Résumé.La CGV, Confédération reliant cinq syndicats viticoles languedociens a été créée en 1907 pour agir en tant qu’institution de l’interaction en réponse à la crise méridionale par la défense du vin naturel en utilisant le moyen de la poursuite et de la répression des fraudes. Cette création en tension, dans le corps et dans le processus d’interaction, a été suivie de plusieurs séquences, réussite-résistance-déclin-extinction s’articulant chacune à partir de singularités dont l’étude n’avait à ce jour, jamais été exhaustivement menée. Il s’agissait d’observer comment cette histoire s’est écrite en termes d’unité, de puissance et de cohérence pour l’organisation, puis en termes d’interactions entretenues avec d’autres centres de pouvoir et particulièrement les pouvoirs publics nationaux, puis européens.Cette observation a pu s’appuyer à titre principal sur l’exploitation des archives de l’organisation déposées à Narbonne ainsi que sur d’autres fonds régionaux, nationaux et européens, sur celle de la presse régionale et nationale, généraliste et spécialisée et sur quelques entretiens avec des acteurs encore actifs durant la période d’observation.Les choix fondateurs de la CGV lui ont permis à la fois d’accéder à une hégémonie nationale institutionnellement reconnue et à l’intégration partielle de ses services par l’administration d’Etat. Cette reconnaissance, fondée sur des valeurs d’intérêt public unanimement partagées, est entrée en résonnance avec une puissance viticole régionale affirmée par le lien confédéral créé, devenue dominante dans la nation. Cette construction a atteint son apogée en 1922 avant d’amorcer une phase de déclin liée à la mise en œuvre de nouvelles priorités, à un affaiblissement interne de l’organisation et à l’évolution de la position de l’Etat souhaitant reprendre en main sa mission de service public. Ce retournement a été aggravé dès la fin du premier conflit mondial par des difficultés liées à la montée en puissance de nouvelles priorités concernant la régulation du marché (prix du vin, distillation et alcools, importations, fiscalité) puis son aménagement (solution à apporter au problème algérien). Ces difficultés, d’abord surmontées ont ensuite donné lieu à des situations de rupture qui ont finalement emporté la CGV. Restaurée entre 1930 et 1940 par la réussite du statut viticole, sa reconnaissance par les pouvoirs publics a d’abord été fortement altérée entre 1953 et 1956 par des orientations nationales qui se différenciaient des siennes et qui ont mis à mal son unité fondatrice et la solidité du lien confédéral. Après 1970, l’extension géographique du marché du vin à l’Europe et l’aggravation des tensions de la période précédente, transposées à une relation aux pouvoirs publics européens ont accéléré ce déclin. La CGVM, puissance viticole hégémonique en France, nationalement reconnue a progressivement reculé vers une situation de dépendance, aggravée après 1970 jusqu’à l’effacement. Cette histoire syndicale singulière s’est donc inscrite dans celle des rapports entretenus entre corps intermédiaires représentatifs et pouvoirs publics nationaux, puis européens. La CGV a d’abord bénéficié de l’intérêt qu’elle présentait en tant que puissance régionale et nationale représentative pour renforcer leur action, mais a ensuite été confrontée à un mouvement inverse d’affirmation autonome de leur mission de service public et de prise de décision guidées par une orientation capitaliste libérale en relation avec le poids de centres d’intérêts concurrents et antagonistes alors que sa représentativité s’affaiblissait jusqu’à l’extinction. / AbstractThe CGV, General Confederation for wine, is an organisation linking five Languedoc wine unions that was created in 1907 in order to act as an institution for interaction to answer the southern crisis with defending natural wine using prosecution and fraud repression. This creation being tense both in the interaction content and process, was followed by several sequences, success-resistance-decline-extinction, each articulated on the basis of singularities never comprehensively studied so far.It was about observing how this story was written in terms of unity, of power and consistency for the organisation, then in terms of interactions with other powerful centres and organisations and particularly national authorities, then European ones.This observation was primarily based on the exploitation of the archives of the organisation filed in Narbonne as well as on other regional, national and European funds, also based on the regional and national press, either general or specialised, and based finally on some interviews with still active players during the observation period.The founding choices of the CGV enabled this organisation both to reach an institutionally recognised national hegemony and a partial integration of its services by the state administration. This recognition, based on universally shared values of public interest, echoed with a regional wine-making power - a nationwide dominating organisation - stated by the creation of a confederate link. This construction reached its peak in 1922 before initiating a phase of decline linked to the implementation of new priorities, to an internal weakening of the organisation and to the evolution of the position of the State wishing to control back its public service mission.This reverse was aggravated