to be represented in healthcare sector leadership positions than those participants having master’s degree and diploma [AOR=2.3, (95% CI: 1.289, 4.252)]. Challenges experienced by women health professionals regarding gender disparity in leadership positions in health service facility included family responsibilities, lack of support, lack of self-esteem or self-confidence, lack of career advancement, and cultural bias. The conclusions derived from the study was that women need all the opportunities, encouragement and support to allow them access to and success in healthcare sector leadership positions through informal and formal leadership training. / Health Studies / D. Litt et Phil (Health Studies)

Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The impact of globalisation can be found in every aspect of human life. Globalisation has also brought about changes in the world of work, such as the call for labour market flexibility, which has restructured the workplace. This study focuses on the implications of labour market flexibility for workers in South Africa and for trade unions, within the context of the introduction of a macroeconomic neoliberal policy in South Africa in 1996. The study examines the changing nature of employment and work in a company in the South African retail sector, namely Pick n Pay. Labour market flexibility comes about as companies try to compete and cut costs at the expense of workers. This implies a reduction of protection and benefits and has resulted in the creation of a ‘working poor’ labour segment. Trade unions have been ineffective in providing a voice and representation for the new working poor. This study argues that under conditions of economic globalisation, trade unions are disempowered and flexible labour market practices are introduced to cut costs in order to maintain market share and increase competitiveness. Economic globalisation has pressurised the South African government, and the African National Congress (ANC), to shift gradually to the right and to adopt a neoliberal macroeconomic policy. This has led to an increase in inequality, unemployment, new forms of insecure jobs and the creation of an informal economy. This study found that instead of creating jobs and alleviating poverty, the government’s Growth, Employment and Redistribution Strategy (GEAR) has resulted in retrenchments, downsizing and restructuring. The unemployed, retrenched and working poor find themselves in the ‘second economy’. The retail sector in particular makes use of labour market flexibility in order to compete for market share. Pick n Pay is an example of a retail company that increasingly makes use of flexible labour market practices. This study found that labour market flexibility has created a situation that trade unions find difficult to deal with, and that labour market flexibility has been accompanied by increasing inequality, which overlaps with race and gender identities. Furthermore, Pick n Pay maintains flexible employment under conditions of increased productivity and contrary to labour legislation. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Impak van globalisering kan in elke aspek van mense se lewens waargeneem word. Globalisering het verandering in die wêreld van werk teweeggebring, soos die aandrang op arbeidsmarkbuigsaamheid wat tot die herstrukturering van die werkersmag gelei het. Hierdie studie fokus op die implikasie van arbeidsmarkbuigsaamheid vir werkers in Suid‐ Afrika, en die implikasie vir vakbonde in die konteks van die inwerkingstelling van ’n makroekonomiese neo‐liberale beleid in Suid‐Afrika in 1996. Verder ondersoek die studie die verandering in die aard van indiensneming en werk in ’n Suid‐Afrikaanse maatskappy in die kleinhandelsektor, naamlik Pick n Pay. Buigsaamheid in die arbeidsmag ontstaan wanneer besighede in ’n poging om kompeterend te wees, uitgawes ten koste van werkers besnoei. Dit bring die vermindering van beskerming en voordele mee, wat tot ’n arbeidsegment van ‘arm werkers’ lei. Vakbonde kon nie ’n stem en verteenwoordiging aan hierdie nuwe segment van arm werkers gee nie. Hierdie studie voer aan dat ekonomiese globalisering werkersunies magteloos laat terwyl buigsame arbeidsmarkpraktyke aangewend word om kostes te sny ten einde markaandeel en verhoogde kompetisie te verseker. Ekonomiese globalisasie plaas meer druk op die Suid‐Afrikaanse regering, die African National Congress (ANC), om ‘n verskuiwing na regs te maak en ’n neo‐liberale makroekonomiese beleid te volg. Dit het gelei tot verhoging in ongelykheid, werkloosheid, nuwe vorme van onsekere werksgeleenthede, en die skepping van ’n informele ekonomie. Die studie bevind dat die regering se Groei, Indiensnemings‐ en Herdistribusiebeleid (GEAR), wat veronderstel was om werk te skep en werkloosheid te verminder, eerder