by the end of the first world conflict by difficulties related to the rise of new priorities concerning market regulation (wine price, distillation and alcohol, imports, taxation) then its development (solution to be given to the Algerian problem). These difficulties, first overcome, and then gave rise to situations of break that finally ended the CGV.Restored between 1930 and 1940 by the success of the viticultural status, its recognition by the public authorities was first strongly altered between 1953 and 1956 by national orientations that differed from its own ones and that undermined the confederal bond founding unity and strength. After 1970, the geographical extension of the wine market to Europe and the worsening of the tensions of the previous period, transposed to a relation with the European public authorities accelerated that decline. The CGVM, hegemonic viticultural power in France, nationally recognised, gradually retreated into a situation of dependence, aggravated after 1970 and finally disappeared.This singular union history was therefore inscribed in the relationship maintained between representative intermediate bodies and national and European public authorities. The CGV first benefited from its interest as a representative regional and national power to strengthen their action, but was then confronted with a reverse movement of independent assertion of their public service mission and decision-making processes guided by a liberal capitalist orientation in relation to the weight of competing and antagonistic centres of interest while its representativity weakened to eventually end.

Au cours de la dernière décennie, le secteur manufacturier québécois a subi d’importantes transformations. La mondialisation ayant amené les entreprises à restructurer leurs activités, 96% des établissements manufacturiers québécois ont choisi d’avoir recours à la sous-traitance (Jalette, 2004). Or, nous savons que l’octroi de contrats en sous-traitance est un processus qui se révèle parfois décevant pour les entreprises. En raison de l’évolution de certains facteurs organisationnels internes ou externes qui contribue à changer le contexte au sein duquel les décisions de sous-traitance avaient été prises initialement (ex. : augmentation des coûts de main-d’œuvre et de transport, changements technologiques), il arrive que les entreprises renversent les décisions de sous-traitance par une décision d’internalisation (OCDE, 2013). Le concept d’internalisation réfère ici à l’action d’une entreprise de ramener vers un établissement des activités de production qui avaient été antérieurement transférées en dehors de celui-ci, et ce, que ce soit en raison d’une sous-traitance d’activités à une entreprise indépendante ou d’une délocalisation au sein d’un autre établissement de l’entreprise (Jalette & Chevance, 2008). La présente étude a pour objectif d’expliquer la décision managériale d’internalisation par le biais des dynamiques sociales inhérentes aux relations industrielles, en allant au-delà des seuls facteurs économiques. L’effet sur l’internalisation de quatre variables indépendantes liées aux relations industrielles est étudié, soit la capacité stratégique du syndicat local, la solidarité interne de l’acteur syndical local et sa solidarité externe, ainsi que le climat des relations patronales-syndicales. La typologie des positions syndicales de Jalette (2005), le modèle des ressources de pouvoir syndicales de Lévesque et Murray (2003) et les travaux de Dastmalchian (2008) traitant du climat des relations industrielles constituent le cadre théorique de cette recherche. La présente étude utilise des données recueillies dans le cadre d’une enquête par questionnaire réalisée en 2005 auprès de présidents de syndicats locaux affiliés à la CSD et à la FTQ qui œuvrent dans le secteur manufacturier québécois. L’étude révèle que 24% des syndicats locaux sondés ont vécu l’internalisation d’activités antérieurement sous-traitées dans les deux années précédentes au sondage. De plus, les résultats sont à l’effet que les chances d’internalisation d’activités augmentent lorsque plusieurs stratégies et actions visant l’internalisation sont adoptées par le syndicat local, lorsque la vie syndicale d’un syndicat local s’améliore et lorsque le temps de libération syndicale d’un syndicat local augmente. Toutefois, les chances d’internalisation d’activités diminuent lorsque le rapport de force d’un syndical local augmente. L’internalisation d’activités diminue également lorsque le climat des relations du travail se détériore. Bref, les résultats de cette recherche montrent que les syndicats n’ont pas qu’à subir la mondialisation et que, par leurs actions, ils sont à même d’en influencer le cours, notamment en favorisant l’internalisation d’activités antérieurement confiées en sous-traitance. / In the last decade, the Quebec manufacturing sector has undergone major transformations. Since globalization has led companies to restructure their operations, 96% of Quebec's manufacturing plants have chosen to use outsourcing as a strategy (Jalette, 2004). However, we are now aware that subcontracting is sometimes a disappointing process for businesses. Due to the evolution of some internal or external organizational factors, that contribute to change the context in which the subcontracting decisions were initially taken (eg. increased costs of labor and transportation, technological changes), businesses sometimes choose to overturn outsourcing decisions by opting for internalization (OECD, 2013). The concept of internalization refers to the action of a company to bring back to a plant an activity that had previously been transferred outside of it whether due to outsourcing activities in an independent company or due to relocation to another facility within the same company (Jalette & Chevance, 2008). This study aims to explain the managerial decision to internalize through social dynamics inherent to industrial relations, going beyond purely economic factors. The effect on internalization of four independent variables related to industrial relations is studied, namely the strategic capacity of the local union, the internal solidarity of the local union and its external solidarity, as well as the climate of labor-management relations. The theoretical framework of this research is made of Jalette’s typology of union positions (2005), Levesque and Murray’s union power resources model (2003), and the Dastmalchian (2008) work dealing with industrial relations climate. This study uses data collected through a questionnaire survey conducted in 2005 among presidents of local unions within the Quebec’s manufacturing sector and affiliated with the CSD and the FTQ. The study reveals that 24% of respondents experienced internalization of previously subcontracted activities in the two years preceding the survey. In addition, the results show that chances of internalizing activities increase when multiple strategies and actions aiming towards internalization are adopted by the local union, when the union life of a local union improves, and when union leave time increases. However, chances of internalizing activities decrease when the local union’s power level increases. Internalization also decreases when the climate of labor relations deteriorates. In short, the results of this research show that unions do not have to undergo globalization and, by their actions, they are able to influence its course, notably by promoting internalization of previously outsourced activities.

Pour devenir plus flexible, le secteur public a ouvert la voie à de nouveaux principes inspirés de la gestion propre aux firmes, soit la marchandisation des services (Fairbrother et Poynter, 2001). Notre recherche souhaite mieux comprendre les facteurs qui peuvent influencer l’implication du syndicat lorsque la marchandisation est introduite dans la gestion de la prestation des services municipaux. Pour se faire, nous avons choisi de comparer des cas des municipalités dans deux pays, la Ville de Québec et Edinburgh en Écosse, afin de nous aider à comprendre davantage les interactions entre les influences nationales et locales. Nous proposons que les ressources de pouvoir du syndicat local et la stratégie patronale influencent l’implication du syndicat dans la gestion de la prestation des services municipaux, peu importe le contexte national. Les résultats de la recherche nous indiquent que les ressources de pouvoir et la stratégie patronale influencent directement l’implication syndicale. Alors que les ressources de pouvoir donnent un rapport de force au syndicat face à l’employeur, la stratégie patronale peut encourager ou freiner l'implication syndicale. Nos résultats ont aussi soulevé certaines différences entre les contextes nationaux de l’Écosse et du Québec affectant l’implication syndicale: les législations de « Best Value » au Royaume-Uni et celles encadrant les conventions collectives et relations de travail au Québec. Ainsi, des recherches futures sont nécessaires pour mettre à l’épreuve les modèles nationaux couramment utilisés en relations industrielles pour contribuer à la création d’une nouvelle théorie comparative. / In order to become more flexible, the public sector has opened the way to new principles inspired by the private sector: the marketisation of services (Fairbrother et Poynter, 2001). Our research aims to better understand the factors which affect the participation of trade unions when marketisation is introduced in the delivery of local government services. To do so, we have decided to compare local government case studies in two different countries, Québec City and Edinburgh in Scotland, to help us better understand the interactions between local and national influences. Our hypothesis is that local trade union power resources and the employer’s strategy will influence trade union participation in the management of local government service delivery, regardless of the national context. The main findings of our research suggest that power resources and employer stategy both directly affect local trade union involvement in the management of local government service delivery. While power resources help to bolster the trade union’s power, the employer strategy can either encourage or impare trade union participation. Our results also raised differences relating to the national contexts of the UK and Québec which affected local trade union participation : « Best Value » legislation in the UK and « Code du Travail » legislation which frame collective agreements and industrial relations in Québec. We consider that future research on the subject is necessary in order to verify the current models on national industrial relations and to develop new comparative theories.