tot meer afdankings, afskaling en herstrukturering gelei het. Die werklose, afgedankte en armwerkerskorps bevind hulself nou in ’n ‘tweede ekonomie’. In die besonder maak die kleinhandelsektor gebruik van arbeidsmarkbuigsaamheid om vir ’n deel van die mark te kompeteer. Pick n Pay is ’n voorbeeld van ’n kleinhandelmaatskappy wat toenemend gebruik maak van arbeidsmarkbuigsaamheid. Die studie kom tot die slotsom dat arbeidsmarkbuigsaamheid ’n situasie geskep het wat vakbonde verlam het, en wat met ’n verhoging in ongelykheid wat verder met ras en geslagsidentiteite oorvleuel, gepaardgaan. daarby maak Pick n Pay gebruik van buigsaame indiensnemingspraktyke onder omstandighede van verhoogde produktiwiteit, in weerwil van arbeidswetgewing

O direito fundamental à liberdade sindical, consagrado no ordenamento jurídico brasileiro não apenas na Constituição Federal, mas também nos mais importantes Pactos Internacionais de Direiros Humanos ratificados pelo Brasil, possui, a despeito de sua conceituação aberta e aparentemente imprecisa, um conteúdo histórico-institucional que pode ser objetivamente delineado e que, por tal razão, condiciona a atuação dos órgãos estatais e dos atores particulares nas situações concretas de aplicabilidade. Demonstrar-se-á, nesse sentido, que o conteúdo institucional da liberdade sindical foi talhado não só pelo contexto fático presente no momento histórico de seu surgimento, como também pelas vicissitudes ocorridas ao longo de seu desenvolvimento espaço-temporal, de modo a ensejar como consectário lógico, dentre os diversos aspectos individuais e coletivos a ele inerentes, a tutela dos trabalhadores e de suas entidades representativas contra as condutas antissindicais e antirrepresentativas praticadas pelos empregadores, pelo Estado e pelos próprios sindicatos. Para além disso, a tese buscará elencar, de modo objetivo, (i) os sujeitos titulares da proteção contra os atos antissindicais e antirrepresentativos subjacente ao conteúdo histórico-institucional do princípio da liberdade sindical, (ii) as circunstâncias sob as quais estes últimos encontram-se amparados, (iii) os parâmetros objetivos a serem observados pelo legislador ordinário, bem como pelo Poder Judiciário e pelo Poder Executivo quando da concretização, da aplicação e da regulamentação dos dispositivos do ordenamento jurídicos a consagrarem o direito fundamental à liberdade sindical e (iv) os mecanismos de tutela de que dispõem dos trabalhadores e de suas entidades em face daquelas práticas.Ao cabo de tal análise, ter-se-á o delineamento objetivo da tutela emanada do princípio da liberdade sindical consagrado no ordenamento jurídico pátrio em relação aos atos antissindicais e antirrepresentativos passíveis de serem praticados contra os trabalhadores e suas entidades e das diretrizes a vincularem os agentes públicos na implementação prática de tal tutela. / The freedom of trade unions association, as an human right recognized by the Brazilian law not only in the text of the Federal Constitution, but also in the most important International Human Rights Conventions signed by Brazil, own, despite its open and apparently imprecise definition, an historic content that can be defined in objective lines and which terms links the public authorities and the private actors to its lines in the concrete situations. The study intend to demonstrate, on that sense, that the institutional content owned by the freedom of trade unions association was defined not only in the historical moment when these right has arrived, but also in the situations occurred during its development as an institutional right. The evolution faced by the freedom of trade unions association lead us to understand the protection of the workers and its collective bodies from the acts against the labor organization (as known as unfair labor practices) promoted by the employers, by the public authorities or by the trade unions itself as a matter inherent to these institutional right. Moreover, the study will try to describe objectively (i) the subjects of the protection against those unfair labor practices, (ii) the circumstances under which these subjects are protected, (iii) the objective terms to be followed by the authorities of the Legislative, Judiciary and Executive in the task of giving practical sense to the freedom of trade unions association as an instrument of protection against the unfair labor practices and (iv) the protection mechanisms which the law offers to the workers and its bodies in order to protect them from those unfair practices.After all, it will be possible to describe the objective terms of the protection that the freedom of trade nunions association recognized by the Brazilian law as an autonomous institution give to workers and its organizations against those unfair labor practices.