Le monde du travail connaît actuellement de grandes transformations. Le modèle nord-américain d’organisation syndicale ne semble plus permettre au mouvement syndical de répondre efficacement à ces transformations, favorisant le développement de plusieurs initiatives de renouveau syndical. Pour évaluer les impacts d’initiatives de renouveau syndical, nous avons développé un modèle basé sur le concept de zone syndicale (Haiven, 2003, 2006). Nous avons dû déterminer les facteurs définissant la zone syndicale, comme la littérature était muette à ce sujet. En utilisant d’abord la théorie des déterminants de la densité syndicale (Schnabel, 2003), nous avons intégré au modèle les éléments de la théorie des ressources du pouvoir syndical (Lévesque et Murray, 2010) pour considérer les facteurs internes aux syndicats qui influencent la zone syndicale. L’intégration de ces trois théories dans un modèle unifié constitue une innovation théorique significative. Le modèle a été appliqué à deux centres de travailleurs : le Vermont Workers Center et le Centre des Travailleurs de St-Rémi. Dans les deux cas, ces initiatives ont permis d’élargir la zone syndicale. Par contre, le Centre du Vermont applique les principes du syndicalisme communautaire, en cherchant à développer du leaderhsip chez ses membres (Cranford et Ladd, 2013), alors que celui de St-Rémi applique un syndicalisme de mobilisation, où le leadership s’exerce par les organisateurs syndicaux (Camfield, 2007). Cette différence et leurs différents mandats font que les impacts des deux cas étudiés diffèrent. D’autres études sont nécessaires pour améliorer le modèle proposé. Ce dernier demeure malgré tout un outil pour les chercheurs ou les syndicats qui veulent évaluer des initiatives ou des pratiques syndicales et permettre, à terme, d’augmenter l’influence du mouvement syndical sur le marché du travail et la société. / The labor market is undergoing major changes. The north-american model of union organization seems to not allow the labor movement to respond effectively to these changes, which have contributed to the development of several union renewal initiatives. To evaluate the impacts of union renewal initiatives, we have developped a model based on the concept of union zone (Haiven 2003, 2006). We had to determine the factors defining the union zone, as the litterature was silent about that subject. Using at first the theory of the determinants of the union density (Schnabel, 2003), we have integrated elements of the theory of union power resources (Lévesque and Murray, 2010) to the model to consider the internal factors for the unions that can influence the union zone. The integration of these three theories in one unified model constitute a significant theoritical innovation. The model was applied to two workers centers : the Vermont Workers Center and the St-Rémi Workers Center. In both cases, these union renewal initiatives have enlarged the union zone. On the other side, the Vermont center applies the principles of community unionism, seeking to develop leadership among its members (Cranford and Ladd, 2003), while the St-Rémi center applies the principles of mobilization unionism, in which leadership is exercised rather by union organizers (Camfield, 2007). This difference and their different mandates made the impacts in the two studied cases different. Further studies are needed to improve the proposed model. It remains a tool that can be useful for researchers or unions who want to evaluate the impacts of union initiatives or practices and, eventually, increase the influence of the labor movement on the labor market and society.

A presente tese tem por objetivo analisar o Poder da União na Amazônia, sobretudo sua hipertrofia no espaço territorial de Roraima, tendo como marco temporal as ações políticas desenvolvidas a partir do Governo Vargas até Lula, a evidenciar dois períodos bem distintos para Amazônia brasileira. O desenvolvimentismo e a defesa nacional do Governo Vargas e dos Militares (1943-1985) e o da integração internacional e desenvolvimento sustentável, especialmente a partir do Governo Collor (1992) até o Governo Lula. Paralelamente ao tempo histórico da pesquisa, o surgimento do ambientalismo internacional, o fortalecimento dos mecanismos de proteção a um ambiente saudável e a absorção das demandas ambientais e dos interesses indígenas em texto constitucional produzido em ambiente democrático no Brasil/88, ocorre mudança de paradigma nas políticas públicas do Governo Federal para Amazônia. O desenvolvimento e a segurança nacional cedem espaço para uma postura eminentemente preservacionista do ambiente amazônico. A pesquisa confirma a supremacia do Poder da União na Amazônia e o seu desmedido uso quanto a restrição territorial do Estado de Roraima, em afronta ao pacto federativo estabelecido pela Constituição da República/88. A União não reparte equitativamente as obrigações de proteger o meio ambiente nacional entre as unidades federativas, impondo unilateralmente maiores restrições quanto ao uso das terras na região amazônica (periferia), em especial Roraima. É preciso uma postura menos centralizadora e mais cooperativa da União, compreendendo o pluralismo da amazônia brasileira em cada uma das suas unidades federativas com mais independência externa, permitindo-lhes não apenas conservar, mas também produzir e incluir, buscando o almejado desenvolvimento sustentável. / This doctoral thesis aims to analyze the Union Power in the Amazon, especially its enlargement in the sovereign territory of Roraima, with the time frame political actions developed from the Government Vargas to Lula, to high light two distinct periods for the Brazilian Amazon. The developmentalism and national defense Government and Military Vargas (1943-1985) and the international integration and sustainable development, especially from the Collor government (1992) to Lula’s Government. Parallel to the history of research time, the emergence of international environmentalism, strengthening protection mechanisms to a healthy environment and absorption of environmental demands and indigenous interests in the constitutional text produced in democratic environment in Brazil / 88 occurs paradigm shift in public policy of the Federal Government to Amazon. The development and national security give way to an eminently conservationist stanceof the Amazonian environment. The research confirms the supremacy of Union Power in the Amazon and its excessive use as a territorial restriction of the State of Roraima, going against the federal pact established by the Constitution of the Republic / 88. The Union does not divide evenly obligations to protect the national environment among federal units, unilaterally imposing greater restrictions on the use of land in the Amazon region (periphery), especially Roraima. A less centralized approach and more cooperative Union, with more external independence, including the pluralism of the Brazilian Amazon in each of its federal units, allowing them to not only conserve but also produce and include, seeking the desired sustainable development is necessary. / Esta tesis tiene como objetivo analizar la Unión de alimentación en el Amazonas, en especial de su ampliación en el territorio soberano de Roraima, con las acciones políticas desarrolladas marco temporal de la Vargas Gobierno de Lula, para poner de relieve dos períodos distintos de la Amazonia brasileña. El desarrollismo y la defensa nacional y el Gobierno Militar Vargas (1943-1985) y la integración internacional y el desarrollo sostenible, especialmente por parte del gobierno de Collor (1992) para el gobierno de Lula. Paralelamente a la historia del tiempo de investigación, la aparición del ecologismo internacional, el fortalecimiento de los mecanismos de protección al medio ambiente sano y la absorción de las demandas ambientales y los intereses indígenas en el texto constitucional producidos en ambiente democrático en Brasil / 88 se produce cambio de paradigma en la política pública del Gobierno Federal a Amazon. El desarrollo y la seguridad nacional dan paso a una postura eminentemente conservacionista del medio ambiente amazónico. La investigación confirma la supremacía de la Unión de energía en el Amazonas y su uso excesivo como una restricción territorial del Estado de Roraima, que va en contra del pacto federal que establece la Constitución de la República / 88. La Unión no divide uniformemente obligaciones de proteger el medio ambiente nacional entre las unidades federales, imponiendo unilateralmente mayores restricciones en el uso de la tierra en la región amazónica (periferia), especialmente Roraima. Se necesita una postura menos centralizada y más cooperativo de la Unión, incluido el pluralismo en la Amazonia brasileña en cada una de sus unidades federales con independencia externa, lo que les permite no sólo conservar, sino también producen e incluyen, buscando el desarrollo sostenible deseado.