O direito fundamental à liberdade sindical, consagrado no ordenamento jurídico brasileiro não apenas na Constituição Federal, mas também nos mais importantes Pactos Internacionais de Direiros Humanos ratificados pelo Brasil, possui, a despeito de sua conceituação aberta e aparentemente imprecisa, um conteúdo histórico-institucional que pode ser objetivamente delineado e que, por tal razão, condiciona a atuação dos órgãos estatais e dos atores particulares nas situações concretas de aplicabilidade. Demonstrar-se-á, nesse sentido, que o conteúdo institucional da liberdade sindical foi talhado não só pelo contexto fático presente no momento histórico de seu surgimento, como também pelas vicissitudes ocorridas ao longo de seu desenvolvimento espaço-temporal, de modo a ensejar como consectário lógico, dentre os diversos aspectos individuais e coletivos a ele inerentes, a tutela dos trabalhadores e de suas entidades representativas contra as condutas antissindicais e antirrepresentativas praticadas pelos empregadores, pelo Estado e pelos próprios sindicatos. Para além disso, a tese buscará elencar, de modo objetivo, (i) os sujeitos titulares da proteção contra os atos antissindicais e antirrepresentativos subjacente ao conteúdo histórico-institucional do princípio da liberdade sindical, (ii) as circunstâncias sob as quais estes últimos encontram-se amparados, (iii) os parâmetros objetivos a serem observados pelo legislador ordinário, bem como pelo Poder Judiciário e pelo Poder Executivo quando da concretização, da aplicação e da regulamentação dos dispositivos do ordenamento jurídicos a consagrarem o direito fundamental à liberdade sindical e (iv) os mecanismos de tutela de que dispõem dos trabalhadores e de suas entidades em face daquelas práticas.Ao cabo de tal análise, ter-se-á o delineamento objetivo da tutela emanada do princípio da liberdade sindical consagrado no ordenamento jurídico pátrio em relação aos atos antissindicais e antirrepresentativos passíveis de serem praticados contra os trabalhadores e suas entidades e das diretrizes a vincularem os agentes públicos na implementação prática de tal tutela. / The freedom of trade unions association, as an human right recognized by the Brazilian law not only in the text of the Federal Constitution, but also in the most important International Human Rights Conventions signed by Brazil, own, despite its open and apparently imprecise definition, an historic content that can be defined in objective lines and which terms links the public authorities and the private actors to its lines in the concrete situations. The study intend to demonstrate, on that sense, that the institutional content owned by the freedom of trade unions association was defined not only in the historical moment when these right has arrived, but also in the situations occurred during its development as an institutional right. The evolution faced by the freedom of trade unions association lead us to understand the protection of the workers and its collective bodies from the acts against the labor organization (as known as unfair labor practices) promoted by the employers, by the public authorities or by the trade unions itself as a matter inherent to these institutional right. Moreover, the study will try to describe objectively (i) the subjects of the protection against those unfair labor practices, (ii) the circumstances under which these subjects are protected, (iii) the objective terms to be followed by the authorities of the Legislative, Judiciary and Executive in the task of giving practical sense to the freedom of trade unions association as an instrument of protection against the unfair labor practices and (iv) the protection mechanisms which the law offers to the workers and its bodies in order to protect them from those unfair practices.After all, it will be possible to describe the objective terms of the protection that the freedom of trade nunions association recognized by the Brazilian law as an autonomous institution give to workers and its organizations against those unfair labor practices.