<p>The aim of this thesis is to use a power perspective to describe the workers’ struggle for co-determination in the Swedish labour market during the period 1890–1939. The study explores how trade unions in general attempted to limit article 23, which asserted employers’ control over hiring and dismissal. At the same time the study clarifies differences in union power between various groups of workers. The prevalent historical view regarding the distribution of power in the labour market is thus questioned.</p><p>The study shows that workers were not powerless before the Saltsjöbaden agreement in 1938. In certain areas workers, through their unions, already at the beginning of the 20th century had fairly good possibilities of influencing both hiring and dismissal. Collective agreements that were entered into before the defeat of the workers in the great conflict in the Swedish labour market in 1909, as well as collective agreements signed during the 1920s and 1930s, can make both the Saltsjöbaden agreement and present-day regulations look “hostile to workers”. In collective agreements workers achieved considerable limitations of employers’ arbitrary freedom to hire and dismiss workers. Certain unions could control their labour market efficiently by means of a labour exchange of their own. The development, however, varied over time and between different trade unions. Business cycles generally influenced how much power unions could exert. Access to power resources and other conditions varied between different workers’ groups. While some attained considerable power over hiring and dismissal, others had no possibilities of taking part in decision-making.</p>

The aim of this thesis is to use a power perspective to describe the workers’ struggle for co-determination in the Swedish labour market during the period 1890–1939. The study explores how trade unions in general attempted to limit article 23, which asserted employers’ control over hiring and dismissal. At the same time the study clarifies differences in union power between various groups of workers. The prevalent historical view regarding the distribution of power in the labour market is thus questioned. The study shows that workers were not powerless before the Saltsjöbaden agreement in 1938. In certain areas workers, through their unions, already at the beginning of the 20th century had fairly good possibilities of influencing both hiring and dismissal. Collective agreements that were entered into before the defeat of the workers in the great conflict in the Swedish labour market in 1909, as well as collective agreements signed during the 1920s and 1930s, can make both the Saltsjöbaden agreement and present-day regulations look “hostile to workers”. In collective agreements workers achieved considerable limitations of employers’ arbitrary freedom to hire and dismiss workers. Certain unions could control their labour market efficiently by means of a labour exchange of their own. The development, however, varied over time and between different trade unions. Business cycles generally influenced how much power unions could exert. Access to power resources and other conditions varied between different workers’ groups. While some attained considerable power over hiring and dismissal, others had no possibilities of taking part in decision-making.

A presente tese tem por objetivo analisar o Poder da União na Amazônia, sobretudo sua hipertrofia no espaço territorial de Roraima, tendo como marco temporal as ações políticas desenvolvidas a partir do Governo Vargas até Lula, a evidenciar dois períodos bem distintos para Amazônia brasileira. O desenvolvimentismo e a defesa nacional do Governo Vargas e dos Militares (1943-1985) e o da integração internacional e desenvolvimento sustentável, especialmente a partir do Governo Collor (1992) até o Governo Lula. Paralelamente ao tempo histórico da pesquisa, o surgimento do ambientalismo internacional, o fortalecimento dos mecanismos de proteção a um ambiente saudável e a absorção das demandas ambientais e dos interesses indígenas em texto constitucional produzido em ambiente democrático no Brasil/88, ocorre mudança de paradigma nas políticas públicas do Governo Federal para Amazônia. O desenvolvimento e a segurança nacional cedem espaço para uma postura eminentemente preservacionista do ambiente amazônico. A pesquisa confirma a supremacia do Poder da União na Amazônia e o seu desmedido uso quanto a restrição territorial do Estado de Roraima, em afronta ao pacto federativo estabelecido pela Constituição da República/88. A União não reparte equitativamente as obrigações de proteger o meio ambiente nacional entre as unidades federativas, impondo unilateralmente maiores restrições quanto ao uso das terras na região amazônica (periferia), em especial Roraima. É preciso uma postura menos centralizadora e mais cooperativa da União, compreendendo o pluralismo da amazônia brasileira em cada uma das suas unidades federativas com mais independência externa, permitindo-lhes não apenas conservar, mas também produzir e incluir, buscando o almejado desenvolvimento sustentável. / This doctoral thesis aims to analyze the Union Power in the Amazon, especially its enlargement in the sovereign territory of Roraima, with the time frame political actions developed from the Government Vargas to Lula, to high light two distinct periods for the Brazilian Amazon. The developmentalism and national defense Government and Military Vargas (1943-1985) and the international integration and sustainable development, especially from the Collor government (1992) to Lula’s Government. Parallel to the history of research time, the emergence of international environmentalism, strengthening protection mechanisms to a healthy environment and absorption of environmental demands and indigenous interests in the constitutional text produced in democratic environment in Brazil / 88 occurs paradigm shift in public policy of the Federal Government to Amazon. The development and national security give way to an eminently conservationist stanceof the Amazonian environment. The research confirms the supremacy of Union Power in the Amazon and its excessive use as a territorial restriction of the State of Roraima, going against the federal pact established by the Constitution of the Republic / 88. The Union does not divide evenly obligations to protect the national environment among federal units, unilaterally imposing greater restrictions on the use of land in the Amazon region (periphery), especially Roraima. A less centralized approach and more cooperative Union, with more external independence, including the pluralism of the Brazilian Amazon in each of its federal units, allowing them to not only conserve but also produce and include, seeking the desired sustainable development is necessary. / Esta tesis tiene como objetivo analizar la Unión de alimentación en el Amazonas, en especial de su ampliación en el territorio soberano de Roraima, con las acciones políticas desarrolladas marco temporal de la Vargas Gobierno de Lula, para poner de relieve dos períodos distintos de la Amazonia brasileña. El desarrollismo y la defensa nacional y el Gobierno Militar Vargas (1943-1985) y la integración internacional y el desarrollo sostenible, especialmente por parte del gobierno de Collor (1992) para el gobierno de Lula. Paralelamente a la historia del tiempo de investigación, la aparición del ecologismo internacional, el fortalecimiento de los mecanismos de protección al medio ambiente sano y la absorción de las demandas ambientales y los intereses indígenas en el texto constitucional producidos en ambiente democrático en Brasil / 88 se produce cambio de paradigma en la política pública del Gobierno Federal a Amazon. El desarrollo y la seguridad nacional dan paso a una postura eminentemente conservacionista del medio ambiente amazónico. La investigación confirma la supremacía de la Unión de energía en el Amazonas y su uso excesivo como una restricción territorial del Estado de Roraima, que va en contra del pacto federal que establece la Constitución de la República / 88. La Unión no divide uniformemente obligaciones de proteger el medio ambiente nacional entre las unidades federales, imponiendo unilateralmente mayores restricciones en el uso de la tierra en la región amazónica (periferia), especialmente Roraima. Se necesita una postura menos centralizada y más cooperativo de la Unión, incluido el pluralismo en la Amazonia brasileña en cada una de sus unidades federales con independencia externa, lo que les permite no sólo conservar, sino también producen e incluyen, buscando el desarrollo sostenible deseado.

A presente tese tem por objetivo analisar o Poder da União na Amazônia, sobretudo sua hipertrofia no espaço territorial de Roraima, tendo como marco temporal as ações políticas desenvolvidas a partir do Governo Vargas até Lula, a evidenciar dois períodos bem distintos para Amazônia brasileira. O desenvolvimentismo e a defesa nacional do Governo Vargas e dos Militares (1943-1985) e o da integração internacional e desenvolvimento sustentável, especialmente a partir do Governo Collor (1992) até o Governo Lula. Paralelamente ao tempo histórico da pesquisa, o surgimento do ambientalismo internacional, o fortalecimento dos mecanismos de proteção a um ambiente saudável e a absorção das demandas ambientais e dos interesses indígenas em texto constitucional produzido em ambiente democrático no Brasil/88, ocorre mudança de paradigma nas políticas públicas do Governo Federal para Amazônia. O desenvolvimento e a segurança nacional cedem espaço para uma postura eminentemente preservacionista do ambiente amazônico. A pesquisa confirma a supremacia do Poder da União na Amazônia e o seu desmedido uso quanto a restrição territorial do Estado de Roraima, em afronta ao pacto federativo estabelecido pela Constituição da República/88. A União não reparte equitativamente as obrigações de proteger o meio ambiente nacional entre as unidades federativas, impondo unilateralmente maiores restrições quanto ao uso das terras na região amazônica (periferia), em especial Roraima. É preciso uma postura menos centralizadora e mais cooperativa da União, compreendendo o pluralismo da amazônia brasileira em cada uma das suas unidades federativas com mais independência externa, permitindo-lhes não apenas conservar, mas também produzir e incluir, buscando o almejado desenvolvimento sustentável. / This doctoral thesis aims to analyze the Union Power in the Amazon, especially its enlargement in the sovereign territory of Roraima, with the time frame political actions developed from the Government Vargas to Lula, to high light two distinct periods for the Brazilian Amazon. The developmentalism and national defense Government and Military Vargas (1943-1985) and the international integration and sustainable development, especially from the Collor government (1992) to Lula’s Government. Parallel to the history of research time, the emergence of international environmentalism, strengthening protection mechanisms to a healthy environment and absorption of environmental demands and indigenous interests in the constitutional text produced in democratic environment in Brazil / 88 occurs paradigm shift in public policy of the Federal Government to Amazon. The