L’utilisation de stratégies antisyndicales est un phénomène de plus en plus préconisé par l’acteur patronal (Bronfenbrenner, 2009b). Une piste d’explication de cette croissance serait liée à l’idéologie de gestion se basant sur une amertume inhérente à l’idée de partager le pouvoir avec une tierce partie représentant des travailleurs (Dundon et al., 2006). Dans le but de faire régner cette idéologie et de conserver un environnement de travail sans présence syndicale, des multinationales se sont même positionnées ouvertement contre la syndicalisation, que l’on pense à Wal-Mart, Mc Donald’s ou Disney (Dundon et al., 2006). Avec cette puissance que les multinationales détiennent actuellement, il ne fait nul doute qu’elles exercent une influence auprès des dirigeants des plus petites entreprises (Dundon et al., 2006), ce qui pourrait expliquer ce recours accru aux stratégies antisyndicales, que ce soit avant ou après l’accréditation syndicale. Mais qu’en est-il de l’antisyndicalisme de l’acteur patronal en sol canadien? Pour certains, les employeurs canadiens pratiqueraient davantage une stratégie d’acceptation du syndicalisme comparativement à nos voisins du sud à cause notamment de la plus forte présence syndicale historique dans le système des relations industrielles canadien, des tactiques syndicales canadiennes différentes (Thomason & Pozzebon, 1998) et des lois encadrant davantage les droits d’association et de négociation collective (Boivin, 2010; Thomason & Pozzebon, 1998). Des travaux montrent cependant une réelle volonté de la part des employeurs canadiens à avoir recours à des stratégies d’opposition à la syndicalisation (Bentham, 2002; Martinello & Yates, 2002; Riddell, 2001). Selon les auteurs Martinello et Yates (2002), six pour cent (6 %) des employeurs ontariens couverts dans le cadre de leur étude n’auraient adopté aucune tactique pour éviter ou éliminer le syndicat : quatre-vingt-quatorze pour cent (94 %) des employeurs couverts ont ainsi utilisé différentes tactiques pour s’opposer au syndicalisme. C’est donc dire que l’opposition patronale face au mouvement syndical révélée par l’utilisation de diverses stratégies antisyndicales est aussi présente chez les employeurs canadiens. Peu d’études canadiennes et québécoises ont pourtant enrichi la littérature au sujet de ce phénomène. De manière générale, les travaux effectués sur la question, anglo-saxons et surtout américains, font principalement état du type de stratégies ainsi que de leur fréquence d’utilisation et proposent souvent une méthodologie basée sur une recension des décisions des tribunaux compétents en la matière ou l’enquête par questionnaire. Face à ces constats, nous avons visé à contribuer à la littérature portant sur les stratégies antisyndicales et nous avons construit un modèle d’analyse nous permettant de mieux cerner leurs effets sur les travailleurs et les syndicats. Notre recherche se démarque également de la littérature de par les démarches méthodologiques qu’elle propose. Nous avons en effet réalisé une recherche de nature qualitative, plus spécifiquement une étude de cas d’une entreprise multiétablissement du secteur du commerce au détail. Notre modèle d’analyse nous permet de dégager des constats quant aux effets de l’utilisation des stratégies patronales antisyndicales auprès des travailleurs visés et du syndicat visé, que ce soit sur les intérêts individuels, les intérêts collectifs ainsi que sur les intérêts du syndicat tels que proposés par Slinn (2008b). Également, nous cherchions à comprendre dans quelle mesure les stratégies antisyndicales contribuent à diminuer (effet paralysant) ou à augmenter (effet rebond) la propension à la syndicalisation des travailleurs visés par les stratégies, tout en tenant compte de la propension des travailleurs d’autres succursales qui n’étaient pas visés directement par cette utilisation (effet d’entraînement). Pour atteindre nos objectifs de recherche, nous avons procédé en trois phases. La phase 1 a permis de faire la recension de la littérature et de formuler des propositions théoriques à vérifier sur le terrain. La phase 2 a permis de procéder à la collecte de données grâce aux entrevues semi-dirigées réalisées à deux niveaux d’analyse : auprès de représentants syndicaux et de travailleurs. Au cours de la phase 3, nous avons procédé à la retranscription des entrevues effectuées et nous avons analysé les principaux résultats obtenus. La méthode de l’appariement logique (Yin, 2009) a été utilisée pour comparer les phénomènes observés (données issues du terrain) aux phénomènes prédits (constats de la littérature et propositions théoriques). À la suite de la réalisation de la phase 3, nous constatons que la campagne de peur a été celle qui a été la plus utilisée en réaction à la menace de présence syndicale avec les tactiques dites coercitives qui la composent : la fermeture de deux succursales, un discours devant un auditoire captif, la diffusion d’une vidéo interne, etc. De ce fait, un sentiment de peur généralisé (86 % des répondants) s’attaquant aux intérêts