development and national security give way to an eminently conservationist stanceof the Amazonian environment. The research confirms the supremacy of Union Power in the Amazon and its excessive use as a territorial restriction of the State of Roraima, going against the federal pact established by the Constitution of the Republic / 88. The Union does not divide evenly obligations to protect the national environment among federal units, unilaterally imposing greater restrictions on the use of land in the Amazon region (periphery), especially Roraima. A less centralized approach and more cooperative Union, with more external independence, including the pluralism of the Brazilian Amazon in each of its federal units, allowing them to not only conserve but also produce and include, seeking the desired sustainable development is necessary. / Esta tesis tiene como objetivo analizar la Unión de alimentación en el Amazonas, en especial de su ampliación en el territorio soberano de Roraima, con las acciones políticas desarrolladas marco temporal de la Vargas Gobierno de Lula, para poner de relieve dos períodos distintos de la Amazonia brasileña. El desarrollismo y la defensa nacional y el Gobierno Militar Vargas (1943-1985) y la integración internacional y el desarrollo sostenible, especialmente por parte del gobierno de Collor (1992) para el gobierno de Lula. Paralelamente a la historia del tiempo de investigación, la aparición del ecologismo internacional, el fortalecimiento de los mecanismos de protección al medio ambiente sano y la absorción de las demandas ambientales y los intereses indígenas en el texto constitucional producidos en ambiente democrático en Brasil / 88 se produce cambio de paradigma en la política pública del Gobierno Federal a Amazon. El desarrollo y la seguridad nacional dan paso a una postura eminentemente conservacionista del medio ambiente amazónico. La investigación confirma la supremacía de la Unión de energía en el Amazonas y su uso excesivo como una restricción territorial del Estado de Roraima, que va en contra del pacto federal que establece la Constitución de la República / 88. La Unión no divide uniformemente obligaciones de proteger el medio ambiente nacional entre las unidades federales, imponiendo unilateralmente mayores restricciones en el uso de la tierra en la región amazónica (periferia), especialmente Roraima. Se necesita una postura menos centralizada y más cooperativo de la Unión, incluido el pluralismo en la Amazonia brasileña en cada una de sus unidades federales con independencia externa, lo que les permite no sólo conservar, sino también producen e incluyen, buscando el desarrollo sostenible deseado.

Student Number : 0376246 - PhD thesis - School of Humanities - Faculty of Arts / This thesis examines the building of power and how workers’ control and union independence augmented or detracted from this process in the National Union of Metalworkers and its predecessors from the 1980s to the mid 1990s. These unions aimed to accrue power to improve both their members’ working conditions and to effect political and economic transformation. In this process the building of non-racial national industrial unions that cut across the ethnically constituted state, the promotion of workers’ control, and political independence from formal political organisations were central. This thesis demonstrates how Numsa and its predecessors overcame obstacles to the accrual of power and scrutinizes reasons for failures in achieving pivotal ideological goals. In the early 1980s Numsa’s predecessors constructed greater degrees of democratic organizational and bureaucratic power. The formation of Numsa in 1987 allowed for the further construction of an efficient bureaucracy to support organizational and bargaining activities. It successfully forged national bargaining forums and built hegemony across the industry. In 1993 Numsa adopted a programme through which it hoped to restructure its industries in the transitional period leading up to a new democracy. It failed however to successfully implement the programme in its entirety. Tensions emerged in union goals as membership remained focused on increased wages whilst leadership was attempting to restructure industry, enhance worker skills and augment workers’ control in the workplace. In the political sphere Numsa was largely unable to effect a deeper infusion of its socialist leanings. Though Numsa and other Cosatu unions made an important contribution to the birth of a non-racial democracy, the capitalist state succeeded in demobilizing the trade unions in their pursuit of more fundamental systemic change. By the time Numsa produced the concept of a Reconstruction Accord, later developed into the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP), the space to popularise a socialist perspective had been considerably reduced. Although Numsa forewent its early `party autonomous` position when Cosatu entered the ANC/SACP alliance, this was clearly far from a `state ancillary` stance. Though labour had won the right to be consulted in Nedlac and the right to strike, the possibility of dissent being diverted into bureaucratic chambers existed with a consequent loss of militant, strategic and ideological focus. Key words: trade union power, workers control, trade union independence, National Union of Metalworkers of South Africa (NUMSA), National Automobile & Allied Workers Union (Naawu), Metal & Allied Workers Union (Mawu), Motor Industry Combined Workers Union (Micwu), post 1980 metal unions, metal union politics, metal union bargaining, metal union organisation, trade union alliances, trade unions and violence