collectifs a été perçu à la suite de l’utilisation des tactiques antisyndicales. Par conséquent, nous avons pu observer l’effet de ces tactiques sur les travailleurs visés et sur le syndicat : elles auraient en effet gelé la propension de travailleurs d’autres succursales à se syndiquer (64 % des répondants) et donc freiné la campagne syndicale en cours. Nous constatons également que bon nombre de tactiques ont été déployées à la suite de l’accréditation syndicale en s’attaquant aux intérêts individuels. Mentionnons, pour n’en citer que quelques-uns, que les travailleurs feraient face à une plus forte discipline (72 % des répondants), qu’ils seraient victimes d’intimidation ou de menaces (80 % des répondants) et que ces tactiques provoquèrent des démissions à cause de l’ambiance de travail alourdie (50 % des répondants). / Anti-union management strategies are an increasingly popular phenomenon in the corporate world (Bronfenbrenner, 2009b). Management ideology could explain this tendency which results in the bitterness from sharing power with union worker representatives (Dundon et al., 2006). Corporations like WalMart, Disney, or McDonalds openly take position against unionization, thus spreading ideology and keeping work environments union-free (Dundon et al., 2006). Corporate power undeniably exerts power over smaller businesses (Dundon et al., 2006), a fact which could explain why anti-union strategies are often relied upon, even when unions are formally recognized. But what about Canadian anti-union movements? Many think that Canadian employers have officially acknowledged unionization in comparison with Americans, a belief supported by the unique historical background in regard to the Canadian industrial relation system and tactical preferences (Thomason & Pozzebon, 1998), alongside laws protecting union rights like association and negotiation (Boivin, 2010; Thomason & Pozzebon, 1998). Scientific scholarship however gives testimony of determination from Canadian employers in recourse to oppositional strategies against unionizing (Bentham, 2002; Martinello & Yates, 2002; Riddell, 2001). According to Martinello et Yates (2002), six percent (6%) of Ontarian employers covered would never use avoidance or oppositional tactics against unions: ninety four percent (94%) of employers covered thus would have used anti-union tactics. Therefore managerial opposition to union movements must certainly be present in the Canadian landscape. However, few Canadian and Quebecer studies contributed to the literature on this phenomenon. Generally speaking, management scholars —British and especially American— explicitly mention strategy types and their frequency; they follow methodologies only taking court decisions in the subject matter into account or drawing almost exclusively on surveys. Keeping this in mind, we sought to contribute to the literature on anti-union strategies; we constructed an analytic framework for identifying their effects on workers and unions. Our research methodology is distinctly orig inal: we conducted a qualitative case study of a multi-sectorial retail organization. More specifically, our model is useful in identifying anti-union strategies against workers and unions, either targeting individual or collective interests or union interests, as suggested by Slinn (2008b). Moreover, we sought to understand to what extent anti-union strategies diminish (chilling effect) or augment (rebound effect) propensity to unionization among workers, whether they are targeted or not by these strategies (ripple effect). To meet our goals, the research process was conducted in three steps. In Phase 1 several hypotheses were derived after reviewing the scientific literature. Phase 2 consisted of a data collection of union representatives and workers’ perceptions with semi-structured interviews. We then went on in phase 3 to a transcription of these interviews, and we analyzed results. Logical pairing methodology (Yin, 2009) was used in order to compare observed phenomena (fieldwork data) with predicted phenomena (theoretical and empirical predictions). After the last step, we concluded that fear campaigns were most frequent in response to unionizing threats with coercive tactics such as: closure of two organizational branches, propaganda speeches given to captive audience, an internal video, and so on. As a matter of fact, a prevailing sense of fear for collective interests (experienced by 86% of research participants) followed from recourse to anti-union tactics by management. Consequently, we observed that in effect anti-union tactics would have stopped the unionizing process in other organizational branches (64% of research participants said so), and so disrupted union campaigns in general. We also remark that many tactics were employed following the official recognition of unions while also threatening individual interests. Many side effects could be enumerated: increased worker discipline (72%), intimidations or threats (80%) and resignations caused by a bad organizational climate (50%).

為落實勞工團結權、團體協商權及爭議權，我國於2007年起陸續修正《工會法》、《團體協約法》及《勞資爭議處理法》，於2010年5月1日起施行，且參考美國與日本之立法，建立不當勞動行為裁決機制，以保障勞工權利不受侵害。 勞動三法修正對於集體勞資關係帶來重大影響，其中一項即為誠信協商制度之導入。根據修正後《團體協約法》第6條第1項之規範：「勞資雙方應本誠實信用原則，進行團體協約之協商；對於他方所提團體協約之協商，無正當理由者，不得拒絕。」規定今後勞資任一方若向他方請求協商時，他方不僅有回應的義務，且須以誠實信用原則為之。由於此制度我國尚處於起步之階段，許多問題須進一步檢討釐清。 因此，本文首先說明目前《團體協約法》所規範之團體協商制度，再從裁決委員會之裁決決定書當中，整理及分析我國實務上拒絕誠信協商之態樣。另外，再輔以說明美國法上誠信協商義務以及協商事項之重要類型、提供協商中必要資料義務之範圍，作為對我國誠信協商制度之啟示。 / To implement the right of employees to organize, bargain collectively, and strike, the government has revised “Labor Union Act”, “Collective Agreement Act” and “Act for Settlement of Labor-Management Disputes” since 2007, and finally has been in place since May 2011. In addition, the Labor Dispute Resolution Scheme for unfair labor practices also be structured by reference to the legislation of United States and Japan, to protect people from unfair labor practices. One of the biggest influences in the collective labor-management relations after the Legal amendments is to establish the principle of bargaining in good faith. According to Section 1 of Article 6 of the newly amended Collective Agreements Act, both the labor and the management shall proceed in good faith when bargaining for a collective agreement; any party without justifiable reasons cannot reject the collective bargaining proposed by the other party. Because it’s the first time to implement the institution in Taiwan, there are many questions in need of clarification. Therefore, this Article intends to introduce the collective bargaining scheme under the current Collective Agreements Act, and also sort out the decision of the Labor Dispute Resolution Scheme for unfair labor practices, attempt to analysize of the aspect of refusing to bargain in good faith in the practice. Moreover, the article is supplemented by the obligations and the important types of bargaining in good faith, the obligation of providing information necessary for the bargaining in the process in Unites States labour law, expected to have implications in Taiwan.

Cancer is regarded as a global disease and one of the leading killer diseases in the world. The reason why cancer is so widespread and often misunderstood stems from multiple factors, namely, the lack of knowledge about cancer, unfair discrimination of persons living with cancer, inadequate or inappropriate treatment provided to patients, the stigma attached to cancer, misdiagnosis and late diagnosis of persons living with cancer, as well as the inadequate provision of screening programs to detect cancer at an early stage. The combination of these issues raises alarming medico-legal problems that merit further attention. The thesis will explore the origin, nature, philosophical and clinical aspects pertaining to cancer, as well as legal issues related to cancer and oncology. The study will conclude with recommendations aimed at mitigating and addressing the shortcomings that exist in the medico-legal framework. The study will also draw on a legal comparison of relevant South African, English and American laws and regulations. Since this thesis entails focussing on medico-legal principles, the study will draw on aspects of medical law, labour law, law of contract, law of delict, constitutional law and criminal law. / Private Law / LL. D.